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Studies in Visual Communication Volume 3 Issue 1 Spring 1976 Article 2 1976 Art, History, and Society: Popular Painting in Shaba, Zaire Ilona Szombati-Fabian Johannes Fabian Recommended Citation Szombati-Fabian, I., & Fabian, J. (1976). Art, History, and Society: Popular Painting in Shaba, Zaire. 3 (1), 1-21. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/svc/vol3/iss1/2 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/svc/vol3/iss1/2 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Art, History, and Society: Popular Painting in Shaba, Zaire This contents is available in Studies in Visual Communication: https://repository.upenn.edu/svc/vol3/iss1/2 For us, anthropological knowledge of this art form is neither mere classification of objects according to the · schemes of a logic of inquiry, nor simply transformation of a presumed ethnographic domain into a structured system. Rather, the kind of knowledge we are seeking constitutes its ART, HISTORY, AND SOCIETY: object through confrontation with its material visual and POPULAR PAINTING IN SHABA , ZAIRE observable- manifestations, and through Versliindigu~g, a process of understanding of, and of agreement about these ILONA SZOMBATI-FABIAN manifestations based on communicative interactio~ with JOHANNES FABIAN their producers and consumers. In other words, we neither assume a "given" reality in the form of discrete objects ("paintings"), nor do we presume a domain of thought and 3 Students of African visual art are slowly beginning to action (such as "art"). We will sketch the ethnographic context of Popular Art in surmount aesthetic barriers which have prevented them from 4 giving recognition to the products of contemporary artists Shaba (PAS), trying to convey a sense of the kinds and working in materials and with techniques other than the ones quality of urban experience which these paintings visually that were canonized by Western scholars as "traditional." record and, more importantly, which they help to generate Although contributions have grown more numerous in recent and explicate. years, 1 the kinds of art that catch outside interest are still We will then attempt to establish a system of genres, i.e., limited to works which are pleasing to Westerners and of complexes of form, content, and presentation which therefore marketable, to "higher" art forms which are structure PAS in such a way that almost any given painting produced by recognized masters or schools and are ac­ will be recognized as belonging to a known "kind," being systematically different from other kinds (and often referred c~ptable by the standards of art criticism, and to the recently d1scovered socioeconomic significance of "lower" forms that to by generally accepted labels). Axiomatically, we define came to be known as airport art. 2 genres as comprehensive and recursive expressions of This paper reports on a vital and prolific art form hidden experience shared by producers and consumers of PAS. The from tourists and even from most of the long-time resident concept has heuristic rather than strict classificatory value. foreigners by socioeconomic as well as cultural barriers. As in any ongoing process, one cannot expect neat Our own research on popular painting in the Shaba region unequivocal boundaries between units. ' of Zaire began with a discovery, almost by accident. From . Fi~ally we will concentrate on one genre and a sample of pamtmgs representing it, trying to understand how discrete the moment that we first saw a strange creature, half woman half fish, painted in oil on canvas and hung on the wall in ~ signs _and symbols can create a coherent message, and how Zairean worker's livingroom, to the day when a collection of the v1sual message can become part of an ongoing discourse paintings left the country, our object of study continued to in which this society communicates and transforms its life constitute itself, to expand and contract, take shape and experience. structures, cause interest and revulsion - all this in a complex interplay between us, the artists, and their customers. Some THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CONTEXT OF PAS of the images, topics, and scenes represented in these The urban centers of Shaba, in the copper-producing paintings seemed to be immediately recognizable; others south-eastern region of Zaire, are results of industrialization were revealed to us by those who knew better. Still others of massive recruitment of labor and, later on, of massiv~ begin to show themselves only now that we find the time to immigration from other parts of the country. 