Voter’s Acceptance and Preferences of Candidates in Sarawak Election 2016: A Case Study of Jemoreng and Daro Constituencies Junaidi Saudi bin Narani1 and Fairuz Hidayat Merican bin Wan Merican1 1Universiti Teknologi MARA Cawangan Sarawak, Malaysia Keywords: Acceptance, perception, preferences, vox populi, amor patriae Abstract: The Sarawak Election 2016 saw a rare practice where active and performing incumbents of Jemoreng and Daro were denied candidatures in the National Front team to contest the election. This study aims at investigating acceptance of voters on new candidates, their perception on the incumbents, and identifying their preferences of ideal candidates. The instruments for primary data collection are structured questionnaires and semi-structured interviews. Four hundred questionnaires were distributed and forty semi structured interviews were conducted. Descriptive statistics and inferential statistics were analyzed with Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 20. The Cronbach’s Alpha levels for the overall constructs range from 0.7108 to 0.9029 proved that the scores obtained from the instruments were reliable. The acceptable and preferred candidates were perceived by voters, among others as people-friendly, high morale, easily available or being seen, concerned for people, experienced, and highly able to bring vox populi to the government. The voter’s perceptions on the incumbents are positive, and still winnable. The incumbents has demonstrated incontestable demeanor putting self-interest aside, party politics first, and share common values of professionalism, and team spirit for the amor patriae of Sarawak, Land of the Hornbills. 1 INTRODUCTION the 82 seats, of which eleven (11) are new constituencies with new faces representing the BN. An election is a crucial moment in the life of In liberal democracies, access to power is gained democracies. It is a political process to determine the by winning elections (Louw, 2010). Politicians and ruling government and provide the opportunity for political parties went entirely out to influence, the people to select the best candidates to the office convince or even induce voters to support and vote in the legislative assemblies, and eventually to run for them. Politicians even focus on their image, the government. Elections in Malaysia are held at identity, personality, and capabilities to garner two levels; the federal level and the state level. The support. Money and other incentives like the federal level is the parliamentary election to choose announcement of projects or programs to benefit the federal representatives for the Dewan Rakyat or people are also common baits to lure voters. Lower House of Parliament. The state election According to Gramsci, in order to retain power, enables the people to choose representatives in the hegemony or dominant political supremacy has to be State Legislative Assembly. There is no election at built (Gramsci, 1971). In the process, the people the local government level. need to naturally accept the dominant group's The parliamentary elections and the state leadership, moral codes, and practices. In Malaysia, elections in Malaysia, except for Sarawak run discourses or even sermons and talks in mosques or concurrently in every five years. Sarawak is other places of worship are typical strategies for enjoying the political privilege of a separate election campaigning. The official and mainstream media at the state level that no other states in Malaysia ever helps build consent, legitimacy, and spread support do. The ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional, for the dominant BN. Elections in Malaysia and the abbreviated as BN) candidates were contesting in all Sarawak Election 2016 were not discharged entirely from this style or mode of the election campaign. 1504 Saudi bin Narani, J. and bin Wan Merican, F. Voter’s Acceptance and Preferences of Candidates in Sarawak Election 2016: A Case Study of Jemoreng and Daro Constituencies. DOI: 10.5220/0009930815041510 In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1504-1510 ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9 Copyright c 2020 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved Voter’s Acceptance and Preferences of Candidates in Sarawak Election 2016: A Case Study of Jemoreng and Daro Constituencies 1.1 Problem Statement categorised into 6 groups which are Iban (30%), Malay (24%), Chinese (24%), Bidayuh (8%), Orang Problem Statement The usual candidacy practice by Ulu (7%) and Melanau (5%). Apart from the Malays BN was allowing incumbents who are active, fit and and Chinese, the other mentioned ethnic groups are winnable to stay re-nominated to be contested in the indigenous people who are also categorized as election. The Sarawak Election 2016 saw an unusual Bumiputeras. The unique acronym Perpaduan dalam shift in this pattern of behavior by removing Kepelbagaian or translated ‘unity in diversity’ is incumbents and planting new candidates for the indeed the undisputed formula for the ruling coalition. This sudden practice can be unsafe or government’s hegemony. The local native ethnic