Evans-Pritchard and the Anthropology of Religion A

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Evans-Pritchard and the Anthropology of Religion A EVANS-PRITCHARD AND THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF RELIGION A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts of the Australian National University by Peter Alexander Vidot LY January, 1991. / DECLARATION I certify that the content of this thesis is my own work and that all sources used have been acknowledged. I zt&r' \J U A ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My thanks go first of all to Drs. D.S. Gardner and J.J. Fox for their painstaking supervision of this thesis, and to Professor J.A.W. Forge for his encouragement. I received some invaluable initial suggestions from Emeritus Professor Kenelm Burridge, and Drs. R.G. Lienhardt and J. Urry. I owe a great debt of gratitude also to my family, especially my parents, Conrad and Marjory, and to my friend Ann for her valiant and patient efforts in fashioning the manuscript. My thanks also go to Stephen, Juliana and John for their thorough proofreading, and to many other friends and colleagues from the Dominican Order, the Australian National University and elsewhere for their good- humoured support. CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...........................................................................................3 CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION...............................................................................5 Purpose and scope of this thesis...........................................................5 D e fin itio n s...................................................................................................... 6 Social fact..............................................................................................7 D eterm in ism ................................................................................... 13 In tellectu alism ............................................................................... 14 Functionalism......................................................................................15 R atio n alism ...................................................................................... 16 Empiricism........................................................................................ 16 P rag m atism ..................................................................................... 17 Materialism.......................................................................................... 18 Collective representation............................................................ 19 C h allen g es.....................................................................................................21 Chronology of development..........................................................................25 Outline of chapters..........................................................................................25 CHAPTER TWO — WITCHCRAFT, ORACLES AND MAGIC AM ONG THE A Z A N D E .......................................................27 Introduction......................................................................................................27 Sorcery and Native O pinion.................................................................31 The 'Cairo' Papers..........................................................................................41 The Intellectualist (English) Interpretation of M agic.................................. 42 Levy-Bruhl's Theory of Primitive Mentality................................................53 Science and Sentiment.................................................................................... 64 Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande...............................70 CHAPTER 3 — THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA........................................80 Introduction......................................................................................................80 Evans-Pritchard and the Study of Religion.........................................83 The concept of 'religion' as it is used in The Sanusi of Cyrenaica......... 89 CHAPTER 4 — NUER RELIGION.......................................................................110 Introduction....................................................................................................110 Evans-Pritchard and Dürkheim....................................................................116 Dürkheim........................................................................................... 123 Evans-Pritchard and His Use of Christian Theological Language.......135 CHAPTER 5 — CONCLUSION.............................................................................144 B IB L IO G R A PH Y ...................................................................................................152 5 CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF THIS THESIS The purpose of this thesis is to explore the development of Evans-Pritchard's approach to the anthropological study of religion. This study is both an exegesis and an analysis of the formulation of his theoretical framework. Evans-Pritchard's perspective is complex, due in part to the range of people who had significant influence on his development as a thinker and to his evolving response to them. This thesis will focus primarily on the intellectual influences in Evans- Pritchard's life as an anthropologist, but will touch briefly on the more personal aspects of his life when these have direct bearing on an issue. One feature of his life that is important to his intellectual enterprise is his becoming a Catholic in 1944, at the age of forty-two. The effects of this will be considered later, especially in relation to his study of Nuer religion. I will attempt to demonstrate in this thesis that Evans-Pritchard's Catholicism was incidental to the development of his historical perspective in anthropology. It is true that a number of people who taught and studied at the Institute in Oxford were Catholics. From a textual point of view, however, it is very difficult to find objective evidence of an idealist influence of Catholicism on the anthropological enterprise engaged in at Oxford by Evans-Pritchard. In the later writings that will be considered there is evidence that he uses a Christian theological framework as an analytical tool. I will also show that the basic idealist influence is Durkheimian.