DOCSLIB.ORG

Kosovo-Kosova

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Kosovo-Kosova CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives KOSOVO-KOSOVA A discourse analysis of the Albanian political thought during the period 1990- 1999 ALTIN FUGA UNIVERSITY OF OSLO 2.5.2007 2 CONTENTS KOSOVO-KOSOVA..................................................................................................................................... 1 CONTENTS................................................................................................................................................... 2 1. INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................................... 4 1.1 REFLECTING ON THE OTHER MA ESSAYS .......................................................................................... 4 1.2 THE OBJECT OF THE ESSAY ................................................................................................................ 5 1.3 DO WE NEED ANOTHER ESSAY ABOUT KOSOVO/YUGOSLAVIA? ........................................................ 6 1.4 THE STRUCTURE OF THE ESSAY ......................................................................................................... 7 2. METHODOLOGY.............................................................................................................................. 8 2.1 METHODOLOGY: A GENERAL VIEW ................................................................................................... 8 2.2 DISCOURSE- A DEFINITION .............................................................................................................. 10 2.3 THE ROLE OF THE SUBJECT .............................................................................................................. 14 2.4 DISCOURSE, POWER AND KNOWLEDGE ............................................................................................ 15 2.5 DISCOURSE ANALYSIS AS A METHODOLOGICAL TOOL...................................................................... 18 2.6 METATHEORETICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ................................................... 20 2.7 CRITERIA FOR EVALUATION ............................................................................................................ 21 3. METHOD........................................................................................................................................... 24 3.1 METHOD- THE CASE STUDY RESEARCH DESIGN ............................................................................... 24 3.2 THE CASE- THE UNIT OF ANALYSIS .................................................................................................. 25 3.3 THE SUBJECTS ................................................................................................................................. 26 3.4 COLLECTING DISCURSIVE DATA/MATERIALS ................................................................................... 27 4. THE ALBANIAN CONTEXT.......................................................................................................... 29 4.1 THE PREDECESSORS OF THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT....................................................... 29 4.2 THE EVENTS THAT PRECEDED THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT............................................. 32 4.3 A NEW LEADERSHIP TAKES OVER .................................................................................................... 33 4.4 THE FORMATION OF THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT............................................................ 34 5. “NO ‘SPECIAL STATUS’, NO THIRD REPUBLIC, BUT ONLY INDEPENDENCE!” ......... 37 5.1 RUGOVA AND HIS SELF-IMAGE ........................................................................................................ 37 5.2 THE ALBANIANS- REPRESSED, DISCRIMINATED AND THREATENED BY MILOŠEVIĆ AND SERBIA...... 38 5.3 ETHNIC CONFLICT AS ELITE MANIPULATION .................................................................................... 39 5.4 DEMOCRACY AND SELF-DETERMINATION........................................................................................ 41 5.5 THE DISCOURSE OF SELF-DETERMINATION ...................................................................................... 42 3 5.6 THE STRATEGY TO ACHIEVE THE POLITICAL GOAL .......................................................................... 44 5.7 THE ALBANIANS UNDER THE SERB OCCUPATION ............................................................................ 47 5.8 THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO............................................................................................................. 48 5.9 THE STRATEGY TO ACHIEVE THE POLITICAL GOALS ........................................................................ 51 5.10 THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORD AND THE LDK DILEMMA............................................................ 55 5.11 SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................. 57 6. THE DEMOCRATIC OPTION ...................................................................................................... 61 6.1 THE DEMOCRATS AND THEIR SELF-IMAGE ....................................................................................... 61 6.2 THE CRISIS OF REAL SOCIALISM AND ELITE MANIPULATION ............................................................ 62 6.3 DEMOCRACY AND SELF-DETERMINATION ....................................................................................... 64 6.4 THE GOAL: THE DEMOCRATISATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ..................................................................... 