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Printed in the United States of America

ISBN: 978-1-60927-822-9 (pbk) Contents

Introduction 1

PART I Conceptualizing Race, Class, Gender, Religion, and Nationality

1. The Foundation of Gender Identity 9 Cheryl A. Rubenberg 2. Gender, Race, and Class in Silicon Valley 19 Karen J. Hossfeld 3. Race, Class, Gender, and Women's Works 27 Teresa Amott and Julia A. Matthaei 4. Recasting the Middle East, North Africa, and Afghanistan 43 Valentine Moghadam

PART II Women and Politics in a Global World

5. The Politics of Gender Equality 77 Sarah Henderson and Alana S. Jeydel 6. Under Western Eyes 113 Chandra Talpade Mohanty 7. Common Themes, Different Contexts 141 Cheryl Johnson-Odim 8. Analysing Gender in the Politics of the Third World 155 Georgina Waylen 9. Hierarchy and Class in Women’s Organizations 175 Gay Young Part III: Women and Employment in a Global Economy

10. The Sweeper Women of Structural Adjustment, or the Feminization of Social Security 195 Christa Wichterich 11. Paid and Unpaid Labor 225 Lourdes Beneria 12. Female Labor, Regional Crises, and Feminist Responses 255 Valentine Moghadam 13. From Structural Adjustment to the Global Trade Agenda 279 Valentine Moghadam 14. Women Miners, Human Rights and Poverty 311 Ingrid Macdonald Introduction

Goals and Objectives of This Book

his book is interdisciplinary: it takes a global perspective within the contexts of T gender relations, class, race, religion, and nationality. Th ese factors are neither static nor biological. Th ey change with economic development, technological advancement, class confl icts, and political actions, as Moghadam (2003) points out in this text. Amott and Matthaei (1991) argue that women’s struggle for the right to vote in the 19th century changed gender perceptions and gender relations. In “the 1960s, the transformation of race-ethnic identity into a source of solidarity and pride was essential to movements of people of color such as the Black Power and American Indian Movements.” To what extent do the institutionalization and applications of gendered roles, class, race, and religion into social, economic, and political policies impact women in particular, and people in general? Th ese factors shape and diff erentiate experiences among women and people typically. What are some of the challenges and mechanisms women face and use in their responses to such policies? Although women have diverse diff erences, locally and internationally, they have been able to organize and participate in socioeconomics and politics around is- sues that aff ect all women in their daily lives. Women are instrumental in eff ecting changes in the areas of policy through legislation, nongovernmental organizations (NGOS), and social movements at the grassroots level. Globally, women bring about changes through international conferences, such as the Beijing International Conference in 1995, the Fourth Conference on Women, and its adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action. Th ese eff orts demonstrate some steps taken by international organizations and the United Nations in improving women’s working conditions. Furthermore, it off ers some recommendations and information on the work done by women and men. Th e analyses of gender, race, religion, nationality, and class refl ect the way socially construed, internalized, and institutionalized terms shape the ways in which people are chosen for diff erent jobs, and how resources are distributed in society. Th e gendering process of jobs creates a subdivision of labor and hierarchies in the workforce, based on rankings in class, race, religion, and nationality, among other factors. Th ese factors facilitate the understanding of economic restructuring,

Introduction | 1 international economic development, information on global markets, the feminization of labor, including national and international policies that are gendered. Th e analyses provide some insights in understanding how gendered perspectives are integrated into economics, politics, and global processes. For this, we turn to three major themes of investigation into how these factors are manifested in daily experiences—from local to global.

Part One: The Conceptualization of Gender, Class, Race, Religion, and Nationality