* The major intellectual influences to be considered in this thesis are Tylor, Frazer, Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown, Levy-Bruhl, Hubert and Mauss. Although * Adam Kuper in Anthropology and Anthropologists (revised edition, 1983:127), however, suggests a link between the idealist position built up by Evans-Pritchard upon his historical perspective and his use of the writings of the L'Annee Sociologique, and Catholicism, but he presents no evidence for this. He also offers no evidence for the claim that it was '...an odd fact that several members of the department were converts to Roman Catholicism'(127). I will concentrate on the evidence regarding the degree of intellectual influence that may be attributed to Catholicism, as that influence emerges in Evans-Pritchard's writings. 6 eventually Evans-Pritchard rejected much of Durkheim's position on the sociological analysis of religion (Nuer Religion, 1956:313), he did not move very far from Durkheim’s methodology. This poses many questions and problems which I will attempt to address. The intellectual relationship that Evans-Pritchard had with Dürkheim provides the principal area of enquiry in this thesis. The pattern of thought formed through the use of Durkheim's ideas is never simple. In exploring Evans-Pritchard's development as a theorist, I will concentrate on three of his major monographs, Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the Azande (1937a), The Sanusi of Cyrenaica (1949a), and Nuer Religion (1956),and a number of his important papers in order to demonstrate the degree to which his analytical framework developed in response to those who influenced him. This response is complex as it comprises elements of agreement with and divergence from his sources, including his oral sources, the Zande, the Bedouin, and the Nuer. Evans-Pritchard's writings are primarily ongoing, but largely implicit, debates with Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown, Levy-Bruhl, and Dürkheim in which his own theoretical perspective unfolds. The papers to be examined in relation to the monographs listed above fall into two groups : those published during, and shortly after, his Professorship at the Egyptian University in Cairo (1932-34), and, those published during the early and middle stages of his Professorship at Oxford University (1946-1970). The significance of these papers is that they act as a map of Evans-Pritchard’s development as an anthropological theorist. In them he presents his position in a more detailed fashion than he does in the monographs. DEFINITIONS Much of the discussion in this thesis revolves around various understandings and uses of certain terms. These include : 'social fact', 'collective representations', 'determinism', 'intellectualism', 'functionalism', 'dualism', 'empiricism', 'rationalism', 'materialism' and 'pragmatism'. Evans-Pritchard uses these terms in diverse ways. This gives rise to the need for clarification of his use of them. In that need lies the substance of this thesis. Paradox and ambiguity will be apparent but, as will be seen in the next section, there is a unity in Evans-Pritchard's perspective which emerges in much the 7 same way as that of a mosaic. Individual elements of a mosaic considered separately from the whole often appear partial and perplexing. The purpose of this clarification of terms is to help bring some of the asymmetrical factors in Evans-Pritchard's discourse
Recommended publications
  • Mary Douglas: Purity and Danger
    Purity and Danger This remarkable book, which is written in a very graceful, lucid and polemical style, is a symbolic interpretation of the rules of purity and pollution. Mary Douglas shows that to examine what is considered as unclean in any culture is to take a looking-glass approach to the ordered patterning which that culture strives to establish. Such an approach affords a universal understanding of the rules of purity which applies equally to secular and religious life and equally to primitive and modern societies. MARY DOUGLAS Purity and Danger AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONCEPTS OF POLLUTION AND TABOO LONDON AND NEW YORK First published in 1966 ARK Edition 1984 ARK PAPERBACKS is an imprint of Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2001. © 1966 Mary Douglas 1966 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress ISBN 0-415-06608-5 (Print Edition) ISBN 0-203-12938-5 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-17578-6 (Glassbook Format) Contents Acknowledgements vii Introduction 1 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Book
    Respectable Folly Garrett, Clarke Published by Johns Hopkins University Press Garrett, Clarke. Respectable Folly: Millenarians and the French Revolution in France and England. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975. Project MUSE. doi:10.1353/book.67841. https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/67841 [ Access provided at 2 Oct 2021 03:07 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. HOPKINS OPEN PUBLISHING ENCORE EDITIONS Clarke Garrett Respectable Folly Millenarians and the French Revolution in France and England Open access edition supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. © 2019 Johns Hopkins University Press Published 2019 Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363 www.press.jhu.edu The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. CC BY-NC-ND ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3177-2 (open access) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3177-7 (open access) ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3175-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3175-0 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3176-5 (electronic) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3176-9 (electronic) This page supersedes the copyright page included in the original publication of this work. Respectable Folly RESPECTABLE FOLLY M illenarians and the French Revolution in France and England 4- Clarke Garrett The Johns Hopkins University Press BALTIMORE & LONDON This book has been brought to publication with the generous assistance of the Andrew W.
