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The Status of in Muslim Nations: Evidence from the Author(s): Lois Ibsen al Faruqi Source: Asian Music, Vol. 12, No. 1, Symposium on Art in Muslim Nations (1980), pp. 56-85 Published by: University of Texas Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/833798 Accessed: 19/04/2010 03:02

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http://www.jstor.org THE STATUS OF MUSIC IN MUSLIMNATIONS: EVIDENCEFROM THE ARAB WORLD By Lois Ibsen al Faruqi

The categories with which ethnomusicologists and musicologists usually divide and explain a musical tradition--, , and --seem strangely inappropriate for describing most Arab music. If applied, they are meaningful only in special, indigenous ways. This paper seeks to explain and expand this judgment, and in conclusion, to present a few ideas for the study of music and musical change which have been learned in the process of reaching this conclusion. The first section of the article deals with the extensive unity of religious, traditional art, and folk music in the context. Whereas these categories into which music is divided are usually indicative of readily recognizable and even substantial differences, this wide segment of the Arabic musical tradition presents an extensive unity which is multi-dimensional. It includes extensive unity in audience participation, in the occasions for performance, and in the performers who sing and play it. We might even speak of an historical extensiveness to this unity, for we are dealing here with a body of music which has shown a high degree of basic correspondence, if not always superficial identity, over a long period of time (d'Erlanger 1949:64; 1959:4; and al Faruqi 1974:Chaps. III, IV). All of these considerations deal with the use of music rather than with the description of musical elements themselves.

Secondly, the article will deal with what I have called the intensive unity of these same three musical categories. Here it is maintained that there is a correspondence in the musical materials themselves as well as in their use in culture, and reasons for this correspondence are essayed. Thirdly, the discussion moves to those categories of diversity--Westernized popular music and Arabized Western -- which differ both in use and substance from that body of music exemplifying extensive and intensive unity. A short concluding section tries to answer the question: What does this information teach us about the nature of music and musical change?

56 I. EXTENSIVEUNITY

There is every reason for caution in the assign- ment of musical categories. Some might argue that the category or name is not important; that names can be used freely so long as precise definitions are made. This statement certainly has much truth in it. Examples can be found even in Western musical life which make more precise definition, even new definitions, of the old categories necessary (see the various articles in Hammet al 1975). But at some point on the spectrum of var-Tety, the old categories become so encumbered with new definitions that they no longer serve a meaning- ful role. This is all the more true when we move to other cultures for whom these categories are alien. This seems to be the case for Arabian music. We therefore offer a new organization of musical materials which will hopefully provide a truer understanding of the various types of Arabian music and even, by extension, of music in other parts of the Islamic World. A. Religious Music First, let us consider "religious music" as a category of the contemporary Arabic musical tradition. Here the following types of music should be included: Qur'anic chant (or qira'ah), the call to prayer (or adhn), the aural art of the ("remembrance") service of the mystical brotherhoods, and similar examples of takbirat (exaltation of God), (thanks to God), madih (praise of the Prophet Muhammad), or duCa' (supplica- tion) .

Religious music may be defined as any music which is connected with a liturgical or prayer service, as well as musical settings of or drama which have a religious setting or theme. There are certain characteristics such as slowness of tempo, subtlety of rhythmic pulse, modal quality, etc., which at one time were considered to be necessary characteristics of such music; but those are no longer valid criteria either in the Western tradition or the ethnomusicological experience. A wide variety of musical characteristics is actually found in religious music of different cultures and periods, these variations being indicative of the differing religious views of the culture at the time each has existed (al Faruqi 1974b). Since the character- istics of religious music have varied considerably, the category of "religious music" has been one which tries to set boundaries for a class of musical examples which share a similarity of cultural use or function. In other

57 words, the religious setting for performance is normally the stable characteristic of religious music. Not so in the Arab World' Most would not even think of Qur'anic chant, the adh-n or much of the aural art of the dhikr service as music. In fact, none of the Arabic terms usually rendered in English as "music" would include these examples. Even in its more the word which was borrowed from general sense, mus'qa, the ancient Greek, excludes such religious music as the Qur'`nic chant and the adhan, as well as the chanted formulae of the dhikr service, madrh and hamd. In its more limited sense, m-us-q (or msl-T) pertains only to the theoretical, as distinguished from the practical art of music (ghin5'). To add to the confusion, ghina' has also been used to denote vocal, as distinguished from music (Cazf); or secular, as opposed to religious music. Sam5C ("listening"), another term sometimes translated into English as "music," accurately pertains only to the recitations and musical renderings of the dhikr ceremonies of the SUff brotherhoods. Lahw, a term used in the Classical Period, is also sometimes translated as "music"; but it is more correctly rendered as "entertainment." As such, it carries a much more inclusive connotation than the word "music." It is not only the case that there is no precise equivalent for "music" in the Arabic language. There is also no term which would subsume all forms of what we would consider religious music. Instead, each one carries its own specific title. Despite the factors of religion and terminology which distinguish religious from non-religious musical materials in Arab-, examples in both categories fit the English definition of "music" precisely and show amazing conformance to each other in musical as well as sociological characteristics. The dilemma of conformance in musical nature versus non-conformance in cultural definition has presented thorny problems and many a confusion for the student of Arab and other Islamic World musics. It may be one cause for such misleading, if not downright denigrating, statements as " has no religious music in our normal sense of the term" (Farmer 1957:438-439), that Islam "prohibits music" (Nettl 1975: 77) or that "it is arguable that in the today there is no music "to qualify as 'classical'" (see Powers paper above). This is not to argue that the Islamic ritual incorporates equivalents of the St. Matthew Passion or a Rock Mass, or that there was not a problem of acceptance

