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Flashpoint: Pakistan in Crisis
To approach Rabwah, home to Pakistan’s minority Ahmadi sect, it is necessary to pass through Chiniot, an ancient town said to have been first populated by Alexander the Great of Macedonia, in 326 BC . Today, Chiniot, which stands amidst the lush green countryside of the Punjab province, is known chiefly for its skilled furniture craftsmen. The town is a bustling, but run-down urban centre – the cascading monsoon rain failing to wash away the grime and squalor that hangs all around. It is on the peeling, yellow-plastered walls of Chiniot that the first signs of the hatred directed against the Ahmadi community appear. The movement – named for its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian (located in the Indian Punjab) – Karachi broke away from mainstream Islam in 1889. The slogans, etched out in the flowing Urdu script, call on Muslims to ‘Kill Ahmadi non-believers’. apparent every official building is heavily fortified – Rabwah, a town of some 50,000 people, houses even the holy places and the parks – testifying to the the largest concentration of Ahmadis in Pakistan. fact that Rabwah remains a town under siege. Flashpoint Overall, there are an estimated 1.5 million Ahmadis While the 1974 decision against Ahmadis was met in the country amongst a population of 55 million by anger within the community, worse was to come. In people. Rabwah was built on 1,000 acres of land 1984, military dictator General Zia ul-Haq, as part of purchased from the Pakistan government in 1948 by policies aimed at ‘Islamizing’ the country, introduced a Pakistan in Crisis: the Ahmaddiya Muslim community, to house set of laws that, among other restrictions, barred Ahmadis who were forced to leave India amidst the Ahmadis from preaching their faith, calling their places tumultuous partition of the subcontinent in 1947, of worship ‘masjids’ (the term used by mainstream which resulted in the creation of the mainly Muslim Muslims) and from calling themselves Muslim. -
Makers-Of-Modern-Sindh-Feb-2020
Sindh Madressah’s Roll of Honor MAKERS OF MODERN SINDH Lives of 25 Luminaries Sindh Madressah’s Roll of Honor MAKERS OF MODERN SINDH Lives of 25 Luminaries Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh SMIU Press Karachi Alma-Mater of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi Aiwan-e-Tijarat Road, Karachi-74000 Pakistan. This book under title Sindh Madressah’s Roll of Honour MAKERS OF MODERN SINDH Lives of 25 Luminaries Written by Professor Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh 1st Edition, Published under title Luminaries of the Land in November 1999 Present expanded edition, Published in March 2020 By Sindh Madressatul Islam University Price Rs. 1000/- SMIU Press Karachi Copyright with the author Published by SMIU Press, Karachi Aiwan-e-Tijarat Road, Karachi-74000, Pakistan All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any from or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote brief passage in a review Dedicated to loving memory of my parents Preface ‘It is said that Sindh produces two things – men and sands – great men and sandy deserts.’ These words were voiced at the floor of the Bombay’s Legislative Council in March 1936 by Sir Rafiuddin Ahmed, while bidding farewell to his colleagues from Sindh, who had won autonomy for their province and were to go back there. The four names of great men from Sindh that he gave, included three former students of Sindh Madressah. Today, in 21st century, it gives pleasure that Sindh Madressah has kept alive that tradition of producing great men to serve the humanity. -
September 2017
SPECIAL FEATURE HH Prince Karim Aga Khan 2017 Reg. ss-973 September INSIDE AFGHANISTAN PAKISTAN INDIA NEIGHBOUR Whither War? New Wine in New Bottles Birth of a New Axis Border Trouble Revolving Door The office of the Prime Minister in Pakistan seems to have a revolving door that prime ministers use to vacate their office before their term is up. Why does this happen? Contents 12 Mujhe KiyunNikala? No prime minister has completed his term in Pakistan. Afghanistan Whither War? A new U.S. policy to 28 end the war. Pakistan Sri Lanka 22 Back to Square One New Wine in Inviting the Tamils back. New Bottles 30 Trump is for loans, not aid. The Maldives Rabbit Hole of Dictatorship 32 Democratically elected president tries iron hand. 26 Bangladesh Limping Judiciary Legal tussle in a country where democracy is supposed to be supreme. 4 SOUTHASIA • SEPTEMBER 2017 REGULAR FEATURES Editor’s Mail 8 On Record 9 Briefs 10 COVER STORY Mujhe Kiyun Nikala? 12 Term Stinted 14 The Judiciary’s Role 16 Legacy of Failure 18 REGION India Birth of a New Axis 20 Pakistan New Wine in New Bottles 22 All In The Family 24 42 Bangladesh International Limping Judiciary 26 Canadian Politics Afghanistan The other side of Trudeau. Whither War? 28 Sri Lanka Back to Square One 30 The Maldives Rabbit Hole of Dictatorship 32 OPINION 54 Pakistan at 70 – A Personal Perspective 34 Crime SPECIAL FEATURE Wronged Women Bangladeshi women HH Prince Karim Aga Khan 37 need more security. INTERNATIONAL The Reluctant Prime Minister 42 NEIGHBOUR Forgotten People 44 Infrastructure FEATURES Bridge of Gender Equality Determination What’s in a Name! 48 The Padma Bridge is fast 50 nearing completion. -
Blasphemy Laws in Pakistan