66 6.5 THE STRATEGY OF THE DEMOCRATIC FRACTION ............................................................................. 67 6.6 THE CONFLICT AFTER THE DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA .............................................................. 70 6.7 THE GOAL OF THE ALBANIAN MOVEMENT....................................................................................... 71 6.8 THE DAYTON PEACE TALKS AND THE RADICALISATION OF THE ALBANIAN MOVEMENT.................. 75 6.9 SUMMARY....................................................................................................................................... 78 7. REXHEP QOSJA, HIS POLITICAL IDEAS ................................................................................ 81 7.1 QOSJA AND HIS SELF-IMAGE............................................................................................................ 81 7.2 THE VICTIMISATION OF THE ALBANIANS BY SERBIA ....................................................................... 82 7.3 ETHNIC CONFLICT AS ELITE MANIPULATION.................................................................................... 83 7.4 SOCIAL PROGRESS, SELF-DETERMINATION AND DEMOCRACY ......................................................... 85 7.5 THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO VS. THE ALBANIAN UNIFICATION.......................................................... 86 7.6 THE STRATEGY OF THE ALBANIAN MOVEMENT............................................................................... 87 7.7 THE YUGOSLAV DISSOLUTION: OCCUPATION VS. LIBERATION ........................................................ 89 7.8 THE ALBANIAN UNIFICATION.......................................................................................................... 90 7.9 THE STRATEGY OF THE ALBANIAN MOVEMENT............................................................................... 92 7.10 THE POST-DAYTON STRATEGY................................................................................................... 94 7.11 SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................. 97 8. THE POWER/KNOWLEDGE EFFECTS ................................................................................... 100 9. LITERATURE ................................................................................................................................ 105 10. DISCOURSE MATERIALS .......................................................................................................... 111 11. ENDNOTES..................................................................................................................................... 122 4 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Reflecting on the other MA essays Ethnicity and ethnic conflicts became a major topic of scientific debate after the events in Yugoslavia etc. The ethnic tide peaked in 2000, at least here, at the Institute of political science, University of Oslo. The majority of the essays on Yugoslavia consist of rational choice/game theory inspired investigations1. The authors justify the use of this approach with the complicated nature of the conflicts and the need to sim- plify their studies. Second, they defend the use of formal, consistent, and precise models with the necessity for rigorous reasoning and the aspiration to generalise the conclusions. The students repeat a line borrowed from Hovi & Rasch (1996: 3) “Sim- ple models shall lead the way to more complicated explanatory and predictive mod- els”. These essays can be criticised in a number of points. Empirically, the students use no primary Albanian and Serbian sources. To quote Foucault (2001: 276), “About them it could be said, rather, that they are eaters of history as others have prepared it. They consume it pre-processed”. Even secondary sources, mainly foreign journalists, had few contacts between ‘the natives’,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Student Movements: 1968, 1981 and 1997 the Impact Of
    Student Movements: 1968, 1981 and 1997 The impact of students in mobilizing society to chant for the Republic of Kosovo Atdhe Hetemi Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of East European Languages and Cultures Supervisor Prof. dr. Rozita Dimova Department of East European Languages and Cultures Dean Prof. dr. Gita Deneckere Rector Prof. dr. Rik Van de Walle October 2019 i English Summary This dissertation examines the motives and central visions of three student demonstrations, each taking place within different historical and political contexts and each organized by a different generation of Kosovo Albanian students. The years 1968, 1981 and 1997 witnessed a proliferation of student mobilizations as collective responses demanding more national rights for Albanians in Kosovo. I argue that the students' main vision in all three movements was the political independence of Kosovo. Given the complexity of the students' goal, my analysis focuses on the influence and reactions of domestic and foreign powers vis-à-vis the University of Prishtina (hereafter UP), the students and their movements. Fueled by their desire for freedom from Serbian hegemony, the students played a central role in "preserving" and passing from one generation to the next the vision of "Republic" status for Kosovo. Kosova Republikë or the Republic of Kosovo (hereafter RK) status was a demand of all three student demonstrations, but the students' impact on state creation has generally been underestimated by politicians and public figures. Thus, the primary purpose of this study is to unearth the various and hitherto unknown or hidden roles of higher education – then the UP – and its students in shaping Kosovo's recent history.