58 of some forms of musical art in the Islamic World. But it must be carefully pointed out that there is no Qur'anic injunction against music in either its narrow (i.e., non-religious) or its wider (i.e., both religious and secular) sense. In fact, the commands its own recitation with tartil ("...Wa Qur'ainrattil al Qur'ana tartilan"- Qur' n 73T4). In the literature, which is the second most authoritative source for Muslim practices and ideas, items both for and against music can be documented. This evidence and the practices of the community recorded in Islamic history would certainly not justify our saying that Islamic culture produced no religious music or that Islam prohibited music. The fact is that both religious and flourished in all periods of Muslim history. Islam never condemned or questioned--in fact, unceasingly promoted--that music exemplified in the qirr'ah, the adhin, takbTrTt, hamd, duc' and madrh. On the contrary, iT institutionalized it. Concerning other types of religious and secular music, Islam as a community took a different stand. The music of the SUfi brotherhoods, although it was enjoyed and participated in by some Muslims, was regarded with suspicion by others because of its association with the excesses and irrational behavior to which it and other dhikr activities sometimes led. As for secular music, it was considered the pastime of those who indulged in forbidden practices (alcohol, prostitution, gambling). While some Muslims were able to dissociate the art product from the uydesirable social practices sometimes connected with it, others were not able or willing to do so. Actually, rather than to say Islam prohibited music, one ought to realize that in these ideological battles over music that were waged throughout the centuries of Islamic history, there was a cultural orientation in musical style going on which has had its effect until today. By pulling the community away from secular music, where style and form and their alteration could never be isolated from external influences, the Muslim community was attempting to build and preserve a measure of cultural, religious and musical unity among peoples of wide racial, linguistic and cultural variance. In doing so, it drew that community toward a type of musical expression that was integrally related to and determined by the central ideology. This is probably one of the most important factors making for the extensive and intensive unity which is found in that tradition today. Extensive Unity in Audience Participation.--The audience for religious music in other 20th-century cultures would generally be considered to be a limited one--the audience of the church, synagogue or temple

59 service or the occasional concert performance of a religious work. It might be maintained that the usual audience for the concert performance hears that music more as art or classical music than as religious music. Even if we are successful in arguing that the concertgoer should nevertheless be considered as part of the religious music audience, we find that this category of music production has an extremely limited audience in most parts of the world. The exact opposite is true of this category in the Arab-Islamic World. With the old and the very young, the religious and the non-religious--even with the non-Muslim of the Arab countries--Qur'`nic chant and the adhan are important elements of a person's day-to- day existence, elements which cannot be escaped. Many emigrant Christians or Jews who have grown up in Muslim countries cite Qur'5nic chant and the muadhdhin's call as some of the cultural elements they most remember and miss from their childhood days. Extensive Unity in Occasions for Performance.--In the Arab-Islamic World, religious music is not confined to the religious service or to the concert performance of music originally created for the service. Nothing is more ubiquitous than the call to prayer, repeated five times a day from every of village or city and heard by the pious, the impious, the Muslim and non- Muslim alike. Chanting of the Qur'an is not only part of the prayer service in mosque or home. It is also to be heard on the radio, in the television broadcast, in every public gathering, and even at the , the circumcision, andthe burial. Other types of religious music (e.g., takbirat, hamd, madih, chanting of pious formulae), which maintain many of the stylistic characteristics of the scriptural chant, are also used as musical accompaniments for a wide variety of occasions. A striking documentation of this fact in Arab North Africa is found in the film entitled Some Women of Marrakech produced by Elizabeth Fernea. It includes a hadrahL for female guests in a Moroccan home as celebra- tion of the return from medical school of the daughter of the house. The entertainment for this social event was centered in a performance of religious music and dance. Documentation for the same extensiveness of function is found in the religious music of , where the ensembles of the 'Isawiyyah religious groups perform their hadrahs for community and family festivals as well as religious occasions (Jones 1977:Chap. II). While the music of the Arabs which can be designated as "religious" is represented at a wide variety

60 of occasions and under many different circumstances, it is important to note that the reciprocal freedom of non- religious music to enter the mosque service has never been the practice in Arab or Islamic society. Only Qur'inic cantillation and the call to prayer can be heard as essential parts of the Islamic ritual, whereas takbirrt, hamd, madTh, and du'a' are optional or occasional additions before or after the sal4t (prayer). Extensive Unity as to Performers.--Since religious music in Arabic culture reveals a high level of improvisa- tion, there is little conception in the society of the religious music as separate and distinct from the performer. In fact, the composer of music as under- stood today plays no role in this music. The qri' or reciter and the muadhdhin (who calls to prayer) are rarely professionals. Indeed any member of the Muslim community may chant the scripture in public and does actually recite it in private prayer. It is the goal of every committed Muslim to learn to chant the Qur'Un, not only to know and memorize its words, but to combine them with vocal modulations as well. The reciter of the city mosque or large public gathering would generally be someone who has had training in Qur'5nic studies at some Islamic institution, but any student of a village or religious school would have had, as a child, some training in this religious and aesthetic art. Even the Azharr3-trained reciter would seldom think of himself as a "professional", trained and hired for that one occupation. He is generally a person with a religious education who, in addition to other duties or profession, assumes the responsibility of reciting the Qur'5n and adhan for the prayer service and for other religious as well as social occasions. This extensiveness is equally true of the other religious and it reinforces the premise that performers of religious music in Arab-Islamic culture therefore come from a wide range of sociologicae, religious and educational backgrounds.4 The society has maintained as much insistence on the ritual purity of the Qur'an reciter as on his or her musical ability. Anyone who is to recite is admonished to prepare spiritually and physically for the recitation, whether that person recites in response to the demands of an occupation, an avocation or just as a member of the community who "reads" the Qur'5n for a single occasion. Because of the reverence with which they regard the Qur'-n and the prayer, Muslims would find it distasteful and religiously unacceptable to hire the unbeliever or non-Muslim with a beautiful voice to

61 participate in the singing of religious music. The example of the Jewish or Catholic opera star being hired as soloist for a Christian Science service could never be repeated in an Arab-Islamic context. Both men and women learn to recite, but audiences are segregated in certain parts of the Muslim World for female reciters, according to local social customs rather than precisely Islamic necessity. Whereas in the Near East and the Indian subcontinent, women usually recite only for women, in Southeast Asia women recite for public gatherings with mixed audiences as well as for female audiences. While men are both more famous and more often heard as reciters in the Middle East and the Indian subcontinent the winners of prizes in the annual recitation contests held in Malaysia are often women.