Blasphemy Laws in Pakistan A Historical Overview Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), Islamabad House#36-B, Street#30, F-8/1 Tel: 051-8314801-03, Fax: 051-8314801 www.crss.pk 0 Acknowledgements CRSS owes its gratitude to Mohammad Nafees, Senior Research Fellow (CRSS) for writing this report. Thanks also to Zeeshan Haider (CRSS Media Consultant) and to Imdad Ullah, Senior Research Fellow, CRSS for useful editing contributions to this valuable report. CRSS also thanks Peace Education and Development (PEAD) Foundation for helping out with the publication of this report. 1 Contents Executive Summary 4 Introduction 6 Chapter 1: British India and blasphemy laws History of blasphemy laws 295, 296, & 298 8 Chapter 2: Political background of Pre-partition India Two nation theory in its inception 10 Hindu-Muslim unity and disunity 12 Introduction to blasphemy law 295A 13 Causes for introduction of blasphemy law 295A 14 Chapter 3: Blasphemy laws before Zia-ul-Haq era 19 Chapter 4: Blasphemy laws after Zia-ul-Haq era: 21 Introduction of new blasphemy laws 21 Chapter 5: Historical background of communal riots in Pakistan 24 Political challenges of the new country 24 Communal riots in Punjab and East Pakistan 25 Communal hatred – a breeding ground for dictatorship in Pakistan 29 Chapter 6: Controversies of new blasphemy laws 34 Ambiguity of blasphemy laws 35 A study of blasphemy law 295C 36 Punishment of blasphemy laws in Pakistan and other Muslim countries 39 Chapter 7: Use and Misuse of the blasphemy laws 42 Unprecedented rise of blasphemy -
Defining Shariʿa the Politics of Islamic Judicial Review by Shoaib
Defining Shariʿa The Politics of Islamic Judicial Review By Shoaib A. Ghias A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Jurisprudence and Social Policy in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Malcolm M. Feeley, Chair Professor Martin M. Shapiro Professor Asad Q. Ahmed Summer 2015 Defining Shariʿa The Politics of Islamic Judicial Review © 2015 By Shoaib A. Ghias Abstract Defining Shariʿa: The Politics of Islamic Judicial Review by Shoaib A. Ghias Doctor of Philosophy in Jurisprudence and Social Policy University of California, Berkeley Professor Malcolm M. Feeley, Chair Since the Islamic resurgence of the 1970s, many Muslim postcolonial countries have established and empowered constitutional courts to declare laws conflicting with shariʿa as unconstitutional. The central question explored in this dissertation is whether and to what extent constitutional doctrine developed in shariʿa review is contingent on the ruling regime or represents lasting trends in interpretations of shariʿa. Using the case of Pakistan, this dissertation contends that the long-term discursive trends in shariʿa are determined in the religio-political space and only reflected in state law through the interaction of shariʿa politics, regime politics, and judicial politics. The research is based on materials gathered during fieldwork in Pakistan and datasets of Federal Shariat Court and Supreme Court cases and judges. In particular, the dissertation offers a political-institutional framework to study shariʿa review in a British postcolonial court system through exploring the role of professional and scholar judges, the discretion of the chief justice, the system of judicial appointments and tenure, and the political structure of appeal that combine to make courts agents of the political regime. -
Partition and Independence of India: 1924 Chair: Usama Bin Shafqat Committee Chair: Person ‘Year Director
Partition and Independence of India: 1924 Chair: Usama Bin Shafqat Committee Chair: Person ‘year Director: Partition and Independence of India: 1924 PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair’s Letter………………………………………………………...…..3 Short History……………………………………………………………..5 The Brief – 1924…………………………………………………………7 Sources to Consider……………………………………………………...8 Roles……………………………………………………………………..9 Maps……………………………………………………………………12 2 Partition and Independence of India: 1924 PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, Welcome to one of the most uniquely exciting committees at PMUNC 2015! My name is Usama Bin Shafqat and I will be your chair as we engage in a throwback to the events that continue to define lives for more than a billion people today. I am from Islamabad, Pakistan and will be a sophomore this year—tentatively majoring in Operations Research and Financial Engineering. Model UN has always been my IR indulgence in an otherwise scientific education as I culminated my high school career by serving as the Secretary-General for the largest conference in Islamabad—the Millennial Model UN 2013. I’ve continued Model UN here at Princeton by helping out with both PMUNC and PICSIM last year—in Operations and Crisis, respectively. Outside of Model UN, I’m a major foodie and love cricket. This will be a historical crisis committee where we chart our own path through a subcontinent where the British are fast losing grip over their largest colony. We shall convene in the 1920s as political parties within India begin engaging with the masses and stand up more forcefully against the British Empire. Our emphasis will be on the interplay between the major parties in the discussions—the British, the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. -
PAKISTAN: Human Rights After Martial Law
