Conceptions of Wilderness in Tasmania
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Auspinets07c
TAR GET’S STATE MENT AUSPINE LIMITED Auspine Directors ABN 48 004 289 730 recommend that YOU REJECT GUNNS’ OFFER For personal use only www.auspine.com.au How to REJECT the IMPORTANT NOTICES Gunns’ Takeover Offer TO SHAREHOLDERS Nature of this document This document is a Target Statement issued by Auspine Limited 1 Take no action under Part 6.5 Division 3 of the Corporations Act and in response to Gunns Limited’s Bidder Statement and Offer dated 13 June 2007. If you are in any doubt as to how to deal with this document, you should consult your broker or other professional adviser as soon 2 Ignore all as possible. Defined Terms documents Capitalised terms and certain abbreviations used in this Target sent to you Statement are defined in the Glossary and Interpretation on page 38. Investment Advice Disclaimer by Gunns This Target Statement does not take into account the individual investment objectives and constraints of any Auspine shareholder or any other person and as such should not be relied upon as the To make a fully informed decision, sole basis of any investment decision regarding the proposed you should read this Target’s takeover offer. Independent financial and taxation advice should be sought before making any investment decision. Statement in its entirety. If you have any questions, please send an email to the Forward-Looking Statements Disclaimer Auspine Shareholder email helpline: Some of the statements appearing in this Target Statement are [email protected] or visit our website forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks, key considerations, uncertainties, at www.auspine.com.au assumptions and other important factors that could cause the actual results, performance or achievements of Auspine to be materially different from future results, performance or achievements expressed or implied by such statements. -
The Clearcut Case: How the Kyoto Protocol Could Become a Driver For
omslag CLEARCUT 31-10-2000 15:35 Pagina 1 THE CLEARCUT CASE: HOW THE KYOTO PROTOCOL Greenpeace International WWF Climate Change Campaign Native Forest Network Climate Campaign Director Southern Hemisphere Keizersgracht 176 Jennifer Morgan Beth Gibbings, Tim Cadman COULD BECOME A DRIVER 1016 DW Amsterdam c/o WWF US PO Box 301, Deloraine The Netherlands 1250 24th Street, NW Tasmania 7304 Tel: +31 20 523 6222 Washington DC 20037 FOR DEFORESTATION Fax: +31 20 523 6200 USA Phone: +61 3 6369 5474 www.greenpeace.org Phone: +1 202 861 8388 Fax: +61 3 6369 5150 Fax: +1 202 331 2391 ISBN: 90-73361-65-6 www.panda.org/climate www.nfn.org.au A report for Greenpeace International and WWF by Tim Cadman Design: Suggestie & illusie, www.illusie.nl Photos: top right - © Tim Cadman, top left - © Greenpeace/Perrine, bottom right - © Greenpeace/Vielmo, bottom left - © Tim Cadman Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The use of plantations to respond to climate change in Australia 7 The Federal Government 7 Clearance of native forests for “carbon” plantations in Tasmania 8 State Government, associated agencies and plantation establishment 8 Case Studies 10 NORTH Forest Products, TEPCO and the Tamar Tree Farms Project 10 Gunns Ltd 10 Other forestry companies 10 Plantation Investments investigated in Tasmania (my emphasis) 10 Conclusions 16 Sources consulted in preparation of this report 17 Definition of Terms 18 Author: Tim Cadman, M.A. About the Author Tim Cadman M.A. is a graduate of Girton College, Cambridge, and a Ph.D student in Applied Science at Canberra University.He specialises in research into sustainable forest management and certification and labelling. -
Influence on the U.S. Environmental Movement