Religious music is primarily a solo, unaccompanied music in the Arab-Islamic World, and thus puts no restrictions on its extensive use because of availability or not of the performers needed for a vocal or instru- mental ensemble. The Qur'?nic chant and the adhin are always solo vocal renderings, without instrumental accompaniment. Other musical settings of religious poetry or pious sayings which can be defined as religious music are performed by soloists or by groups, with or without instrumental accompaniment. The performance group, however, is always small, and the sing or play in unison or heterophonically. It is evident that "religious music"-- in the Western musicological sense of that expression--is a category which is widely significant in the society: in its audiences drawn from every segment of the society; in the countless different occasions in which it is heard; as well as in the performers involved, since every Muslim is a potential performer. B. Traditional Art Music

The category "traditional art music" presents no less a problem of boundary clarification than does the religious music of the Muslim Arabs. In the Maghrib we find the terms san'ah or 'alah used for the classical Andalusian trad tion, which some equate with "art music." In the Mashriq, the closest available Arabic term, turath ("heritage"), carries more the implication of an historical legacy in music than a separate and clearly defined category of music comparable to the English

62 expressions "art music" or "classical music." It would seem, for instance, that the MaghribT terms may evidence the need to contrast the predominant Andalusian musical tradition with the Mashriqi ("Eastern") tradition of performance rather than a need to contrast art music per se with religious or folk music. According to a recent of musicians of the study 'Isa•iyyah Tunisia, musical performances for different occasions (the hajj, , circumcisions, and other parties and festivals) do not vary appreciably with the occasion (Jones 1977:56).

Powers searches in his provocative introductory paper to the Princeton seminar (p. 5 of the present volume) for a musical "Great Tradition" in what he terms the "core Muslim World", i.e., in those lands of the Middle East where the peoples speak Turkish, Persian or Arabic. In pursuit of a solution to this problem, he asks whether the classical musical tradition of this region is grounded in a theoretical norm which has been operative through centuries of cultural existence, if it is purveyed by highly skilled and trained performers, whether it is enjoyed and supported by individuals or groups of a ruling elite which professes connoisseurship (see Powers paper above, p. 5 ). All these are considered to be accoutrements of a classical musical tradition. Given the problem of matching these characteristics to the musical phenomena of the area today, one might readily answer "No" to at least the last of these queries, seriously question the first two, and conclude that the culture of the area does not have an "art" or "classical" music tradition as can be found in other cultures. If "classical," in accordance with Signell's definition of Turkish classical music means "elite," "notated," "professional," and "appreciated by a passive audience," (see Signell's paper below). then the Arabs have indeed no such art.

This may seem an easy solution to the problem of such unmatchable data, but it is actually only a small fraction of the answer necessary to clarify the musical situation. It is in fact a partial statement which fails to take account of the unique features of Islamic culture. These unique features have precluded development of the kinds of musical phenomena that ethnomusicologists have come to expect of a classical musical tradition, and they have nourished a strikingly different complex of musical phenomena.

63 The key to understanding the musical tradition of the Arab World lies in a fact of Islamic culture which is not only influential in its Arabian environment, but has penetrated far and wide through the Middle East, and well beyond, with the spread of the Islamic ideology. This fact is that Islam and the Muslims condemn the compartmentalization of life into that which is religious and that which is secular. For the Muslim, not only the saying of prayers and the performance of the other "pillars" (or duties) of Islam constitute religious acts. In addition, the way he conducts his business, the way he raises his family, the way he greets his neighbor, the food he eats, and even the way he recreates and expresses himself aesthetically are religiously significant acts which are to be informed by and conformant with religious ideals.

Responding to such ideological circumstances, music in an Islamic environment would not be expected to produce the secular classical Great Tradition which it produces in other environments. And the truth is that we find few of the characteristics of that kind of tradition in the "core Muslim World" where the Islamic ideology has had its most profound culture-molding effects. In fact, the Great Tradition in these lands is one of religious music. The musical tradition which has been and is the most influential in the society of not only the Arabic-speaking, but also the Turkish- and Persian- speaking peoples, is that of qir--ah or Qur'5nic chant. If we are to discern a musical Great Tradition in that environment, we must focus our attention on this of religious music. This is the Great Tradition which has evidenced its own musica -theoretical norms, a guarding of performance practice, an influence on other musical genres in the culture, audience connoisseurship, and a patronage system--all conventional characteristics of an art or classical music. But there are many contrasts between this Qur'anic or religious Great Tradition and that of any secular art or classical music. One of the most important of these contrasts, which derives from the basic Islamic premise already mentioned, is the lack of differentiation between those familiar categories with which ethnomusicologists and musicologists usually divide and explain a musical tradition. Extensive Unity in Audience Participation.--Tradi- tional art music has generally been treated as a category of music which requires special training on the part of