    [Show full text]
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W
    Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, senior editor Gary B. Cohen, editor Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies A Scholars’ Initiative Edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert United States Institute of Peace Press Washington, D.C. D Purdue University Press West Lafayette, Indiana Copyright 2009 by Purdue University. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Second revision, May 2010. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative / edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert. p. cm. ISBN 978-1-55753-533-7 1. Yugoslavia--History--1992-2003. 2. Former Yugoslav republics--History. 3. Yugoslavia--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 4. Former Yugoslav republics--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 5. Ethnic conflict-- Yugoslavia--History--20th century. 6. Ethnic conflict--Former Yugoslav republics--History--20th century. 7. Yugoslav War, 1991-1995. 8. Kosovo War, 1998-1999. 9. Kosovo (Republic)--History--1980-2008. I. Ingrao, Charles W. II. Emmert, Thomas Allan, 1945- DR1316.C66 2009 949.703--dc22 2008050130 Contents Introduction Charles Ingrao 1 1. The Dissolution of Yugoslavia Andrew Wachtel and Christopher Bennett 12 2. Kosovo under Autonomy, 1974–1990 Momčilo Pavlović 48 3. Independence and the Fate of Minorities, 1991–1992 Gale Stokes 82 4. Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995 Marie-Janine Calic 114 5. The International Community and the FRY/Belligerents, 1989–1997 Matjaž Klemenčič 152 6. Safe Areas Charles Ingrao 200 7. The War in Croatia, 1991–1995 Mile Bjelajac and Ozren Žunec 230 8. Kosovo under the Milošević Regime Dusan Janjić, with Anna Lalaj and Besnik Pula 272 9.
    [Show full text]
  • Inevitable War? Examining Yugoslavia As a Fault Line Conflict
    Securitologia Nr 2/2014 Mark McQuay, MA Collegium Civitas INEVITABLE WAR? EXAMINING YUGOSLAVIA AS A FAULT LINE CONFLICT Introduction In his 1996 book, The Clash of Civilisations, Samuel Huntington contended that clashes of cultural and religious identities would be the main source of conflict in the post- Cold War world; people define themselves according to their shared culture, and in oppo- sition to others. The inevitable result of this, he argued, is conflict (Worcester, Berman- zohn, Ungar, 2002, p. 211). This conception of inevitable war on the fault-lines between civilisations has been applied widely, from post-Colonial India and Pakistan, to the 1990 Gulf War, to today’s Ukraine – and indeed by Huntington himself, to former Yugoslavia. This article looks to demonstrate, however, that the primary causes of conflict in Yugoslavia were not civilisational, but political, economic and nationalist. While it is true that the religious, cultural and national heterogeneity of Yugoslavia which led Hun- tington to categorise it as a “cleft state” – divided between the “Western”, “Orthodox” and “Islamic” civilisations – formed part of the structural (or systemic) background to conflict, civilisation was not the sole structural factor, and nor can structural factors alone be held accountable for the outbreak of conflict. Furthermore, it will be shown through the example of Macedonia that “civilizational” allegiances do not preclude con- flict, and divides do not necessarily precipitate it. In order to demonstrate this thesis, the role of Yugoslavia’s heterogeneity in causing conflict will be analysed, alongside a discussion of the validity of the argument that the peoples of Yugoslavia do indeed belong to different civilisations.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom House, Its Academic Advisers, and the Author(S) of This Report
    Kosovo by Group for Legal and Political Studies Capital: Pristina Population: 1.816 million GNI/capita, PPP: $10,200 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2017 2018 2009 2011 2016 2010 2012 2013 2014 2015 National Democratic Governance 5.25 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 Electoral Process 4.50 4.25 4.50 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 Civil Society 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Independent Media 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.25 5.00 5.00 Local Democratic Governance 5.25 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 Corruption 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 Democracy Score 5.14 5.07 5.18 5.18 5.25 5.14 5.14 5.07 4.96 4.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • Centralisation of Serbia, 1987-1990
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The unfinished trial of Slobodan Milošević: Justice lost, history told Vrkić, N. Publication date 2015 Document Version Final published version Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Vrkić, N. (2015). The unfinished trial of Slobodan Milošević: Justice lost, history told. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:28 Sep 2021 It was never in the spirit of the Serbian and Montenegrin nation to bow before adversity, to demobilise when they need to fight, to demoralize when times are tough. Slobodan Milošević, Speech at Kosovo Polje, 24 April 1987 Chapter IV: Centralisation of Serbia, 1987-1990 This chapter will explore the goal to centralise Serbia by describing the methods Milošević used to revoke the autonomy of the two autonomous provinces in Serbia, as well as analysing the extent to which the grievances of Kosovo Serbs were instrumentalised in order to politically mobilise Serbs and justify and legitimise changes to the status of Kosovo and Vojvodina.