Australian Journal of Politics and History: Volume 61, Number 3, 2015, pp.414-431. Exemplars and Influences: Transnational Flows in the Environmental Movement CHRISTOPHER ROOTES Centre for the Study of Social and Political Movements, School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research, University of Kent, Canterbury, UK Transnational flows of ideas are examined through consideration of Green parties, Friends of the Earth, and Earth First!, which represent, respectively, the highly institutionalised, the semi- institutionalised and the resolutely non-institutionalised dimensions of environmental activism. The focus is upon English-speaking countries: US, UK and Australia. Particular attention is paid to Australian cases, both as transmitters and recipients of examples. The influence of Australian examples on Europeans has been overstated in the case of Green parties, was negligible in the case of Friends of the Earth, but surprisingly considerable in the case of Earth First!. Non-violent direct action in Australian rainforests influenced Earth First! in both the US and UK. In each case, the flow of influence was mediated by individuals, and outcomes were shaped by the contexts of the recipients. Introduction Ideas travel. But they do not always travel in straight lines. The people who are their bearers are rarely single-minded; rather, they carry and sometimes transmit all sorts of other ideas that are in varying ways and to varying degrees discrepant one with another. Because the people who carry and transmit them are in different ways connected to various, sometimes overlapping, sometimes discrete social networks, ideas are not only transmitted in variants of their pure, original form, but they become, in these diverse transmuted forms, instantiated in social practices that are embedded in differing institutional contexts. -
Senator Bob Brown - Australian Greens
Senator Bob Brown - Australian Greens Bob Brown, born in 1944, was educated in rural New South Wales, became captain of Blacktown Boys High School in Sydney and graduated in medicine from Sydney University in 1968. He became the Director of the Wilderness Society which organised the blockade of the dam-works on Tasmania’s wild Franklin River in 1982/3. Some 1500 people were arrested and 600 jailed, including Bob Brown who spent 19 days in Risdon Prison. On the day of his release, he was elected as the first Green into Tasmania's Parliament. After federal government intervention, the Franklin River was protected in 1983. As a State MP, Bob Brown introduced a wide range of private member's initiatives, including for freedom of information, death with dignity, lowering parliamentary salaries, gay law reform, banning the battery-hen industry and nuclear free Tasmania. Some succeeded, others not. Regrettably, his 1987 bill to ban semi-automatic guns was voted down by both Liberal and Labor members of the House of Assembly, seven years before the Port Arthur massacre. In 1989, he led the parliamentary team of five Greens which held the balance of power with the Field Labor Government. The Greens saved 25 schools from closure, instigated the Local Employment Initiatives which created more than 1000 jobs in depressed areas, doubled the size of Tasmania's Wilderness World Heritage Area to 1.4 million hectares, created the Douglas-Apsley National Park and supported tough fiscal measures to recover from the debts of the previous Liberal regime. Bob resigned from the State Parliament in 1993 and Christine Milne took over as leader of the Tasmanian Greens. -
For Personal Use Only Use Personal For
22 November 2011 The Manager Companies Australian Securities Exchange Limited Company Announcements Office Level 4 20 Bridge Street SYDNEY NSW 2000 Dear Sir/Madam RE: Woolworths Limited – Corporate Responsibility Report 2011 Attached is a copy of the Woolworths Limited Corporate Responsibility Report for 2011. For and on behalf of WOOLWORTHS LIMITED PETER J HORTON Group General Counsel and Company Secretary For personal use only Corporate Responsibility Report 2011 Closer every day. For personal use only Woolworths Limited Corporate Responsibility Report 2011 CONTENTS Key Indicators – 2011 2 Statement from the CEO and CEO Designate 4 Understanding our Stakeholders and What is Important to Them 6 Issues of Public Interest 8 Our Business 10 Responsible Retailing 12 Our Community 20 Our Environment 24 Our People 34 Our Approach to Corporate Responsibility and Sustainability 49 Independent Assurance Statement 51 United Nations Global Compact 54 Global Reporting Initiative 55 Store and Trading Area Analysis 57 Glossary 58 Company Directory 59 For personal use only www.woolworthslimited.com.au ABN 88 000 014 675 Scope of Awards and Report Recognition Unless otherwise stated, — Woolworths Supermarkets — Association of Chartered — Woolworths and CHEP won this report covers all of our is Australia’s most valuable Certified Accountants the 2011 NZ Environmental operations in Australia and brand, valued at $7.59 billion (ACCA) Australia and and Packaging Award for New Zealand for the 2011 by Brand Finance in New Zealand Sustainability Supply Chain Influence on financial year (1 July 2010 accordance with the Reporting Awards 2010: Best Packaging Systems with our to 30 June 2011). Data for International Organization for Report in the Retail Sector. -