PAKISTAN: Human Rights After Martial Law Report of a Mission by Judge Gustaf Petren, Sweden Mrs. Helen Cull, New Zealand Mr. Jeremy McBride, United Kingdom Mr. D. Ravindran, ICJ, Geneva V:al c o m m is s io n o f jurists V * v- - f V.Wt *1m * . • IfT-. ’•S'.V- . t • ' i ' v : tip PAKISTAN: Human Rights After Martial Law Report of a Mission by Judge Gustaf Petren, Sweden Mrs. Helen Cull, New Zealand Mr. Jeremy McBride, United Kingdom Mr. D. Ravindran, ICJ, Geneva L I &Z W International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) Geneva, Switzerland *P f\ K Copyright ©, International Commission of Jurists, 1987 ISBN 92 9037 033 5 Contents Preface ................................................................................................. Conclusions agreed by the members of the ICJ mission to Pakistan CHAPTER I The Constitutional Situation.............................................................. Basic Principles .......................................................................... Fundamental Rights .................................................................. Martial L aw .................................................................................. Further Constitutional Developments during Martial Law Lifting of Martial Law.................................................................. The Ombudsman.......................................................................... General Observations.................................................................. CHAPTER II Martial Law and its Effect on Representative Government............ -
Mapping Pakistan's Internal Dynamics
the national bureau of asian research nbr special report #55 | february 2016 mapping pakistan’s internal dynamics Implications for State Stability and Regional Security By Mumtaz Ahmad, Dipankar Banerjee, Aryaman Bhatnagar, C. Christine Fair, Vanda Felbab-Brown, Husain Haqqani, Mahin Karim, Tariq A. Karim, Vivek Katju, C. Raja Mohan, Matthew J. Nelson, and Jayadeva Ranade cover 2 NBR Board of Directors Charles W. Brady George Davidson Tom Robertson (Chairman) Vice Chairman, M&A, Asia-Pacific Vice President and Chairman Emeritus HSBC Holdings plc Deputy General Counsel Invesco LLC Microsoft Corporation Norman D. Dicks John V. Rindlaub Senior Policy Advisor Gordon Smith (Vice Chairman and Treasurer) Van Ness Feldman LLP Chief Operating Officer President, Asia Pacific Exact Staff, Inc. Wells Fargo Richard J. Ellings President Scott Stoll George F. Russell Jr. NBR Partner (Chairman Emeritus) Ernst & Young LLP Chairman Emeritus R. Michael Gadbaw Russell Investments Distinguished Visiting Fellow David K.Y. Tang Institute of International Economic Law, Managing Partner, Asia Karan Bhatia Georgetown University Law Center K&L Gates LLP Vice President & Senior Counsel International Law & Policy Ryo Kubota Tadataka Yamada General Electric Chairman, President, and CEO Venture Partner Acucela Inc. Frazier Healthcare Dennis Blair Chairman Melody Meyer President Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Honorary Directors U.S. Navy (Ret.) Chevron Asia Pacific Exploration and Production Company Maria Livanos Cattaui Chevron Corporation Lawrence W. Clarkson Secretary General (Ret.) Senior Vice President International Chamber of Commerce Pamela S. Passman The Boeing Company (Ret.) President and CEO William M. Colton Center for Responsible Enterprise Thomas E. Fisher Vice President and Trade (CREATe) Senior Vice President Corporate Strategic Planning Unocal Corporation (Ret.) Exxon Mobil Corporation C. -
View/Open: GUIX-501-01-14-W5B-S2.Pdf
Terrorism in South Asia: Identity Politics in a New Pakistani State So this was the challenge of the new state. Jinnah had to figure out how to create a bureaucratic mechanism to govern the state. All the while, problems were beginning to develop about what was Pakistan's identity. After all, the "two nation theory" had most appealed to those Muslims living in undivided India in Hindu majority areas. After all, those people were the ones who actually were afraid of Hindus. And the areas that actually became Pakistan that were Muslim majority to begin with, they were less interested in the communal politics of the "two nation theory." In fact, the irony is, the parts that became West Pakistan weren't even interested in being a part of Pakistan. People in Balochistan wanted to be independent. Some of the Pashtuns of what became the Northwest frontier province actually wanted to join India. So not only did Jinnah have this enormous problem of building a state, he also had to manage all of these different aspirations of the different peoples that one day woke up and found themselves to be citizens of this new state called Pakistan. One of the enduring questions that lingered over this new Pakistan was, what was going to be the role of Islam in this state. After all Jinnah had said many things to different people. To some people, he said this isn't going to be an Islamist country. This is going to be a country for Muslims, but where the individual rights of non-Muslims would also be respected. -
Social Transformation of Pakistan Under the Objectives Resolution
