Chapter 8: Social Stratification
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Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States?
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States? THOMAS KLEVEN† I. INTRODUCTION The thesis of this article is that the United States is systemically a highly classist and racist society, that classism and racism are interrelated and overlapping phenomena, and that the achievement of a non- classist/non-racist society requires a mass movement of working-class people of all ethnicities for social and racial justice for all. By systemic classism/racism I mean that the political and economic institutions of the society are structured and operate to systematically disadvantage working-class people in general, and ethnic minorities in particular, and to systematically advantage a relatively small and largely white upper elite class, and a rather substantial and predominantly white upper middle class. By systemic advantage/disadvantage I mean that the opportunities to succeed in life are unequally distributed along class and racial lines, and that society’s institutions produce and perpetuate this class/race hierarchy. The discussion of race focuses primarily on African Americans and Hispanics, both of whom have been systematically disadvantaged on account of ethnicity.1 As the society’s largest disadvantaged minorities, † Professor of Law, Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Texas Southern University. I would like to thank my colleagues who attended and made helpful comments on an earlier draft of the article presented at a Faculty Quodlibet at the law school in November, 2007. I would especially like to thank Asmara Tekle-Johnson for suggestions on how better to organize the article, and Jon Levy for pointing out errors in and suggesting sources for the historical parts of the article. -
Social Norms and Social Influence Mcdonald and Crandall 149
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com ScienceDirect Social norms and social influence Rachel I McDonald and Christian S Crandall Psychology has a long history of demonstrating the power and and their imitation is not enough to implicate social reach of social norms; they can hardly be overestimated. To norms. Imitation is common enough in many forms of demonstrate their enduring influence on a broad range of social life — what creates the foundation for culture and society phenomena, we describe two fields where research continues is not the imitation, but the expectation of others for when to highlight the power of social norms: prejudice and energy imitation is appropriate, and when it is not. use. The prejudices that people report map almost perfectly onto what is socially appropriate, likewise, people adjust their A social norm is an expectation about appropriate behav- energy use to be more in line with their neighbors. We review ior that occurs in a group context. Sherif and Sherif [8] say new approaches examining the effects of norms stemming that social norms are ‘formed in group situations and from multiple groups, and utilizing normative referents to shift subsequently serve as standards for the individual’s per- behaviors in social networks. Though the focus of less research ception and judgment when he [sic] is not in the group in recent years, our review highlights the fundamental influence situation. The individual’s major social attitudes are of social norms on social behavior. formed in relation to group norms (pp. 202–203).’ Social norms, or group norms, are ‘regularities in attitudes and Address behavior that characterize a social group and differentiate Department of Psychology, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS 66045, it from other social groups’ [9 ] (p. -
Growing Detroit's African-American Middle
v GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT Photography Tafari Stevenson-Howard 1st Printing: February 2019 GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT 4 FOREWORD Foreword There’s a simple, universal concept concerning economic, social and educational growth that must be front of mind in planning about enlarging the black middle class: Authentic development and growth require deliberate investment. If we want to see more black people enter the middle class, we must invest in endeavors and interventions that lead to better- paying jobs, affordable housing, efficient transportation and effective schools. Though these amenities will attract middle- class people back to Detroit, the focus on development must be directed at uplifting a greater percentage of current residents so that they have the necessary tools to enter the middle class. Meaning, growing the black middle class in Detroit should not result from pushing low-income people out of the city. One may think a strategy to attract people back into to the city should take priority. White and middle-class flight significantly influenced the concentrations of families who make less than $50,000 in the suburbs (30 percent) and in Detroit (75 percent), according to findings in Detroit Future City’s “139 Square Miles” report. Bringing suburbanites back into the city would alter these percentages, and we most certainly want conditions that are attractive to all middle- class families. However, we also don’t want to return to the realities where the devaluing of low-income and black people hastened the flight to the suburbs. -
Social Mobility in Rural America Insights from Communities Whose Young People Are Climbing the Income Ladder
A Field Report by National 4-H Council and The Bridgespan Group Social Mobility in Rural America Insights from Communities Whose Young People Are Climbing the Income Ladder By Mark McKeag, Mike Soskis, Luis Ramos & Bill Breen in collaboration with National 4-H Council and the Cooperative Extension System of our nation’s land-grant universities Collaborating to accelerate social impact November 2018 Table of Contents Letter from the President and CEO, National 4-H Council ������������������������������������������������������ 3 Foreword ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 Executive Summary ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Social Mobility in Rural America ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 10 Getting a Ground-Level View ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������13 Communities Whose Youth Are Advancing Economically ����������������������������������������������������16 Six Factors That Might Support Upward Mobility �����������������������������������������������������������������������������18 Factor #1: A high expectation that youth will “opt in” and work hard to -