PRIVATE RIGHTS, PROTEST and PLACE in BROWN V TASMANIA
PRIVATE RIGHTS, PROTEST AND PLACE IN BROWN v TASMANIA PATRICK EMERTON AND MARIA O’SULLIVAN* I INTRODUCTION Protest is an important means of political communication in a contemporary democracy. Indeed, a person’s right to protest goes to the heart of the relationship between an individual and the state. In this regard, protest is about power. On one hand, there is the power of individuals to act individually or a collective to communicate their concerns about the operation of governmental policies or business activities. On the other, the often much stronger power wielded by a state to restrict that communication in the public interest. As part of this, state authorities may seek to limit certain protest activities on the basis that they are disruptive to public or commercial interests. The question is how the law should reconcile these competing interests. In this paper, we recognise that place is often integral to protest, particularly environmental protest. In many cases, place will be inextricably linked to the capacity of protest to result in influence. This is important given that the central aim of protest is usually to be an agent of change. As a result, the purpose of any legislation which seeks to protect business activities from harm and disruption goes to the heart of contestations about protest and power. In a recent analysis of First Amendment jurisprudence, Seidman suggests that [t]here is an intrinsic relationship between the right to speak and the ownership of places and things. Speech must occur somewhere and, under modern conditions, must use some things for purposes of amplification. -
Gunns' Proposed Tamar Valley Pulp
GUNNS’ PROPOSED TAMAR VALLEY PULP MILL SAGA: Timeline of Key Events: 2003 - 2017 The saga of the pulp mill began in June 2003 with then Deputy Premier Paul Lennon spotted having dinner with John Gay, CEO of Gunns Limited, with documents sighted on the table which referred to a proposal to build a pulp mill. Following that revelation both the State and Federal Labor and Liberal parties were in lock-step support for the pulp mill despite growing community outrage and dissent. Below are a few key ‘highlights’ over the last 14 years that the toxic pulp mill cloud has hung over Tasmania, blighting Tasmanian politics, community, and reputation. ▪ June 2003 – Gunns’ intentions for a pulp mill were leaked to then-Greens Leader Peg Putt, who subsequently ‘blew the whistle’ on the plans by raising the matter in the State Parliament. ▪ November 2003 - guidelines for the mill were released by the government. ▪ June 2004 – revised environmental guidelines for a pulp mill in Tasmania released. ▪ June 2004 – Media reports that “Prime Minister John Howard has promised $5 million to Tasmanian timber giant Gunns Ltd if it goes ahead with its proposed $1 billion pulp mill.” ▪ August 2004 – Lennon Labor government announced that a pulp mill “co-ordinating unit” would be housed within the Department of Economic Development. The Unit would be headed by Mr Bob Gordon, formerly the Forestry Tasmania General Manager of Marketing, and would be known as the Pulp Mill Taskforce. ▪ November 2004 – Premier Lennon announces the Gunns’ pulp mill proposal to be assessed as a Project of State Significance under the State Policies and Projects Act 1993 (at Gunns Ltd’s request), ▪ November 2004 – also revealed that Forestry Tasmania and Gunns Ltd had entered into a pulp mill wood supply agreement before any pulp mill plans were made public. -
The Rise of the Australian Greens
Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services Parliamentary Library Information, analysis and advice for the Parliament RESEARCH PAPER www.aph.gov.au/library 22 September 2008, no. 8, 2008–09, ISSN 1834-9854 The rise of the Australian Greens Scott Bennett Politics and Public Administration Section Executive summary The first Australian candidates to contest an election on a clearly-espoused environmental policy were members of the United Tasmania Group in the 1972 Tasmanian election. Concerns for the environment saw the emergence in the 1980s of a number of environmental groups, some contested elections, with successes in Western Australia and Tasmania. An important development was the emergence in the next decade of the Australian Greens as a unified political force, with Franklin Dam activist and Tasmanian MP, Bob Brown, as its nationally-recognised leader. The 2004 and 2007 Commonwealth elections have resulted in five Australian Green Senators in the 42nd Parliament, the best return to date. This paper discusses the electoral support that Australian Greens candidates have developed, including: • the emergence of environmental politics is placed in its historical context • the rise of voter support for environmental candidates • an analysis of Australian Greens voters—who they are, where they live and the motivations they have for casting their votes for this party • an analysis of the difficulties such a party has in winning lower house seats in Australia, which is especially related to the use of Preferential Voting for most elections • the strategic problems that the Australian Greens—and any ‘third force’—have in the Australian political setting • the decline of the Australian Democrats that has aided the Australian Greens upsurge and • the question whether the Australian Greens will ever be more than an important ‘third force’ in Australian politics. -
Bob Brown Foundation, 3 July 2020
0172 Page 199 of 575 This information is provided from Circular Head Council From: Scott Jordan Sent: Fri, 3 Jul 2020 17:10:12 +1000 To: Circular Head Council Subject: Circular Head Council LPS Submission Attachments: Circular Head LPS submission.pdf, Circular Head Council LPS Submission - Appendix A.pdf Please find attached our submission in regards to the Circular Head Municipality draft LPS. The two attachments include the submission and one appendix. Scott Jordan takayna / Tarkine Campaigner [email protected] 0428 300 324 Suite 5, 23 Cattley St Burnie TAS 7320 The Bob Brown Foundation Inc. ABN 51 634 785 002 0173 Page 200 of 575 Document Set ID: 462887 Version: 1, Version Date: 06/07/2020 Print Date: 24 July 2020, 10:33 AM This information is provided from Circular Head Council Submission to Circular Head Council LPS Bob Brown Foundation is a conservation organisation based in Tasmania, with a focus on protection of Tasmania’s wild and scenic landscapes and the species which inhabit those landscapes. Over the past six years, we have had a focus on takayna / Tarkine, including the portion of this land that lies within the Circular Head Municipality and on the Robbins Island area. Bob Brown Foundation is also the owner of freehold title land in the Circular Head Municipality. The Draft LPS raises concerns for BBF concerning its treatment of public land within takayna / Tarkine. While the application of 23.0 Environmental Management Zone is appropriate to areas that have been identified in the Draft LPS, we believe the extensive use of the 20.0 Rural Zone is inappropriate and misapplied. -
The Regional Forest Agreement and the Use of Publicly Owned
The Regional Forest Agreement and the use of publicly owned native forests in Tasmania: an investigation into key decision making processes, policies, outcomes and opportunities. By Ula Majewski BA (Hon.) University of Tasmania A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for a Master of Environmental Management Degree at the School of Geography and Environmental Studies, University of Tasmania (November, 2007). it 1 • ■ .• 4.4 i'M40 • II.' l'I'll i 1 1 • 40 ' i', • . J! I' or. jo s 4 4,-,. c I , • lei / .• 1 • •• i • • . , • 4, : 1 % ,11;1441,. ' ,I • 11 i 0 r i• Ai, . ' • 1 4 r ' • ' 4 , i0 • Yr 4 kiti , ,A , , . .4, . to t ir w , Dedicated to my dear friend Ben Morrow, A whose fine intellect, courage, passion and spirit 4 % 1. • r , are a continual inspiration. ,112 a11 d , \PS 4 I f 4 I ; .,„:,,„,„ ••■4 •' 40 ,:vi 1,,s,i4 DECLARATION This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any tertiary institution, and to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference is made in the text of the thesis. Ursula Majewski BA (Hon) iv ABSTRACT The Tasmanian Regional Forest Agreement is a defining policy tool that governs the use and management of the publicly owned native forests positioned at the centre of one of the most protracted and conflict-ridden debates over natural resource management in Australia's history. Drawing on multi-disciplinary discourses and data, and employing a qualitative approach including interviews with prominent participants in the RFA process and implementation, this thesis examines key aspects of the conflict, positions Tasmania's forestry system within a national and global environmental policy context, and undertakes a critical analysis of the scientific, political and governance processes and outcomes generated by the Tasmanian Regional Forest Agreement. -