    [Show full text]
  • DIVINATION SYSTEMS Written by Nicole Yalsovac Additional Sections Contributed by Sean Michael Smith and Christine Breese, D.D
    DIVINATION SYSTEMS Written by Nicole Yalsovac Additional sections contributed by Sean Michael Smith and Christine Breese, D.D. Ph.D. Introduction Nichole Yalsovac Prophetic revelation, or Divination, dates back to the earliest known times of human existence. The oldest of all Chinese texts, the I Ching, is a divination system older than recorded history. James Legge says in his translation of I Ching: Book Of Changes (1996), “The desire to seek answers and to predict the future is as old as civilization itself.” Mankind has always had a desire to know what the future holds. Evidence shows that methods of divination, also known as fortune telling, were used by the ancient Egyptians, Chinese, Babylonians and the Sumerians (who resided in what is now Iraq) as early as six‐thousand years ago. Divination was originally a device of royalty and has often been an essential part of religion and medicine. Significant leaders and royalty often employed priests, doctors, soothsayers and astrologers as advisers and consultants on what the future held. Every civilization has held a belief in at least some type of divination. The point of divination in the ancient world was to ascertain the will of the gods. In fact, divination is so called because it is assumed to be a gift of the divine, a gift from the gods. This gift of obtaining knowledge of the unknown uses a wide range of tools and an enormous variety of techniques, as we will see in this course. No matter which method is used, the most imperative aspect is the interpretation and presentation of what is seen.
    [Show full text]
  • The Adorabyssal Oracle
    THE ADORABYSSAL ORACLE The Adorabyssal Oracle is an oracle deck featuring the cutest versions of mythological, supernatural, and cryptozoological creatures from around the world! Thirty-six spooky cuties come with associated elements and themes to help bring some introspection to your day-to-day divinations and meditations. If you’re looking for something a bit more playful, The Adorabyssal Oracle deck doubles as a card game featuring those same cute and spooky creatures. It is meant for 2-4 players and games typically take 5-10 minutes. If you’re interested mainly in the card game rules, you can skip past the next couple of sections. However you choose to use your Adorabyssal Deck, it is my hope that these darkly delightful creatures will bring some fun to your day! WHAT IS AN ORACLE DECK? An Oracle deck is similar to, but different from, a Tarot deck. Where a Tarot deck has specific symbolism, number of cards, and a distinct way of interpreting card meanings, Oracle decks are a bit more free-form and their structures are dependent on their creators. The Adorabyssal Oracle, like many oracle decks, provides general themes accompanying the artwork. The basic and most prominent structure for this deck is the grouping of cards based on elemental associations. My hope is that this deck can provide a simple way to read for new readers and grow in complexity from there. My previous Tarot decks have seen very specific interpretation and symbolism. This Oracle deck opens things up a bit. It can be used for more general or free-form readings, and it makes a delightful addition to your existing decks.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Purity and Danger: Fieldwork Approaches to Movement
    Isidoros, Between purity and danger BETWEEN PURITY AND DANGER: FIELDWORK APPROACHES TO MOVEMENT, PROTECTION AND LEGITIMACY FOR A FEMALE ETHNOGRAPHER IN THE SAHARA DESERT KONSTANTINA ISIDOROS ‘What truly distinguishes anthropology […] is that it is not a study of at all, but a study with. Anthropologists work and study with people.’ (Ingold 2011: 238) Introduction Although Mary Douglas (2002 [1966]) led the anthropological study of ‘purity and danger’ to explore the meaning of dirt in different contexts, it is a revealing lens to apply to another taboo – the erotic subjectivity of researchers (Kulick and Willson 1995). Of relevance here is Douglas’ starting point: what is regarded as dirt in a given society is ‘matter out of place’. Most human beings have an interest in sex, and anthropology has long studied sex in both distant and home field sites.1 Yet the sexual life of researchers during fieldwork remains a consummate example of ‘matter out of place’, a matter complicated by idiosyncratic sexual sensibilities. I reflect upon this ambiguity as sexual absence – or rather, as asexual presence – compelled by the authoritative imperative for scientific ‘purity’ (integrity). In this scenario, sexual relations between researcher and researched are seen as dangerous, polluting anthropological data as ‘dirt’. This article explores a debate in a small body of scholarship concerning sex[ual danger] in the field. In it I argue that this ‘matter out of place’, instead of jeopardising the integrity of the research, has the potential to offer rich ethnographic insight, hence it should be written up rather than written out. I suggest that, to understand what types of sex[ual danger] the researcher may encounter in the field, an anthropological ‘sex education’ prior to fieldwork would be helpful to comprehend both one’s own and others’ cultural perceptions and practices of sex.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Cincinnati
    UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI Date: 11-Dec-2009 I, Marjon E. Kamrani , hereby submit this original work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science It is entitled: "Keeping the Faith in Global Civil Society: Illiberal Democracy and the Cases of Reproductive Rights and Trafficking" Student Signature: This work and its defense approved by: Committee Chair: Anne Runyan, PhD Laura Jenkins, PhD Joel Wolfe, PhD 3/3/2010 305 Keeping the Faith in Global Civil Society: Illiberal Democracy and the Cases of Reproductive Rights and Trafficking A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science of the College of Arts and Science by Marjon Kamrani M.A., M.P.A. University of Texas B.A. Miami University March 2010 Committee Chair: Anne Sisson Runyan, Ph.D ABSTRACT What constitutes global civil society? Are liberal assumptions about the nature of civil society as a realm autonomous from and balancing the power of the state and market transferrable to the global level? Does global civil society necessarily represent and/or result in the promotion of liberal values? These questions guided my dissertation which attempts to challenge dominant liberal conceptualizations of global civil society. To do so, it provides two representative case studies of how domestic and transnational factions of the Religious Right, acting in concert with (or as agents of) the US state, and the political opportunity structures it has provided under conservative regimes, gain access to global policy-making forums through a reframing of international human rights discourses and practices pertaining particularly to women’s rights in order to shift them in illiberal directions.
    [Show full text]
  • African Concepts of Energy and Their Manifestations Through Art
    AFRICAN CONCEPTS OF ENERGY AND THEIR MANIFESTATIONS THROUGH ART A thesis submitted to the College of the Arts of Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Renée B. Waite August, 2016 Thesis written by Renée B. Waite B.A., Ohio University, 2012 M.A., Kent State University, 2016 Approved by ____________________________________________________ Fred Smith, Ph.D., Advisor ____________________________________________________ Michael Loderstedt, M.F.A., Interim Director, School of Art ____________________________________________________ John R. Crawford-Spinelli, D.Ed., Dean, College of the Arts TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………….. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS …………………………………… vi CHAPTERS I. Introduction ………………………………………………… 1 II. Terms and Art ……………………………………………... 4 III. Myths of Origin …………………………………………. 11 IV. Social Structure …………………………………………. 20 V. Divination Arts …………………………………………... 30 VI. Women as Vessels of Energy …………………………… 42 VII. Conclusion ……………………………………….…...... 56 VIII. Images ………………………………………………… 60 IX. Bibliography …………………………………………….. 84 X. Further Reading ………………………………………….. 86 iii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Porogun Quarter, Ijebu-Ode, Nigeria, 1992, Photograph by John Pemberton III http://africa.si.edu/exhibits/cosmos/models.html. ……………………………………… 60 Figure 2: Yoruba Ifa Divination Tapper (Iroke Ifa) Nigeria; Ivory. 12in, Baltimore Museum of Art http://www.artbma.org/. ……………………………………………… 61 Figure 3.; Yoruba Opon Ifa (Divination Tray), Nigerian; carved wood 3/4 x 12 7/8 x 16 in. Smith College Museum of Art, http://www.smith.edu/artmuseum/. ………………….. 62 Figure 4. Ifa Divination Vessel; Female Caryatid (Agere Ifa); Ivory, wood or coconut shell inlay. Nigeria, Guinea Coast The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://www.metmuseum.org. ……………………… 63 Figure 5. Beaded Crown of a Yoruba King. Nigerian; L.15 (crown), L.15 (fringe) in.