64 listeners in order to appreciate it. The "traditional art music" of the Arabic-speaking peoples, if we are to posit such a category, demands no such audience training. Whether of the improvised, free- variety (nathr al naghamat) or the composed, regular rhythm variety (na:gm-al naghamait), it is understood and enjoyed by both the cultural aristocrat and the shoeshine boy. In addition, the usual urban-rural dichotomy is irrelevant here for separating art music from other categories. Although he may have fewer chances to hear skillful performers, the villager is entertained by the same kind of music as the urban dweller. In addition to the religious chants and , rural and city dwellers alike hear a similar kind of music with secular or veiled religious words, combined with a noticeable increase in instrument participation. It is this music that outsiders would call "art music." If use of instruments or change of words can create the new category, then the Arabs have an independent art music tradition. But one should not fail to recognize the over- whelming correspondences between this category and that of religious music, nor be blind to the influence of the latter on the development of the former. It has been noted (personal experience in viewing televised rebroadcasts of performances by UmmKulthrun; and Nettl 1975:197) that the audiences for traditional art music in Muslim nations are predominantly male. This is no indication however that women do not participate in the appreciation of this music. The formal concert, as we shall see below, is not the only, or even the most important occasion statistically for hearing traditional art music. Women's and family gatherings and parties are a much more frequent setting for such performances, and these are attended by both men and women. One should view the predominantly male audiences of the concert hall in the Middle East, therefore, as a sociologically important rather than a musically important factor. Resulting from a social behavior which seeks to implement a prescribed moral code, this custom too can be seen as a religiously stimulated musical datum. Extensive Unity in Occasions for Performance.-- Whereas art music is generally considered to belong to the private salon or the public concert hall setting, this description again does not fit for much of the so- called "art music" of the Arab World. That is not to say that this music is never performed in the concert hall. In fact, it has in recent years received a growing number of such performances in urban areas, perhaps as a result of the rise of performer stars since development of

65 recording and broadcasting technology in this century. But one should not be misled into thinking that this is the only, or even typical, setting for this music. Statistics regarding number of performances and number of listeners involved would show quite the opposite to be true. We must remember that even in , which is the most industrialized and populous of the Arab countries, there are only two cities of substantial size: and Alexandria. These two centers account for no more than 25% of the total population of the country. The other 75% lives in rural areas, in villages or in small town environments where foreign influences and support for public, professional, cultural events are quite limited in comparison to those of the cities. How different life in some sections of the city really is from village life has also been questioned by some writers (Abu-Lughod 1970), so even to consider that 25% of the population which exists in the city as strictly urbanized is unrealistic. In other Arab countries, the percentages of city dwellers are even smaller. For the majority of the people, therefore, the city life and the public concert are a rarity, if experienced at all. This does not mean that the people are deprived of hearing that music which the ethnomusicologist would designate as "art music." But the Arabs hear it in social gatherings organized for other purposes than that of a public and purely musical event. It may be entertainment for an engagement party, a wedding, or a gathering to celebrate the homecoming pilgrim, the returning student, the visiting emigre relative. These, we will remember, are the same kinds of occasions for which religious music is used in its extra-ritual role. This provides further evidence of that extensive unity shared by various segments of Arabian musical art. Extensive Unity as to Performers.--Art music among the Arabs carries a concern for which renders the individuality of the performance much more important than any original tune or combination of tunes by a composer. Many tunes are in fact traditional, the identity of their lost in history, a charac- teristic generally attributed only to folk literature rather than to art music. Whereas the importance of the composer and the composition itself in some art music traditions prevents more than the most superficial of modifications of the original product in performance, the art music of the Arabs allows a maximum of freedom in the rendering of a tune while conforming to firm prescriptions of rhythmic meter (where applicable), melodic mode and the

66 conventional rules of modulation. Thus, though the performer is not completely free, he has a different set of restrictions on his performance than that of the performer of classical or art music in composer- dominated traditions. In line with this difference in restrictions, the careful recording with notation of the original performance or composition was never an important factor in the musical tradition of the Arabs. According to some, it might even be viewed as "pernicious" (see Powers' paper above) since it petrifies that which should be a living, changing artistic creation. Even the munawwit (notator) of contemporary Egypt is a minor functionary with little prestige who makes a mechanical transcription to paper for the benefit of ensemble players while working either from a recorded version of the item or from the directives of the hffiz (memorizer) who recalls it from past performances (Salwa el-Shawan, oral presentation at Annual Meeting of the Society for , St. Louis, 1978). In many cases the notation is more an abbreviated guide than a prescriptive or descriptive notation. Despite these considerations which give musical importance to the performer of music, Arab-Islamic society accords little social prestige to the professional vocalist or instrumentalist. There have been exceptions to this: for example, S-mT al ShawwN, UmmKulthUm, 'Abd al Wahhwb, , and Far-d al Atrash; but on the whole the professional , unless he reaches national or international reputation, has some difficulty in proving himself in society. This is not true of the amateur musician who seems to float above the controversy over music and its respectability. It is probably for this reason that only a limited number of very skillful performers choose to give up all other occupations in order to be full-time performers. They seem to prefer to claim the more favorable social status of the amateur, a fact of musical life in other core Muslim nations.