    [Show full text]
  • Keeping the Multiethnic State Together: the Case of the Secession of Kosovo
    Role of an Agent in (un)Keeping the Multiethnic State Together: The Case of the Secession of Kosovo Mirsad Krijestorac* Abstract: This paper proposes an explanation for the Kosovo secession from Serbia/Yugoslavia. This is achieved by disaggregating the ‘reality’ of the state through the process tracing method, which compares the cases of the Tito and Milošević triangles of accommodation practices. The focus is on the games of survival practiced at the middle levels of political life, around the local state policy implementer and the consequences of his removal. This paper examines not only why, but how the secession of Kosovo occurred when it did. It shows that the strength of authoritarianism or the regime-oppression capability is not what held the Serbia and Kosovo together; rather, it was the policies of accommodations which one leader did better than the other. Keywords: Multiethnic state, separation, Kosovo, Serbia, Yugoslavia, triangle of accommodation * Florida International University, Department of Politics and International Relations School of International and Public Affairs, [email protected] ALTERNATIVES TURKISH JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS www.alternetivesjournal.net Mirsad Krijestorac Introduction As a consequence of the changing political landscape in a post-communist Europe, some countries have dissolved while new countries have emerged. The reasons for the dissolution of Yugoslavia are still being debated among international observers and academics, since its fallout had significant consequences for the entire global system.1 Although most of the current discussions revolve around | 2 the role of the international structure and/or the country’s institutional arrangements, insufficient attention is paid to the actions of individual agents, despite the fact that in this, as in most other cases, the individual agents played significant roles and were the decisive factors in the dissolution processes.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Resistance in Kosovo
    Civil Resistance in Kosovo Howard Clark Pluto P Press LONDON • STERLING, VIRGINIA First published 2000 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and 22883 Quicksilver Drive, Sterling, VA 20166–2012, USA www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Howard Clark 2000 The right of Howard Clark to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Clark, Howard. Civil resistance in Kosovo / Howard Clark. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–7453–1574–7 1. Kosovo (Serbia)—History—1980– 2. Albanians—Yugoslavia—Kosovo (Serbia)—History. 3. Passive resistance—Yugoslavia—Kosovo (Serbia) 4. Kosovo (Serbia)—History—Civil War, 1998– I. Title. DR2086 .C58 2000 949.71—dc21 00–008501 ISBN 0 7453 1574 7 hardback ISBN 0 7453 1569 0 paperback 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01 00 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Disclaimer: Some images in the original version of this book are not available for inclusion in the eBook. Designed and produced for Pluto Press by Chase Production Services Typeset from disk by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton Printed in the European Union by TJ International, Padstow To those who work for peaceful co-existence in Kosovo ‘If I were free, I would have much work, I would help those that are suffering more now. Now it is not Albanians that are suffering the most, now it is others, and I would work with all my strength in order to help them.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Kosovo 1974-2017
    A GUIDE TO INTERNAL DIALOGUE chronology of kosovo 1974-2017 SEPTEMBER 2017 CONTENT Chronology 3 War Chronology of Kosovo 12 Proceedings Before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) 18 Proceedings Before Domestic Courts 20 The Kosovo crisis and the role of the international community 22 The Fall of Milošević and the First Democratic Government of Serbia 38 March Violence 42 Vienna Negotiations 45 “Kosovo for Sneakers” 50 Technical Negotiations (Tahiri - Stefanovic) 55 Brussels Dialogue 58 The “Drone” Case 62 Kosovo Special War Crimes Court 66 Instead of a Conclusion 67 1974: Although they were defined as autonomous provinces of Serbia, and not as republics in full, Kosovo and Vojvodina, according to the 1974 Constitution, became constituent elements of the federation. Their Chronology representatives, therefore, had a special membership in the rotating collective presidency of the state that assumed power after Tito’s death. Each autonomous province had its own central bank and a sepa- rate police, school and judicial system, a provincial assembly, as well as representatives in the Socialist Republic of Serbia’s Assembly, and, which at the time was the most important, the communist party of the province, in the case of Kosovo, the League of Communists of Kosovo. 1981: After the death of Josip Broz Tito, requests from Kosovo Albanians for the full status of the republic increased (which included the right to secession). Since March of that year, beginning with the rebellion of students of University of Prishtina, mass protests took place throughout the province, but the demon- strations met a fierce response, first from the provincial authorities, and then the armed response of the republican and federal security organs.