Planning Versus Power: Tasmania's Forest Policy Network and Gunn's
Planning Versus Power: Tasmania’s Forest Policy Network and Gunn’s Tamar Valley Pulp Mill Dr Fred Gale University of Tasmania Launceston Tasmania Please do not cite without permission. Comments are welcome and should be forwarded to [email protected] Introduction When Gunns announced its intention to build a pulp mill at Bell Bay in Northern Tasmania in mid-2004, it plunged the state into a socio-political crisis from which it has yet to recover. The proposal has re-opened the state’s forest wars—barely healed from the bruising battle over the state’s Regional Forestry Agreement (RFA)—further polarising the community (Ajani 2007; Buckman 2008). As each faction battles for the hearts and minds of ‘ordinary’ Tasmanians, the truism that truth is its first victim of warfare is once again illustrated. For the past five years Tasmanians have been bombarded with claims and counterclaims concerning the pulp mill’s economic, social and environmental impacts (i.e. via the Government sponsored Pulp Mill Task Force newsletters and contributors to the online newspaper Tasmanian Times). A concerted media blitz by the government, Gunns and unions spruiking the mill’s benefits has been countered by a diverse array of sources ranging from conservationists to religious figures to academics (Gale 2008). In this paper, I do not intend to assess the merits of the arguments made by these protagonists. Instead, I aim to take advantage of the opportunity the pulp mill presents to analyse the actors, institutions and ideologies of Tasmania’s forest policy network. In addressing the general question of how Tasmania’s forest policy network secures its interests, I will argue that it does so by enmeshing itself within a range of public and private institutions that enhances the legitimacy of individual actors and enables them to collectively achieve their objectives. -
Document: Having Regard to Matters Raised by Senator Kroger Relating To
Re: The Referral to the Senate Committee of Privileges of a matter concerning Senators Brown and Milne Second Submission on behalf of Senators Brown and Milne in relation to Senator Kroger’s allegations Introduction 1. This submission, which has also been settled by Ron Merkel QC and Frances Gordon of counsel, is the second submission1 provided in response to the letters dated 24 November 2011 from Senator Johnston to Senators Brown and Milne seeking their comments in respect of a matter referred to the Committee of Privileges relating to “political donations made by Mr Graeme Wood, arrangements surrounding the sale of the Triabunna woodchip mill by Gunns Ltd and questions without notice asked by Senators Brown and Senator Milne” (the “referred matter”). Comments were sought on the “terms of reference and, in particular, on the matters canvassed in Senator Kroger’s letter to the President” (the “Kroger letter”). 2. This submission is provided in the context of the following explanation of the present process, provided by the Secretary to the Committee, Mr Pye, in a letter dated 6 January 2012: It is important to note that in this initial stage the committee is not investigating any particular allegations; rather it is seeking to establish the facts of the matters referred… Should the committee consider that any particular allegations arise against any person which require investigation, the committee is bound to pursue those allegations in accordance with the Senate Privilege Resolutions, which include provisions directed at procedural fairness or natural justice. 3. Accordingly, Senators Brown and Milne understand that the present task of the Committee is to consider whether the matter referred to it “gives rise to any 1 The first submission, provided to the Committee on 8 February 2012, addressed the requirements of procedural fairness.