Th e socialization and construction of gender, race-ethnicity, class, nationality, and religion (among other factors diff erentiating people and societies) originate from family as an insti- tution, to public institutions. Th ey constitute ideologies, cultural norms, attitudes, and iden- tities that shape most perceptions about gender roles, class, race-ethnicity, nationality, and religious beliefs. At the public level, they are internalized and institutionalized, and become the determinants of policies, distribution, and accessibility to health care, employment, education, environmental safety, and immigration status, among other factors. Rothenberg (2005) points out that in a kinship society, gender relations and hierarchies make up the identity of an individual, and entitlements depend on these hierarchies. Morality, senior- ity, gender relations, and racial-ethnic privileges and structural arrangements are seen within the context of this culture: a patriarchal culture, in which domination and control are legitimized, and the role of a woman is that of a good mother and wife—an obedient helpmate. According to Waylen (1996) private and public spheres in this type of system seem separate, but they are, in fact, complementary. In various parts of Africa, gender roles overlap, especially in rural communities subject to agricultural production. Women’s roles revolve around domestic work, as well as food production. In a capitalist mode of produc- tion, patriarchal ideologies fi lter into the process of production, in which hierarchies are determined on the basis of gender, race-ethnicity, and class. For instance, Hossfeld (Paula Rothenberg 2005) points out that masculinity and femininity are constructed through the gendering of workplace by “reaffi rming traditional forms of femininity.” Although women work in non-female jobs (especially those in factories), their femininity is affi rmed by wear- ing make-up Such behavior inherently stems from upper-class women, who traditionally did not work. Hossfeld argues that women in the workplace face contradictions, and the “strategy on the part of management serves to devalue women’s productive worth.” Th e color-coding by sex—regardless of a woman’s occupation—assumes that in every house- hold, there is a man who is the breadwinner. As such, a woman’s job is supplementary and temporary, and does not deserve equal pay and benefi ts compared with that of a man. Th is generalization is erroneous, since female-headed households are on the rise, according to

2 | International Perspectives on Women Wangari. 1 In her study, she found the impacts of land registration in Mbeere, Kenya, re- sulted in the disruption of families, which led to an increase in female-headed households. Th e expansion of capital in a global market prefers cheap labor in order to minimize the cost of production, thus maximizing profi ts. Th e expansion of capital globally, depends on the unskilled labor of women and people of color, particularly in the Th ird World. Eisenstein2 points out that “women and girls toil away in maquiladora factories,” while the “global vil- lage” has been glorifi ed as a key to equality between the core and peripheral countries. Th e hegemony of political and economic decisions is dominated by the core countries, and those of peripheral nations forming alliances with the international structures of economic power, with race as a determining factor. Likewise, a regional context and global system of states and markets, according to Moghadam, infl uence each country’s social formation, and the roles and status of women. In the Middle East, for instance, women’s low status should be seen within the context of economic development and political changes. Islam as a religion alone, she argues, cannot be the determinant of the low status of women, since it is neither more nor less patriarchal than other major religions, such as Judaism and Christianity. Th e Islamic precepts and the application of legal codes should not be universalized, according to Moghadam.

Part Two: Women and Politics in a Global World

Waylen and Mohanty (1996; 1991) assert that gender-role experiences in Th ird World women diff er, depending on the history and nature of a given state. Th e experiences of women contrast in terms of class, race, nationality, and religion. Histories—such as co- lonial, postcolonial, democratic, or authoritarian states—will alter existing gender roles, class, and racial-ethnic social relations. Racial-ethnic and class struggles end up in wars that disrupt whole nations. Th e presentation of Th ird World women as the “other” (imply- ing non-Western) is a problematic one, since it constitutes power and domination. Th e “other” is seen as sharing the same histories of oppression, and that Th ird World women are powerless, lacking maturity as a group—a group needing to be rescued by Western femi- nism. Mohanty points out that it is through this construction of the “other” that Western feminists appropriate and colonize the experiences of Th ird World women. Sisterhood is not universal, Mohanty argues, and she calls for the examination of “concrete histories and political analyses.” Th is image of universalizing also informs economic and political theories, in which women and men share the same policies and economic development. Policies that work in the West are also assumed to work in the Th ird World and have the same impacts. Economic development policies or political issues are not gender-neutral, nor are they shared by all men. Class, race-ethnicity, nationality, religion, wars, and migra- tion will shape the diff erences between—and among—women. Waylen (1996; Henderson and Jeydel 2007) dispute theories of generalization and neutrality. Th ey argue that gender

Introduction | 3 roles are not neutral. Women’s work is segregated, requires only low skills, and pays less. Western feminists should position their analyses of Th ird World women on the basis of his- tories that alter existing gender roles, culture, economic, and political systems. As Staudt3 points out, “feminist model leadership constitutes commitment of others rather than their subordination. In practice, empowerment means broad responsibilities for all and widely visible decision-making.”