The importance of amateur over professional musician in the Arab World has created a wide spectrum of performer participants for the traditional art music. Although some of them may be trained in a or in a private relationship with an older musician, many of these part-time performers have trained themselves through listening to the radio or records. Such training is of course available throughout the population and thus generates performers from every segment of society. Performers with greater skills are more often found in the

67 cities where better paying performance opportunities can be found. Yet, the art music performer certainly cannot be viewed as an urban phenomenon as the designation might suggest. Since Qur'anic cantillation was understood as the Great Tradition of aural aesthetic expression, and was so deeply influential on all other musical phenomena, little concern or effort has been specifically devoted in the Arab-Islamic World to training the art or folk music performer. In fact, it is only in recent decades that governments, in response to the rise of nationalistic ideologies, began to open and subsidize music schools and programs. Instead, it has been on the training in (the science of correct reading of the Qur'an) that the Arab-Islamic World put forth its greatest efforts in performer training. Countless books and pamphlets have been written on this art, and every Islamic school has provided practical training for its students. Even the kindergarten student "sings" his religious lesson in imitation of his teacher's cantillated example. No daily prayer or social event fails to provide "lessons" in Qur'anic cantillation and, thereby, in musical expression or performance. Though the Muslim would never regard such customs as performer or musical training, the effect of these religiously determined customs on the musical tradi- tion is significant. Even in recent years some of the most famous of professional performers are known to have been trained on Qur'anic recitation. For example, the on late UmmKulthnm worked with her father for years Qur'gnic chant before she branched out gradually into the secular musical world. Her sound grounding in that religious musical tradition must be counted as profoundly influential on her later vocal style as well as on the wide appreciation of her art throughout much of the Muslim World. C. Folk Music. Folk music of the Arabs is no less revealing of that extensive unity which pervades a large segment of the Arabic musical tradition. Folk music of the Arab peoples defies the boundaries often placed on it as a rural, ethnic, minority-group phenomenon which is practiced by and for the unsophisticated and uneducated, or at best, the naive. Extensive Unity in Audience Participation.--The audiences for folk music are as extensive as we found them to be for the other two divisions of Arabian music already treated. This music attracts the villager and the city

68 dweller, the cultivated and the educated, as well as the unsophisticated and the illiterate. Even the most apparently Westernized Arab businessman will be unable to resist an appreciative smile upon hearing the per- formance of a well-known traditional tune, and he may also be moved to snap his fingers over his head and move in time to the music.

Extensive Unity in Occasions for Performance.-- Occasions for the performance of this music are almost identical to those of so-called "traditional art music" and "religious music" in its non-ritual function: the national or religious holiday, the family festivity, the social gathering of friends and relatives. Extensive Unity as to Performers.--Those who perform folk music are, as in the other two categories, generally part-time or amateur performers, with a larger percentage of them self-trained than one finds among the performers of traditional art music. Composers again play little if any role in its creation, most of the tunes being improvised or gathered from the traditional and anonymous legacy. One might argue that other characteristics of this music seem more in conformance with the usual definition of a folk music tradition. For example, Arab folk music is a body of musical materials handed down orally, and usually anonymously, from generation to generation. But so are the religious and art music traditions of the Arabs! It is a largely unwritten tradition which allows much performer improvisation and alteration. But so are the religious and art music traditions of the Arabs! It is a music of all the people, both in performers and appreciation. But so are the religious and art music traditions of the Arabs! One of the few characteristics in which their folk music differs from the other categories of musical expres- sion of the Arabs, is in the higher percentage of colloquialisms used in the of the songs. The vocal numbers of religious and art music are more consistently based on poems using the literary language. But even here, there are genres (e.g., the dawr and the ) which, despite their use of colloquial Arabic, may jump the gap between the two categories. They are sometimes performed and considered as part of the traditional art music category; at other times they slip into the folk music class.

69 II. INTENSIVE UNITY We have demonstrated that there is an extensive unity of audience participation, occasions for performance, and performers involved in three categories of music from the Arab World, which we have called religious, tradi- tional art, and folk music. Now we would like to speak of a different kind of unity, an intensive unit , which integrates these three categories of music as they are exemplified in the Arabian environment and tends to blur the distinctions which the investigator may seek to find between them. Here we are dealing with that unity discoverable within the musical products themselves, rather than in their use in culture.

There is such a high level of stylistic unity in all these bodies of music that it is difficult to separate or distinguish categories. In the case of the religious music used for a social gathering, for example, at what point does it cease to be religious music and instead become folk music? If it is artistically rendered and skillful, should it instead be called art music? At what place in the continuum between art and folk music do we place the vocal and instrumental music of the village social gathering? What changes in music or performance situation would move it into the category of folk music? Is it not also a form of popular music? It is obvious to any student of Arabian music that a large number of the performances would be borderline cases between the religious, art, folk and native popular music categories. Instead of treating any one of these musics as a separate body of musical materials, we would be truer to our data if we revealed the similarities, that which I would call the intensive unity, of the musical materials.

This intensive unity between various categories should not be understood as a claim for an identity of all music within the Arab World. There certainly are regional differences which not only the specialist, but also the native layman can sense. The Palestinian or the Tunisian, for example, is quick to identify a broad- cast of music as SUdani, Maghribt, 'Iraqi or Badawi. But at the same time as he recognizes the difference in musical dialects, he would find an aesthetic rapport with much of the music of the various regions within the Arab World. This inter-regional appreciation may be enhanced in future decades as films, radio, recordings and television build ties among various Arab nations.

70 Political disturbances and economic pressures which cause movement of peoples may be equally significant in this regard in future decades. But perhaps even more important in this pan-Arab musical identity are the factors of intensive unity in the music itself, factors which are felt but seldom articulated. These deep structural and stylistic elements in the music tend to outweigh the regional differences between these musics even when the superficial variation in preferred melodic modes, rhythmic modes, ornamentation practices and colloquialisms within the verbal content are recognized by the listener. What is it then which causes the Moroccan to respond to UmmKulthtm, the Egyptian to be moved by a performance of 'Iraqi magam, and the Tunisian to shout "" to the cantillation of the Damascus q-ri'? In other words, what are the basic characteristics of the religious music, the traditional art music and the folk music of the Arabs which make aesthetic affect possible across national boundaries and vast distances? Time and space do not permit a detailed descrip- tion of these core characteristics which have been discussed at some length elsewhere (al Faruqi 1974a). However, many studies have pointed out the melodic, rhythmic and structural features which give evidence of this musical core in the regions inhabited by the Arabs and even beyond (Spector 1967:434-438; Touma 1971:38-48). Others have been struck by such intensive uiity between categories of music within a single region.' All the categories of native music evidence the same sort of intensive unity which is to found in examples from the visual arts, e.g., the Mamluk geometric woodwork of Egypt, the carved stucco of and the calligraphic decoration of 'Iriq. Both the visual and musical arts of the Arab World reveal the same abstract content, the same emphasis on the non-dramatic, the same divisions into distinct but interrelated units, the same multiple and never-ending patterns, the same emphasis on numerous mini-climaxes rather than a single conclusive one. It is therefore possible for a wide audience within one particular region, regardless of the social, education or economic background of its individual members, to respond to all these categories of music. It is also possible for persons over a wide geographic area to be aesthetically moved by the same kinds and shapings of musical materials.