Social Transformations in Contemporary Society, 2017 (5) ISSN 2345-0126 (online) SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION OF PAKISTAN UNDER THE OBJECTIVES RESOLUTION Sohaib Mukhtar the National University of Malaysia, Malaysia [email protected] Abstract The Objectives Resolution was presented by the first Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan before the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on 7th March, 1949 which was passed on 12th March, 1949. It is the preamble of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973 and has been made its operative part in 1985 under article 2A. It is purpose of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973 and basis of making and amending law and Constitution in Pakistan as per As per the .ﷺ principles laid down in Holy Quran and Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad Objectives Resolution, sovereignty belongs to Almighty Allah alone and executive powers cannot be used in a way contrary to injunctions of Islam and principles of democracy freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice would be fully observed. Muslims and Non-Muslims are fully independent to freely practice their religion, judiciary is required to be fully independent and rights of territories of Pakistan would be fully safeguarded so that people of Pakistan would be independent to attain their rightful and honored place among nations of the world and make their full contribution towards international peace, progress, prosperity and happiness of humanity. Purpose – This research is social study of Pakistan under the Objectives Resolution to examine provisions of the Objectives Resolution of Pakistan and analyses of current social legal system of Pakistan to suggest changes in current laws and Constitution of Pakistan accordingly for betterment of social justice system. -
Secularization Without Secularism in Pakistan
Research Questions / Questions de Recherche N°41 – September 2012 Secularization without Secularism in Pakistan Christophe Jaffrelot Centre d’études et de recherches internationales Sciences Po Research Questions / Questions de recherche – n°41 – September 2012 1 http://www.ceri-sciences-po.org/publica/qdr.htm Secularization without Secularism in Pakistan Summary Pakistan was created in 1947 by leaders of the Muslim minority of the British Raj in order to give them a separate state. Islam was defined by its founder, Jinnah, in the frame of his “two-nation theory,” as an identity marker (cultural and territorial). His ideology, therefore, contributed to an original form of secularization, a form that is not taken into account by Charles Taylor in his theory of secularization – that the present text intends to test and supplement. This trajectory of secularization went on a par with a certain form of secularism which, this time, complies with Taylor’s definition. As a result, the first two Constitutions of Pakistan did not define Islam as an official religion and recognized important rights to the minorities. However, Jinnah’s approach was not shared by the Ulema and the fundamentalist leaders, who were in favor of an islamization policy. The pressures they exerted on the political system made an impact in the 1970s, when Z.A. Bhutto was instrumentalizing Islam. Zia’s islamization policy made an even bigger impact on the education system, the judicial system and the fiscal system, at the expense of the minority rights. But Zia pursued a strategy of statization of Islam that had been initiated by Jinnah and Ayub Khan on behalf of different ideologies, which is one more illustration of the existence of an additional form of secularization that has been neglected by Taylor. -
Role of the Supreme Court in the Constitutional and Political
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 5, No. 2; 2012 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Role of the Supreme Court in the Constitutional and Political Development of Pakistan: History and Prospects Comparative Study of Begum Nusrat Bhutto (1977) and Syed Zafar Ali Shah Case (2000) Fayyaz Ahmad Hussain1 & Abdul Basit Khan2 1 Former Faculty Member, Department of Political Science & International Relations, Bahauddin Zakariya University (BZU), Multan, Pakistan 2 Department of Political Science & International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Pakistan. Correspondence: Abdul Basit Khan, Lecturer, Department of Political Science & International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Pakistan. Tel: 92-300-609-0344. E-mail: [email protected] Received: April 3, 2012 Accepted: April 19, 2012 Online Published: May 11, 2012 doi:10.5539/jpl.v5n2p82 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v5n2p82 Abstract Pakistan has undergone the imposition of Martial Law for quite a few times. On these occasions, the then existing constitutions were either abrogated or held in abeyance and were partially applicable. Invariably these extra constitutional steps were challenged in the courts of law. The historical background of these cases had similarities and dissimilarities; nevertheless irrespective of similarities the courts of law examined these cases in somewhat different manner and from variant angles. Irrespective of the nature of their verdicts in these cases, the same had very serious impact and significant repercussions on the style and development of the political system in Pakistan. The aim of this study is to compare and contrast the background of the imposition of Martial Law in 1977 and military takeover of 1999 alongwith the verdicts of the superior judiciary when the same were challenged and brought before the courts of law.