Part Three: Women and Employment in a Global Economy

Most of the policies for economic growth implemented in the Th ird World are based on Western growth models. Such policies are supposed to stimulate growth, and earn a country foreign exchange and investment in the agricultural sector. Th e cash-crop sector is supposed to be more competitive in the international market, once the devaluation of currency takes eff ect. Small-scale farmers, most of whom are in rural areas, would benefi t in their investment in growing coff ee, tea, and other cash crops. Women and men are assumed to share the same experiences. Some of the economic reconstructing consists of land reform through land adjudication, consolidation, and registration and issuing title deeds to the head of the household—a man. Th e privatization of the agricultural sector excludes women and children from land ownership, thus stripping them of their rights. Land ownership changes from “our land” to “my land,” and the owner can sell land without consulting his family or clan. Private ownership results in landlessness and rural–urban migration. Th e implementation of structural adjustment programs advocated by international fi nancial institutions—such the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)—result in budget cuts catering to social services, agricultural subsidy inputs, education, hospitals, em- ployment, the deregulation of commodity prices, and devaluation of the currency, among other factors. Education and hospital institutions demand high costs for their services, and agricultural inputs become more expensive, as will the cost of food. Since some countries do not have social security and insurance, many families will be unable to educate their chil- dren or pay hospital bills. Families must then fi nd other alternatives of survival. At a certain level of education, students have to take national examinations for entry into universities and high schools or for further vocational training. Th ose who fail make up a disadvantaged class of young men and girls; parents must choose between whether a son or a daughter can continue in an education. Th is will also depend on whether or not parents can aff ord school fees, books, school uniforms, and building funds—many rural famers cannot. It is likely that a boy will be allocated a parcel of land, while girls will fi nd other alternatives for survival activities: domestic work; prostitution; the informal sector, in which women and (landless) men are involved in various activities. Th ese experiences will also diff er, based on gender, class, race, religion, nationality, and other factors. Wichterich and Beneria (2000; 2003) argue that with globalization of the market, feminization and informal labor have

4 | International Perspectives on Women increased in Th ird World countries. Many families fi nd other ways to survive within the informal sector, where the art of recycling, self-employment, and street vending—selling vegetables, fruits, and secondhand clothing in the public domain—are some of activities that thrive in this sector. Governments in these countries are the major employers, and when national policies intersect with international policies through economic reforms, women are more negatively impacted. Th e cost of living results in economic and political chaos, accompanied by the volunteerism of women in certain activities like soup kitchens and rotating credit, similar to Grameen Bank (in Bangladesh) although at a diff erent set-up. Women groups including men at times contribute to a common fund on monthly basis and rotate credit to members without interest. Where state social services especially in rural areas are not accessible, these groups maintain their communities in monetary as well as in the form of social capital and family cohesiveness. Beneria and Wichterich argue that globalization has resulted in women stepping in to save their families and communities. Th at is to say, women, with their free labor, end up subsidizing the state for the services eliminated by structural adjustment programs (SAPs). Th is free labor, though important for the state, is not included in the Gross National Product (GNP). Th ese experiences globally, have facilitated international women’s conferences; for instance, the Platform for Action (1995) in Beijing, the Fourth International Conference, demanded better methods for calculating unpaid labor and its inclusion in the GNP. To do so is to recognize women’s contributions to the national economy. According to Beneria, Wichterich, and Moghadam, this would also reveal the relationship of women’s unpaid work and the domestic sector. In other words, women’s unpaid work is integrated with household maintenance, production, and reproduction. Other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and mobilizations of social movements at the grassroots level have emerged as women’s labor has become an integral part of the global economy. Moghadam points out that demand changes in the global economy lead to women organizing internationally. For example, the Transnational Feminist Network (TFNS) has been eff ective in organizing and stating various grievances. Th e United Nations aff ords resources toward international conferences for women, in order to challenge some of the local and international policies that do not enhance the well-being of communities. For instance, Beneria, Moghadam, and Wichterich argue that, while labor of women has expanded in the global economy, gender inequalities have persisted. Th is is especially obvi- ous in garment and electronics factories, as well as in mining industries. Ingrid Macdonald (Lahili-Dutt and Macintyre 2006) asserts that not only are women’s rights violated, but also the governments that are supposed to guarantee that the rights of the people are not violated, fail to do so. In the domestic sector, Parreñas4 argues that domestic work dislocates immigrant women from their countries of origin to countries that marginalize them, with partial rights or no rights.

Introduction | 5