5 Around look at the paintings, to dissect and compare them, to listen commercial and (formerly European) residential core cities to recorded statements about them, and to follow leads into most of the African population lives in "zones" (minimall; history, ethnography, and folklore. planned and serviced communities), in workers' camps (totally planned and serviced by the mining company and its subsidiaries), and in "zones annexes" (huge squatters' towns Ilona Szombati-Fabian has worked on the concept of time in almost without municipal planning or services). Although Zulu myth and ritual, and on the emergence of historical some subsistence gardening is important, the economy is consciousness among Czech immigrants to the U.S. She is a thoroughly based on money. Most of the jobs are provided Ph.D. candidate in anthropology at the University of Chicago by the copper industry, by transportation and government and currently teaches a course on ethnicity at Wesleyan with an important but not exactly known proportion of th~ University. johannes Fabian did fieldwork in the Shabo population counted as unemployed. Many people have lived region of Zaire. His publications include Jamaa: A Charismatic here for an extended period of time; second to fourth Movement in Katanga and articles on ethnosemantics, text­ generation urbanites become more and more frequent. interpretation, and epistemological problems in anthro­ Cultural and linguistic variations notwithstanding, these cities pology. He taught at Northwestern University and at the are pervaded by a distinctive style of life. The degree of National University of Zaire at Lubumbashi. He is now uniformity of this style is obviously tied to similar Associate Professor of Anthropology at Wesleyan University. socioeconomic conditions for most of the population, but it also has its historical depth and structure. Reaching well into colonial times (Lubumbashi was incorporated in 1911, POPULAR PAINTING IN SHABA, ZAIRE Kolwezi in the early 1940s) the population shares a common black beauties, and other souvenirs. history marked by dramatic and traumatic events: World War Until recently, PAS only had occasional ramifications into II with revolts and strikes toward its end, Independence in the curio- and airport-art trade. Although paintings produced 1960, the Katanga secession 1960-63, and other in Shaba are exported into Zambia and are reported to have post-independence upheavals until Mobutu's rise to power in reached the East Coast, the bulk of PAS remains strictly for 1965. local African consumption. For most city dwellers, life is hard by anybody's PAS, at least in its present importance and degree of standards, but somehow many find sufficient means to aspire general acceptance, is a relatively recent phenomenon. to an urban, petit bourgeois way of life, expressed in goods Although isolated popular artists are reported to have sold of consumption, in dress, leisure activities and, most their works soon after World War II and a group of African important for us, in the way in which people arrange and painters working in Lubumbashi gained international fame as decorate their homes. In a certain sense, PAS is a side early as in the fifties, 6 what we call PAS seems to have had product of the differentiation of living-space resulting in the its explosive development coincidentally with the current idea of a salon (living room) with its typical furnishings and political regime. The reasons for this are complex. Relative decorations. While paintings probably were first found in political calm and modest economic security, if not many of the innumerable small shops and bars, more and prosperity, may be one factor; another is the emergence of a more of them are displayed in living rooms (in fact, many of distinctly post-colonial life style. But most important is what the small bars called buvettes are living rooms open to the we should like to describe as the formation of a new kind of public). Paintings (oil or acrylic on canvas over a stretcher, historical consciousness among the masses. It is this but seldom framed) sell for about $1.50 to $5.00, with consciousness which found in PAS expressions for its myths, portraits fetching as much as $10.00. This represents its experiences, and its contradictions. In ways which are not between 5% and 25% of the monthly income for most yet completely understood, these visual representations are workers and craftsmen. Given the cost of materials and the integrated into a social discourse, the verbal culture of the extremely small margin of profit, a typical artist must c1t1es of Shaba. Far from being mere objects of produce at least a painting a day to support himself and his contemplation pr decoration, popular paintings are distinctly family. There are no galleries, shops, or markets specializing labelled as to content and form, and the kind of distinctions in the sale of paintings; rather, they are peddled either by the which are expressed in everyday language provide more or artist himself or by some young people who work for a small less explicit links to a shared narrative lore. We doubt that commission. Occasionally, they are displayed in food there is a single adult inhabitant of these cities (short of cases markets and on the streets. of extreme isolation and deprivation) for whom one of these According to our estimates (based on the number of paintings could not become the object of a "story," a - artists we have known to be working) at least 500 paintings discursive statement on content, form and purpose which are sold monthly in Lubumbashi alone.

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