Civis Romanus Sum Citizenship in Ancient Rome Was Valued Not Only
Civis Romanus Sum Citizenship in Ancient Rome was valued not only for the rights and social status it provided, but also for the sense of patriotism and honor it instilled in the Roman people. The gravity of citizenship allowed the Roman Empire’s multitudinous regions to become vastly and impossibly connected by a sense of pride for one Italian city. Citizenship was a commodity valuable enough for soldiers such as Mucius Scaevola to give their right hands for, as well as for plebeians to secede and fight for with their lives. Citizens felt an unbreakable bond between themselves and their nation; they were dedicated to representing and defending Rome at any cost. It was this strong sense of identity that united so many people and created such a dominant empire. Roman citizenship was one of the most prized possessions a European inhabitant could have, bearing the magnitude of rights, ranking, honor, and a powerful sense of Roman identity. Although some Roman people were born into citizenship, the rest of the population yearned for such rights and status, and took whatever action they could to become true, legal members of Roman society. Citizenship included suffrage, the right to run for and occupy office, the right to not be tortured, crucified, or be sentenced to death unless found guilty of treason, the right to marry, to hold property, and to have a trial, as well as various “public” and “private” prerogatives. Romans born into a noble family inherited citizenship and social status; they made up the patrician class, while the lower plebeian class was made up of free non-citizens. -
Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders
Introductory Handbook on The Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES Cover photo: © Rafael Olivares, Dirección General de Centros Penales de El Salvador. UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON DRUGS AND CRIME Vienna Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES UNITED NATIONS Vienna, 2018 © United Nations, December 2018. All rights reserved. The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Publishing production: English, Publishing and Library Section, United Nations Office at Vienna. Preface The first version of the Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders, published in 2012, was prepared for the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) by Vivienne Chin, Associate of the International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy, Canada, and Yvon Dandurand, crimi- nologist at the University of the Fraser Valley, Canada. The initial draft of the first version of the Handbook was reviewed and discussed during an expert group meeting held in Vienna on 16 and 17 November 2011.Valuable suggestions and contributions were made by the following experts at that meeting: Charles Robert Allen, Ibrahim Hasan Almarooqi, Sultan Mohamed Alniyadi, Tomris Atabay, Karin Bruckmüller, Elias Carranza, Elinor Wanyama Chemonges, Kimmett Edgar, Aida Escobar, Angela Evans, José Filho, Isabel Hight, Andrea King-Wessels, Rita Susana Maxera, Marina Menezes, Hugo Morales, Omar Nashabe, Michael Platzer, Roberto Santana, Guy Schmit, Victoria Sergeyeva, Zhang Xiaohua and Zhao Linna. -
How Economic Inequality Shapes Mobility Expectations and Behavior
How Economic Inequality Shapes Mobility Expectations and Behavior in Disadvantaged Youth Alexander S. Browmana Mesmin Destinb,c,d Melissa S. Kearneye,g Phillip B. Levinef,g a Lynch School of Education, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA 02467 b School of Education and Social Policy, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60208 c Department of Psychology, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60208 d Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60208 e Department of Economics, University of Maryland, College Park, MD 20742 f Department of Economics, Wellesley College, Wellesley, MA 02481 g National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA 02138 Nature Human Behaviour, 2019 © Springer Nature Limited, 2019. This paper is not the copy of record and may not exactly replicate the authoritative document published in Nature Human Behaviour. The final article is available at: https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-018-0523-0 2 Abstract Economic inequality can have a range of negative consequences for those in younger generations, particularly for those from lower-socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds. Economists and psychologists, among other social scientists, have addressed this issue, but have proceeded largely in parallel. This Perspective outlines how these disciplines have proposed and provided empirical support for complementary theoretical models. Specifically, both disciplines emphasize that inequality weakens people’s belief in socioeconomic opportunity, thereby reducing the likelihood that low-SES young people will engage in behaviors that would improve their chances of upward mobility (e.g., persisting in school, averting teenage pregnancy). In integrating the methods and techniques of economics and psychology, we offer a cohesive framework for considering this issue. -
Social Inequalities―Empirical Focus Gunnar Otte, Mara Boehle, and Katharinakunißen
