Human Rights, Law and Autonomy - the Risks of Transition
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926 Hongkong Workers in an Anti-Imperialist Movement Robert JamesHorrocks Submitted in accordancewith the requirementsfor the degreeof PhD The University of Leeds Departmentof East Asian Studies October 1994 The candidateconfirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where referencehas been made to the work of others. 11 Abstract In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggestthat the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
Kwok Wing Hang and Others V Chief Executive in Council and Another
Department of Justice The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Summary of Judgment Kwok Wing Hang and Others v Chief Executive in Council and Another Leung Kwok Hung v Secretary for Justice and Another CACV 541, 542 & 583/2019 (on appeal from HCAL 2945/2019 and 2949/2019); [2020] HKCA 192 Decision : Respondents’ Appeal on (1) the ERO allowed, and (2) the PFCR partially allowed Applicants’ Cross Appeals dismissed Date of Hearing : 9-10 January 2020 Date of Judgment/Decision : 9 April 2020 Background 1. These are the appeals of the Chief Executive in Council (“CEIC”) and the Secretary for Justice (“SJ”), and the cross appeals of Mr Leung Kwok Hung (“Mr Leung”) and 24 Members of the Legislative Council (“LegCo”), against the Judgment of the Court of First Instance (“CFI”) dated 18 November 2019 (“CFI Judgment”) and the Decision of the CFI (on the questions of relief and costs) dated 22 November 2019 (“Decision”) allowing the application for judicial review and holding (i) the Emergency Regulations Ordinance (Cap. 241) (“ERO”) and the Prohibition on Face Covering Regulation (Cap. 241K) (“PFCR”) made thereunder unconstitutional and invalid (“Tier 1 Challenge”); and (ii) PFCR ss.3(1)(b) – (d) and s.5 unconstitutional and void (“Tier 2 Challenge”). 2. The background facts can be found in paras. 1-20 of the Judgment of the Court of Appeal (“CA”).1 3. The grounds for judicial review are repeated in para. 29 of the CA’s Judgment.2 1 In summary, since June 2019, Hong Kong had experienced serious social unrests and public disorders marked by protests, escalating violence, vandalisms and arsons arising from the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019. -
Lt Gen Gautam Banerjee, PVSM,AVSM,YSM (Retd)
Lt Gen Gautam Banerjee, PVSM,AVSM,YSM (Retd) | 1 © Vivekananda International Foundation Published in 2021 by Vivekananda International Foundation 3, San Martin Marg | Chanakyapuri | New Delhi - 110021 Tel: 011-24121764 | Fax: 011-66173415 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.vifindia.org ISBN: 978-81-952151-0-2 Follow us on Twitter | @vifindia Facebook | /vifindia Disclaimer: The paper is the author’s individual scholastic articulation. The author certifies that the article/paper is original in content, unpublished and it has not been submitted for publication/web upload elsewhere, and that the facts and figures quoted are duly referenced, as needed, and are believed to be correct Cover Image Source : https://commons.wikimedia.org All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Contents Abstract 4 Preamble 6 Part I : Overview of PLA’s Pre-2018 Modernisation 10 Part II: Military Reforms and Modernisation: Enunciation of China’s Policy Directives, 2018 – 20 18 Part III: Progress of PLA’s Modernisation Schemes, 2018-20 31 Part IV: Training for Tactical Adaptation to Modernisation 42 Part V: Assessment of the Trends of PLA’s Modernisation, 2018-20 55 Part VI: PLA’s Foreign Military Relation Initiatives, 2018-20 66 Part VII: PLA in Sino-Indian Context, 2018-20 73 Part VII: Overall Assessment of PLA’s Modernisation and War-worthiness 87 Concluding Remarks 94 References 96 Abstract While the current phase of China’s military modernisation began in right earnest since the mid-1990s, it is the period after 2016 when the final step to defence hierarchical reforms was taken. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau)
Page 1 of 66 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 (Note: Also see the section for Tibet, the report for Hong Kong, and the report for Macau.) The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which, as directed by the Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or Party) is the paramount source of power. Party members hold almost all top government, police, and military positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 24-member political bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its 9-member standing committee. Leaders made a top priority of maintaining stability and social order and were committed to perpetuating the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lacked both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political system and the right to change their national leaders or form of government. Socialism continued to provide the theoretical underpinning of national politics, but Marxist economic planning has given way to pragmatism, and economic decentralization increased the authority of local officials. The Party's authority rested primarily on the Government's ability to maintain social stability; appeals to nationalism and patriotism; Party control of personnel, media, and the security apparatus; and continued improvement in the living standards of most of the country's 1.3 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the Government and the CCP, at both the central and local levels, frequently interfered in the judicial process and directed verdicts in many high-profile cases. -
544 Final REPORT from the COMMISSION to the COUNCIL
COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES Brussels, 15.9.2003 COM(2003) 544 final REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE COUNCIL AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Annual Report by the European Commission on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region CONTENTS 1. Introduction 3 2. Reaffirmation and implementation of the "one country, two systèmes" 3 3. Institutional developments 5 4. Legislative Developments 7 5. Rights of assembly and demonstration. 10 6. The Economy 11 7. European union - Hong Kong relations. 12 8. Conclusion 14 2 HONG KONG: Annual Report 2002 1. INTRODUCTION As in the Commission’s previous annual reports, this 2002 report aims to assess the state of development of the Hong Kong SAR and its relations with the European Union. In accordance with the Commission’s mandate, the report analyses progress in the implementation of the “One Country, Two Systems” principle, and reviews developments in the legislative, institutional and individual rights fields. The document also provides an assessment of economic developments, and reports on the main aspects of EU-Hong Kong relations. 2. REAFFIRMATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE “ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS” PRINCIPLE - Reaffirmation of the principle The Central Government of Beijing again reiterated its adherence to the “one country, two systems” principle in its official statements. In a speech to the National People’s Congress (NPC) on 5 March 2002, Prime Minister Zhu Rongji stated: “We should fully implement the principle of “one country, two systems” and the Basic Law of Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions. It is our firm and unswerving objective to maintain the long-term stability, prosperity and development there. -