    [Show full text]
  • UNTYING the KOSOVO KNOT a Two-Sided View Helsinki FILES No
    Helsinki FILES No. 20 UNTYING THE KOSOVO KNOT A Two-Sided View Helsinki FILES No. 20 UNTYING THE KOSOVO KNOT A Two-Sided View Publisher: Helsinki Commi�ee for Human Rights in Serbia For Publisher: Sonja Biserko *** Editor: Seška Stanojlović Authors: Fahri Musliu Dragan Banjac Translated by: Ivana Damjanović Dragan Novaković Cover Page: UNTYING THE KOSOVO KNOT Ivan Hrašovec A Two-Sided View Printed by: Zagorac, Belgrade, 2005 Number of copies: 500 ISBN: 86-7208-111-0 *** This book of interviews has been published within the projecet “Belgrade- Prishtina: Steps to Build Confidence and Understanding” and with the support of the United States Institute of Peace. The opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of inteviewees and other sources, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. The Helsinki Commi�ee for Human Rights in Serbia thanks the DFA Federal Department of Foreign Affairs - Swiss Liaison Office in Kosovo for its assistance in having this book translated into English. The opinions expressed herein are those of the persons interviewd and other sources, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Swiss Liaison Office. Contents: Editor’s foreword: Framework for Talks ........................................... 7 The author’s preface ............................................................................. 9 Serbian Side Vuk Draskovic ....................................................................................... 13 Goran Svilanovic
    [Show full text]
  • Interview with Shkëlzen Maliqi
    INTERVIEW WITH SHKËLZEN MALIQI Pristina | Date: October 20, 21 and 22, 2018 Duration: 361 minutes Present: 1. Shkëlzen Maliqi (Speaker) 2. Kaltrina Krasniqi (Interviewer) 3. Aurela Kadriu (Interviewer) 4. Donjetë Berisha (Camera) Simbolet e komenteve në transkriptë te komunikimi jo-verbal: () - komunikim emocional {} - i intervistuari shpjegon me gjeste Simbole të tjera në transkriptë: [ ] - shtesë e tekstit për të lehtësuar kuptimin Fusnotat janë shtesa editoriale që japin informacion mbi vendbanime, emra apo shprehje. [This part of the interview was conducted on October 20, 2018] Part One Kaltrina Krasniqi: Shkelzen, start with an introduction, first where were you born? When? Where? Then tell us a bit more about the place where you were born and your family. Shkelzen Maliqi: I was born on October 26, 1947 in Rahovec. It was a strong winter with a lot of snow. My father was there on duty and I lived there for two months. Otherwise, my father is from Prizren, his family is from Prizren, whereas my mother’s family is from Gjakova, so I was born kind of in the middle. Back then, Rahovec was more like a village, a town, big village or a town with houses that were covered with planks…houses were covered with planks. I was very proud [Eng], I mean, I was very proud of my birthplace, until I turned five, when I turned five, ​ they took me there to see it and I lost enthusiasm because it seemed like a village. My family is from Prizren. A step-step grandfather of mine had come to Prizren from the Kukës region sometime in the late 18th century.
    [Show full text]
  • The Beginning of the Breakup of Yugoslavia – Kosovo As Starting Point
    B. Qeriqi The Beginning of the Breakup of Yugoslavia – Kosovo... str. 81−105 UDK 159.9 Pregledni rad Primljeno: 3.9.2020. Prihvaćeno: 22.10.2020. The Beginning of the Breakup of Yugoslavia – Kosovo as starting point Besim Qeriqi1 This paper contains a chronological summary and analyzes the process of beginning of the Breakup of Yugoslavia in relation to the events in Kosovo during the period 1981-1989. Its aim is to present through an objective approach the main causes that led to the beginning of the Breakup of Yugoslavia, with Kosovo as starting point. The methodology of this paper includes the reflection of the main events in form of a comparative analysis, by comparing the attitudes of a considerable number of international and local authors (Albanian, Croatian, Serbian) including here historians, diplomats, politicians, journalists, and so forth, with some of them having been direct followers of this period. Sources: a selection of special literature has been made, such as: scientific articles, monograph publications, documentaries, and so forth. Keywords: Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Autonomy, Conflict, Serbian Nationalism, Milošević regime. 1. Introduction The Breakup of Yugoslavia did not occur overnight. In fact, at the time of its establishment on 1st December 1918, it contained many dilemmas. From the very beginning this process was followed with major problems, starting with the fact that it was seen more as a political program rather than a reality that would be implemented into practice. 1 Besim Qeriqi, Professor of History at Gymnasium "Kuvendi i Arbërit", Ferizaj 70000, Kosovo. PhD Candidate, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Croatian Studies, Department of History.
    [Show full text]