hazardous and may lead to unpopular votes. In groups are mostly members of Bersatu Pesaka quintessence, the Jemoreng and Daro constituencies Bumiputera (PBB), Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS), are considered safe with the incumbents. While and Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP). election campaigns have great influence and impact The United People’s Party (UPP) and Sarawak on the election results, the voter's acceptance of the National Party (SNAP) are multi-racial entities, new candidates and voter's perception on the while Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) incumbents are crucial for winning the election, although multi-racial is entirely Chinese-based. Parti requiring in-depth empirical investigations. Bangsa Dayak Sarawak Baru (PBDS Baru) and Parti Tenaga Rakyat Sarawak (TERAS) are entirely 1.2 Research Objectives Dayak-based political parties. This study is primarily to find out the people’s 2.2 The Ruling Coalition acceptance on new BN candidates during the campaigning period from 25thApril, after the The local BN component parties officially consist of nomination process until 6th May, 2016, before PBB, SUPP, PRS, and SPDP which are all local- polling on 7th May, 2016. The specific objectives on based political parties. UPP and TERAS which are candidacy issues were to investigate the level of splinters from SUPP and SPDP are not in the voter’s acceptance on the new BN candidates, to coalition, but BN-friendly. The incumbent elected seek voter’s perception on the incumbents, and to representatives from UPP and TERAS were treated identify the voter’s preferences of their candidates. as BN direct candidates and allowed to use BN symbols in Sarawak Election 2016. They were given the option to resign or quit their position in the party 2 LITERATURE REVIEW before election and may choose to join any coalition partners after winning the election. Politics is a decision-making process and the struggle to gain access to decision-making positions 2.3 The Opposition Front and resources that could be used to further one's interests (Louw, 2010). The recently dissolved The opposition parties in Sarawak currently holding government must be seen strong and effective to seats in the State Legislative Assembly are the reflect the continuous capability to rule the state and Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan to win the mandate of the people. Rakyat (PKR). Other opposition parties that do not have any seats in the House include the newly 2.1 Ethno-political Landscape formed Parti Amanah Negara (PAN), Parti Islam Se- Malaysia (PAS) and smaller state-centric parties Generally, the Sarawak political landscape shows such as the Sarawak National Party (SNAP), State the diverse demographic ethnicity sharing political Reform Party (STAR), and Parti Bangsa Dayak power in an alliance of the ruling coalition in the Sarawak Baru (PBDS Baru). The Oppositions Front national front (BN) as against the very vocal but in the Sarawak Legislative assembly is headed by a powerless oppositions. Sarawak has a headcount of representative from DAP. 2.6 million people, making up 9% of Malaysia’s The opposition front was indeed facing an uphill population. battle. The recent Sarawak's re-delineation exercise Compared to its Peninsular counterpart, Sarawak saw the increased number of state constituencies is very diverse comprising over 40 sub-ethnic from seventy-one (71) to eighty-two (82) seats. Out groups, each with its own distinct language, culture of the eleven (11) new seats, ten (10) are categorized and lifestyle. These various ethnicities are broadly 1505 ICRI 2018 - International Conference Recent Innovation as rural or semi-rural seats, of which traditionally are social mobility and political behavior. Ratnam's BN strongholds. writing way back in 1965 forwarded the idea of The strength of the opposition partners, DAP and communalism in Malaysian politics. Later studies PKR, is the urban seats. Apart from trying to re-echoed the same concern that there is communal penetrate the rural constituencies, another challenge determinism in the choice of parties (Ratnam & for the opposition is to evade multi-cornered fights. Milne, 1967). Hussin Mutalib has also posed the The new opposition coalition consists of DAP, PKR idea of religion influencing communalism (Mutalib, and the newly formed Pakatan Harapan (PAN), as 1990). PAS and SNAP remain standalone or detached. One of the indications that incumbent would Until there is a consensus in the opposition front to return to power lies on voters who are confident that ensure straight fight against BN in every the government would restore peace and stability for constituency, a fragmented opposition is unlikely to the future of the state and their families (Weschle, win the polls. The BN, on the other hand, has 2014). It would be a challenging proposition for the claimed that the conflicting seat allocation between opposition parties to gain a strong foothold on the the component parties has been resolved. state if the voters were confident of the state and their family under the present BN government.