Social Inequalities―Empirical Focus Gunnar Otte, Mara Boehle, and KatharinaKunißen Abstract: Social inequalities constituteone of the largest research fieldsofsociology in the German-speakingcountries.This field has been successfullyinstitutionalized and internationalized in recent decades. Today, it rests on arich data infrastructure and alarge bodyofcumulativeresearch. The article traces this advancement in terms of shifting theoretical paradigms,methodological innovations, and the establishment of the current data infrastructure. It particularlyhighlights recent developments in four coreareas of inequality research: educational inequality and returns on educa- tion; employment and the labor market; income, wealth, and poverty;and social mobility. Keywords: Social inequality,social stratification, social change, data infrastructure, Germany 1Introduction Ever since sociologyemergedasascientific endeavorinthe eraofindustrialization (the “social question”), social inequalities have been at the heart of the discipline. In the German-speakingcountries,asinmanyothers, inequality research is one of the largest and most advanced fields of sociology. Forthis and other reasons,reviewing the publication output since the turn of the millennium is anything but an easy task. First,inequality research is constituted of, or is related to, several subfields of re- search, such as education, work/labor,social policy, health/aging, demography, the life course, family, migration/ethnicity,and gender. The demarcation of the field is thereforeblurry and -
Changing Roles in Is: a Role Theory Perspective R
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by AIS Electronic Library (AISeL) Association for Information Systems AIS Electronic Library (AISeL) International Conference on Information Systems ICIS 1988 Proceedings (ICIS) 1988 CHANGING ROLES IN IS: A ROLE THEORY PERSPECTIVE R. L. Heckman Jr. University of Pittsburgh Dennis F. Galletta University of Pittsburgh Follow this and additional works at: http://aisel.aisnet.org/icis1988 Recommended Citation Heckman, R. L. Jr. and Galletta, Dennis F., "CHANGING ROLES IN IS: A ROLE THEORY PERSPECTIVE" (1988). ICIS 1988 Proceedings. 34. http://aisel.aisnet.org/icis1988/34 This material is brought to you by the International Conference on Information Systems (ICIS) at AIS Electronic Library (AISeL). It has been accepted for inclusion in ICIS 1988 Proceedings by an authorized administrator of AIS Electronic Library (AISeL). For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHANGING ROLES IN IS: A ROLE THEORY PERSPECTIVEl It. L. Heckman, Jr. Dennis F. Galletta Joseph M. Katz Graduate School of Business University of Pittsburgh ABSTRACT The recent dramatic and interesting advances in computer technology have significantly altered the roles of both users and developers. Role theory might be applied to more fully understand and more effectively investigate organizational, behavioral, and social issues related to these changes. A frame- work for categorizing information systems roles is built from a matrix of information system and organizational activities. The information system activity dimension is composed of indirect user, direct user, autonomous developer, traditional developer, and facilitator categories. The organizational activity dimension contains clerical, professional, and managerial categories. -
Class and Ocupation
Theory and Society, vol. 9, núm. 1, 1980, pp. 177-214. Class and Ocupation. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (1980). Class and Ocupation. Theory and Society, 9 (1) 177-214. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/53 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. 177 CLASS AND OCCUPATION ERIK OLIN WRIGHT Sociologists have generally regarded "class" and "occupation" as occupy- ing essentially the same theoretical terrain. Indeed, the most common operationalization of class is explicitly in terms of a typology of occupa- tions: professional and technical occupations constitute the upper-middle class, other white collar occupations comprise the middle class proper, and manual occupations make up the working class. Even when classes are not seen as defined simply by a typology of occupations, classes are generally viewed as largely determined by occupations. Frank Parkin expresses this view when he writes: "The backbone of the class structure, and indeed of the entire reward system of modern Western society, is the occupational order. Other sources of economic and symbolic advantage do coexist alongside the occupational order, but for the vast majority of the population these tend, at best, to be secondary to those deriving from the division of labor."' While the expression "backbone" is rather vague, nevertheless the basic proposition is clear: the occupational structure fundamentally determines the class structure. -
Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society Uses a Historical and Conceptual Framework to Explain Social Stratification and Social Inequality
SOCIAL INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN US SOCIETY Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society uses a historical and conceptual framework to explain social stratification and social inequality. The historical scope gives context to each issue discussed and allows the reader to understand how each topic has evolved over the course of American history. The author uses qualitative data to help explain socioeconomic issues and connect related topics. Each chapter examines major concepts, so readers can see how an individual’s success in stratified settings often relies heavily on their access to valued resources—types of capital which involve finances, schooling, social networking, and cultural competence. Analyzing the impact of capital types throughout the text helps map out the prospects for individuals, families, and also classes to maintain or alter their position in social- stratification systems. Christopher B. Doob is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Southern Connecticut State University. His published works include Sociology: An Introduction, 6th Edition (Harcourt Press 1999); Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society (Routledge 2012); Race, Ethnicity, and the Urban American Mainstream (Pearson 2004); Racism: An American Cauldron, 3rd Edition (Pearson 1998), the second edition of which received a Myers Center Award for the Study of Human Rights; and Great Expectations: The Sociol- ogy of Survival and Success in Team Sports (Routledge 2018). In addition, he has been active in his community, serving as coordinator for the Southern Connecticut State University’s Urban Initiatives, which established math tutor- ing classes for inner-city children. He has also participated in the struggle for welfare rights and been a long- time volunteer in two local adult- education programs.