Projecting Strength in a Time of Uncertainty: China's Military in 2020 Joel Wuthnow, Ph.D. Senior Research Fellow Center
Projecting Strength in a Time of Uncertainty: China’s Military in 2020 Joel Wuthnow, Ph.D. Senior Research Fellow Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on “U.S-China in 2020: Enduring Problems and Emerging Challenges” September 9, 2020 Key Points • The Chinese Communist Party has long considered 2020 a milestone for the completion of important military modernization and reform goals. Chinese officials and media projected confidence that these goals would be completed despite the impact of COVID- 19. Achievements over the past year included new hardware and operational “firsts.” • Chinese media and officials note that there is much ‘unfinished business’ left for the PLA to accomplish. Major challenges include delayed reforms, outdated weapons and equipment, corruption in the officer corps and defense industry, human capital weaknesses, and the lack of updated operational doctrine. The PLA aspires to continue progress on these and other areas through 2035 and mid-century. • Chinese military operations in Asia in 2020 continued a careful balancing act of developing friendly relations with neighbors while pressing China’s territorial claims. However, notable departures from past practice included use of lethal force against Indian troops and escalating tensions with several rivals at the same time. This indicates an increasing propensity for risk-taking in China’s decision calculus, though Beijing ultimately de-escalated tensions with most of its regional rivals. • The PLA’s response to increased U.S. military operations in Asia includes deterrence signaling and steps to weaken U.S. -
10. HONG KONG's STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE UNDER CHINESE SOVEREIGNTY Tai Ming Cheung Hong Kong Has Come a Long Way Since It Was
- 170 - 10. HONG KONG’S STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE UNDER CHINESE SOVEREIGNTY Tai Ming Cheung Hong Kong has come a long way since it was dismissed as a barren rock a century and a half ago. This bastion of freewheeling capitalism today is a leading international financial, trading and communications center serving one of the world’s fastest growing economic regions. But Hong Kong is also entering a period of considerable change and uncertainty following its reversion to Chinese sovereignty that is likely to have a far- reaching impact on its strategic importance and role over the coming years. As a British colony, Hong Kong was an important outpost for the West to keep an eye on China and safeguard busy sea-lanes. Under Chinese rule, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) will play a crucial role in boosting China’s economic growth and promoting Beijing’s long-term goal of reunification with Taiwan. How China handles Hong Kong’s return will have major consequences for the territory as well as for China’s relations with the international community. The world will be watching very carefully whether Beijing will adhere to its international commitments of allowing the SAR to retain a high degree of autonomy. The U.S. has said that the transition will be a key issue in determining its future relations with China. This paper will examine the strategic implications of Hong Kong's return to Chinese rule. Several key issues will be explored: • Hong Kong's past and present strategic significance. • The stationing of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) in Hong Kong. -
Chapter 6 Hong Kong
CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations. -
Right Sizing the People's Liberation
RIGHT SIZING THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY: EXPLORING THE CONTOURS OF CHINA’S MILITARY Edited by Roy Kamphausen Andrew Scobell September 2007 Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. This publication is a work of the U.S. Government as defined in Title 17, United States Code, Section 101. As such, it is in the public domain, and under the provisions of Title 17, United States Code, Section 105, it may not be copyrighted. ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. ***** All Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) publications are available on the SSI homepage for electronic dissemination. Hard copies of this report also may be ordered from our homepage. SSI’s homepage address is: www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil. ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please subscribe on our homepage at www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army. mil/newsletter/. -
Hong Kong: Preserving Human Rights and the Rule of Law
American University International Law Review Volume 12 | Issue 3 Article 1 1997 Hong Kong: Preserving Human Rights and the Rule of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation American University International Law Review. "Hong Kong: Preserving Human Rights and the Rule of Law." American University International Law Review 12, no. 3 (1997): 361-508. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. American University Washington College of Law Hbong IKong: Pireserving Human Rights and the Rule of Law A Conference Sponsored by The International Legal Studies Program of the Washington College of Law, Human Rights Watch/Asia, and the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights March 18-19, 1997 FORWARD Daniel D. Bradlow" The most direct impact of the reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997 will be on the people of Hong Kong. While the arrangement between the British and the Chinese governments concerning the reversion sought to preserve the unique nature of Hong Kong society, the people of Hong Kong are likely to experience a change in the nature of their system of governance after July 1, 1997. * Professor Daniel D. Bradlow is a Professor of Law and Director of the International Legal Studies Program at the American University Washington College of Law vhere he specializes in international economic law.