71 How should we account for this aesthetic unity? Lomax has attributed conformance in musical style to sociological factors within the society (Lomax 1959;1962). Rothschild has ascribed it to geographic determinants (Rothschild 1960:66ff; see also Read 1951:52ff, 66; Lomax 1962:442ff). Fischer and others argue for aesthetic determination by political views (Fischer 1961). Even the economic base of a society has been considered as a determining factor in artistic style (Ettinghausen 1963: 252). Though all of these factors may have some influence on aesthetic style, many discrepancies in each of the theories have been evidenced, even when they are applied singly within one region of the area in question. If then we are to explain elements of musical conformance in a larger cultural area, as in the case of the Arab World or of the Middle East as a whole, we need a determinant of deeper significance, though perhaps one carrying a less specific and literal symbolic message. A new approach should be made by investigating the determining influence of the literary models that stretch back in New Eastern history to the earliest people of the Mesopotamian world--the Sumerians. If one reads the description of Sumerian literature (Kramer 1963:170-171), or that of successive peoples of the area (Oppenheim 1977:250ff)--the Babylonians, the Assyrians, the Jews and the ancient Arabs--one finds characteristics of content, structure and style which unmistakeably mark them all as products of the Semitic mind. In more recent times, the Qur'9nic revelation presented another link in this chain of aesthetic literary correspondence. It is this Qur'anic model which is widely regarded as the poetic norm, and in its chanted form, should be given the recognition it deserves as musical norm for the Arab peoples, whether they be Muslims, Christians or Jews, that is, whether they fall subject to the Book's religious prescriptions or participate only in its aesthetic determination. It is this pattern for cultural and aesthetic excellence, growing out, as it does, from the models of previous millenia, which has furnished the contentual and structural typos for contemporary as well as historical musical expression in the area. It is this model and its ever-evolving derivatives in poetry, in vocal and instrumental sound, as well as in the visual arts, which moves the Arab, whether he lives in or Cairo or Rabat. It is this vocal archetype which has radiated its influence with greatest effect on the other religious musical genres, whether exclusively vocal or combined with instrumental accompaniment (see diagram, p. 81). With only slightly less effect,

72 Qur'-nic chant has affected that traditional art music designated as nathr al naghamat or "musical prose" (Anonymous Treatise 1939:233-235; see also al Faruqi 1974a: pp. 43-49). This body of musical materials includes all those genres which, like Qur'inic chant, are examples of a solo, improvisatory style (e.g., the , lay5li and gagidah). Another ring of slightly less obvious influence rippling out from the Qur'anic core includes the nazm al nagham-at or "musical poetry" genres (Anonymous Treatise 1939:233-235; and al Faruqi 1974a:48-49). Examples of these regularly rhythmed and often composed pieces include such vocal and instrumental genres as the muwashshal, bashraf, dila-b, etc. The vocal- instrumental maqfm'IriqT al and the instrumental talmilah (or qadd) break boundaries between the nathr and nazm al naghamit circles because of their inclusion of both styles. Still further from, but nevertheless evidencing an influence from the Qur'Nnic norm, are those genres (e.g., mawwal, taqt~qah, dawr, etc.) which participate sometimes as Arabian classical or art music forms, and at others, jump that boundary to enter the realm of folk music. Agreeing with Jargy that there is a "poorly-delineated zone between art and folk-music" (Jargy 1978:82), we find Arabian folk music has indeed a two-way over-lap--with the art forms of both nathr and nazm al naghamat varieties, as well as with some forms of popular music (e.g., the many varieties of mawwal, see diagram, p. 81). The ripple effect is felt to exist even in the so-called "popular" musics of the region as elements of style and even genres cross boundaries. It is this category, however, which acts as a bridge between East and West, between that music which reveals an aesthetic connection with its ancient Semitic roots and the music imported from Western culture. It is in this music, where cultural ties are loosest, that musical and aesthetic inroads have been made in recent decades, as we shall see in the next section. III. AREAS OF MUSICALDIFFERENCE

The musical examples sharing extensive and intensive unity do not exhaust the performances of contemporary Arab music. There are other types of music which fail to reveal the close correspondences to the model that music, traditional art Qur'anic religious music and folk music have shown. It is in these types of music that external influences and acculturation have had the greatest influence on and have brought about significant changes in the musical charac- teristics as well as in audience participation, occasions

73 for use and the performers involved in their production. A. Popular Music Whereas there are varieties of popular music which are so close to the religious art and folk musics of the Arabs as to be almost indistinguishable from them, there are others, at the other end of a continuum increasing in Westernized elements, which might be considered European or American transplants to the area. The only relation between the latter examples and their Arab environment is their Arab audience, performers and language of lyrics. There are still other examples which fit at other points along the intervening spectrum between traditional and Westernized popular music. The combination of these musically disparate types in a single group, popular music, should not disguise their many stylistic differences, for it is possible for even the uninitiated listener to recognize marked differences between the sub-categories. The lack of extensive and intensive unity within this category of musical examples is strikingly evident. The more Westernized types of popular music in the Arab World have a small audience when compared with that of the three unified categories of traditional music so far treated. It is an audience which itself reflects influence from Europe and America. As in the West, the audience for this category of music is found primarily among urban youth. Even within this limited group of people, it is the highly Westernized young person who is most affected and involved as performer or listener. As one moves along the continuum toward the more traditional varieties of popular music, audience participation increases to include a propor- tionately larger age group and a wider sociological spectrum of society. Instead of extensive unity between musical examples and their use, we find here a single category divided and sub-divided into numerous contrasting sub-styles. Each sub-style has its devoted adherents. The trans- planted disco music, for example, is appreciated by one group of Arab listeners; the dance music of French or Italian derivation has a different clientele; the songs of FarTd al Atrash and 'Abd al Wahhab still another.

The occasions for hearing the more Westernized forms of popular music have increased greatly with the proliferation of records and transistor radios, but

74 there are relatively few opportunities for hearing this music live. Because of its appeal to the tourist, it is performed mainly at those coffee houses, restaurants or hotels which are frequented by foreigners and which are economically out-of-bounds for most local inhabitants. The performers of this music vary according to its place on the traditional-to-Westernized continuum. There are those whose instruments, techniques and methods of creation differ very little, if at all, from performers and composers of the West. Others, performers of that music which is near the traditional end of the popular music continuum, are close in style and form to those who perform the religious, traditional art and folk music. These vocalists and instrumentalists, of course, move freely from the popular to the more traditional genres and performance situations. B. Arabized Western Classical Music

There is still another category of music which is quite different from any of the others which have been treated thus far. This is the Arabized Western classical music which is being composed and performed in a few of the cities of the Arab World. This music is an attempt in recent decades to duplicate for the Arabs a 19th century type of nationalistic music which--through the utilization of a native tune, a literary theme, a traditional instrument, or a modal scale--attempts to create a new art music which would express a national and cultural spirit. It is essentially a Western European art product which appeals only to a limited audience of educated, urban, aristocratic and highly Westernized people. As can be imagined, this segment of society forms an insignificant minority in any of the Arab countries. Cairo and have in the past evidenced the largest communities for the performance and appreciation of this music. But even in those centers, the numbers (including the resident foreigners who patronize such events) have never been more than could fill one small concert hall. Nationalistic governments, patterning themselves after the regimes of Europe with no small degree of local inferiority complex, have often been generous in supporting such endeavors (for example, in Egypt, Lebanon, Tunisia and 'Irlq), hoping thereby to create a national prestige which would bolster their political stability, power, and ideology. Connection with the grass roots Arab and his musical heritage has usually been so superficial and peripheral, however, that little success has been achieved

75 by these moves realizing either the artistic or the political goals. One cannot help feeling that such efforts so far have been an exercise in futility. The Mozart, Beethoven and Borodin periods of some Arab composers are there in the literature to review, just as the various periods of European visual art styles are available in Cairo's Museum of Modern Art. This "internationalization"8 of the Arabian arts, however, is so alien to the tradition that it faces tremendous 9 odds when acceptance by the people at large is solicited. SUMMARY

Thus, we find the religious, traditional art and folk musics of the Arab World extensively unified as to performance occasions and performers, and appealing to, as well as affecting, large numbers of the population. This music, in addition, evidences an intensive unity in certain underlying characteristics of its musical style. It forms the basic musical tradition of the people of the Arab World from Morocco to Baghdad and even farther into non-Arab regions where Islamic influence carried Arabian aesthetic traditions.

Contrasted to this homogeneous and traditional body of music, we find another sphere of musical examples which contains significant elements of Westernization. This Western or Westernized music is divided into two categories which, in many ways, parallel counterparts found in Western culture. One of these two categories is Westernized popular music; the other is Arabicized Western classical music. Instead of extensive use and intensive musical unity, we find in these two categories limited significance in audience participation, in occasions for use and in performers, as well as limited conformance of musical characteristics from one category or sub-category to another. CONCLUSIONS

What does the preceding discussion tell us about the study of music in general and about the nature of musical change and continuity? 1) There is no such thing as a static society, or a static musical tradition. In any musical culture, there are, however, elements of both change and non- change. In addition, there are vastly differing rates of change within different societies and even within certain aspects, or certain bodies of music, within a single society. Such information about any culture helps

76 to reveal basic premises and propensities in the culture in question. If we are to understand a musical culture, therefore, we should be as concerned with that which does not change as with that which changes, with that part of the musical body which changes as much as with the specific change itself. That which exemplifies non- change is perhaps much more crucial to the cultural matrix than that which exemplifies drastic change. It is as if the community had put its stamp of essentiality on the former, of non-essentiality on the latter. This is clearly evidenced in the case of music in the Arab- Islamic World, where over the centuries Qur'?nic chant has been consistently and tirelessly protected from being affected by innovations and regional peculiarities. Obviously, at farther removes from the model, purists felt less called upon to guard and isolate musical traditions. For this reason, many regional musical practices have been retained in the repertoires of their peoples. It also explains why some styles of popular music, or imported musics such as "Arabized Western classical music" have been capable of incorporating significant innovations from other cultures whereas the categories of religious, art and folk music appear to have experienced little significant alteration over the centuries.

Perhaps these facts also play a role in accounting for the "contempt, antipathy or indifference" within the culture toward Arabian art music which has been noted by Powers (see his paper above). If we acknowledge, along with the culture, the position of Qur'5nic cantillation as supreme "musical"10 art and example, if we acknowledge the tremendous importance of and exposure to this "musical" model--this Great Tradi- tion--it should not surprise us that other categories of music have been forced into subordinate positions as far as exposure and appreciation are concerned. There is no culture which gives more emphasis to or evidences more interest in its music than the give to their Qur'5nic "music." Their indifference to certain forms of art music is a result of the fact that these do not represent the Great Tradition of the culture. But it would be grossly misrepresentative to attribute musical indifference per se to the person who listens daily to Qur'"nic cantillation, in his prayers and during both religious and social gatherings, in his lessons at the elementary school, in the morning and at night, in war time, in peace time, and at every crucial stage of life. One might say that successful answering of the questions posed at the Princeton seminar involves

77 a knowledge of "where the musical action is." This does not rule out the possibility of finding Arab intellectuals, both in the East and the West, who are little aware of either the art music or the Qur 'nic tradition. In some cases these Arabs who may have grown up in an Arab environment--those reared in a completely Western environment are of course outside our considera- tion since they would not be expected to react as Arabs or Muslims--have been so Westernized by their education or living circumstances that they fail to respond in a culturally determined manner. Others, humiliated by decades of political, economic, social and artistic decline in the Arab World, have been struck by such a cultural inferiority complex that they no longer view the art products of their culture with a knowledgeable and sympathetic eye or ear. 2) There is need to guard against being impressed by the obvious and surface elements of musical change, at the expense of ignoring much more basic and significant continuing traditions. Instrumentation changes and increases of ensemble size are examples of these recent alterations which seem very obvious but in the long run may have little effect on the basic music-making process of the Arab World if the model continues to exert its influence. Qur'anic

3) Categories such as religious music, tradi- tional art music, folk music and popular music are not representative of separately identifiable bodies of music in all cultures. We should guard against imposing them indiscriminately on the music of other cultures. These Western categories have no significance in the terminology of the Arab theorists of music before European intellectual penetration of the Arab World became significant. Even when they can be forced on the materials, they need drastic clarification or even re- definition to be properly meaningful. 4) There is little in common aesthetically or musically between the traditional music of the Arabs and that of the . Since acculturation is known to be facilitated when the two interacting tradi- tions have basic similarities (Merriam 1964:417), it was predictable that the traditional Arabian music should be little affected by Westernization and that accultura- tion would occur only in specific fields of musical performance. This has in fact been the case, for it is primarily the transplanted genres (some forms of popular music and Arabicized Western classical music) which are found to be the major areas of musical and acculturation.

78 5) The contemporary fascination with change as a category of investigation in every field and discipline of Western scholarship is as much an indication of a contemporary Western intellectual movement as it is of the sociological, political, artistic or musical data being investigated by contemporary scholars. Western intellectual history has experienced drastic changes in ideology over the centuries. Each of these changes brought new symbolizations in the arts of those new ideologies. In no culture of the world, in no period of time, has there been a comparable rate of change. With this long tradition of involvement with change, our present scholarly preoccupation with this factor should not be surprising. We should realize however that other cultures may not share this same tradition for change. Although no culture can be perfectly static and remain alive, the rate of change, the elements which change, the designation of any movement within the culture as a mere alteration of the system or, on the contrary, as substantial change, varies greatly from culture to culture. Realizing the recurrent themes of "back to the Qur' n," "back to the Prophet," and "back to the period of the Orthodox ," we might expect change in Islamic civilization--whether we are dealing with sociological, aesthetic or musical data--to have its own tempo, its own unique momentum. The discovery of the materials which could detail the nature of that momentum and define the spheres of greatest influence for change in the Arab-Islamic World could be deeply revealing of the Arabs and their culture as well as provide guidelines for predicting contemporary and future developments.

NOTES

1. See al Ghazlli (1901-1902) for a defense of music when used in the proper context and with the proper associations.

2. A gathering for the purpose of dhikr or "remembrance" of God, the hadrah involves professional as well as amateur participation in one or more of the following activities: prayer, chanting of religious formulae, poetry, music, and movement or dance. 3. Azhari is an adjective derived from the proper noun, Al Azhar, the name for the oldest and most prestigious Islamic educational institution, a university founded in Cairo in the 10th century.

79 4. This widespread interest in performance as well as audience participation in cantillation was confirmed by a survey conducted by this author in 1976 among native and immigrant Muslims of North America. The study was sponsored by the Association of Muslim Social Scientists.

5. Mashriq (the "East") applies to that part of the Arab World from Egypt to 'Iriq. It is used in contrast to the more Western regions of North Africa (Libya to the Atlantic Ocean), which are known as the Maghrib, or "West." 6. Countless writers through the centuries have written on the beauties of Qur'anic cantillation and the means for guarding against its drastic change or corruption from outside influences. This concern continues to our time, e.g., Labrb al Sa'id's Al Mushaf al Murattal (1967), and the recordings of the High Council of Islamic Affairs in Egypt. 7. See Jones (1977:61), where the author speaks of "the essential musical and structural sameness that unite the variety of events, groups, and regions." In the Mashriq, religious and art music also seem to interpenetrate in a way which creates, according to Shiloah, "more similarities than differences" (see his paper above, pp. and ). See also Levin's paper p. ; Jones 1977:4. 8. A term used by Lebanese artist and art historian Helen Khal for a Westernizing trend in the visual arts of the Arabs. She hopes thereby to disguise the true nature of the process and provide for it a measure of respectability. 9. Discussing contemporary Arab musical expression and appreciation, Jacques Berque writes: "The immense majority remains faithful to the old taste's current, which is too wedded to its intimacy to attach itself to the West as freely as visual processes can. "Not that Western music is incapable of moving Arabs. . But the core of musical taste remains faithful to its home climate" (Berque 1974:212). 10. I use the term "musical" in the sense of an aural aesthetic expression which symbolizes the deepest ideas or ideology of a people.

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