    [Show full text]
  • D I V I N a T I O N Culture a N D the H a N D L I N G of The
    Originalveröffentlichung in: G. Leick (Hrsg), The Babylonian World, New York/London, 2007, S. 361-372 CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE DIVINATION CULTURE AND THE HANDLING OF THE FUTURE Stefan M. Maul n omen is a clearly defined perception understood as a sign pointing to future A events whenever it manifests itself under identical circumstances. The classification of a perception as ominous is based on an epistemological development which establishes a normative relationship between the perceived and the future. This classification process is preceded by a period of detailed examination and is thus initially built on empirical knowledge. Omina only cease to be detected empirically when a firm conceptual link has been established between the observed and the future which then allows omina to be construed by the application of regularities. In the Mesopotamian written sources from the first and second millennia BC, omina based on regularities far exceed those based on empirical data. Mesopotamian scholars generally collected data without formally expressing the fundamental principles behind their method. It was the composition of non-empirical omina as such which allowed students to detect the regularities on which they were based without this formulated orally or in writing. Modern attempts at a systematic investigation of such principles however, are still outstanding. It is interesting that there is no Sumerian or Akkadian equivalent for the terms 'oracle' or 'omen'. Assyriologists use the term omen for the sentence construction 'if x then y' which consists of a main clause beginning with summa ('if') describing the ominous occurence, and a second clause which spells out the predicted outcome.
    [Show full text]
  • And Corpse-Divination in the Paris Magical Papyri (Pgm Iv 1928-2144)
    necromancy goes underground 255 NECROMANCY GOES UNDERGROUND: THE DISGUISE OF SKULL- AND CORPSE-DIVINATION IN THE PARIS MAGICAL PAPYRI (PGM IV 1928-2144) Christopher A. Faraone The practice of consulting the dead for divinatory purposes is widely practiced cross-culturally and firmly attested in the Greek world.1 Poets, for example, speak of the underworld journeys of heroes, like Odys- seus and Aeneas, to learn crucial information about the past, present or future, and elsewhere we hear about rituals of psychagogia designed to lead souls or ghosts up from the underworld for similar purposes. These are usually performed at the tomb of the dead person, as in the famous scene in Aeschylus’ Persians, or at other places where the Greeks believed there was an entrance to the underworld. Herodotus tells us, for instance, that the Corinthian tyrant Periander visited an “oracle of the dead” (nekromanteion) in Ephyra to consult his dead wife (5.92) and that Croesus, when he performed his famous comparative testing of Greek oracles, sent questions to the tombs of Amphiaraus at Oropus and Trophonius at Lebedeia (1.46.2-3). Since Herodotus is heavily dependent on Delphic informants for most of Croesus’ story, modern readers are apt to forget that there were, in fact, two oracles that correctly answered the Lydian king’s riddle: the oracle of Apollo at Delphi and that of the dead hero Amphiaraus. The popularity of such oracular hero-shrines increased steadily in Hel- lenistic and Roman times, although divination by dreams gradually seems to take center stage.2 It is clear, however, that the more personal and private forms of necromancy—especially consultations at the grave—fell into disfavor, especially with the Romans, whose poets repeatedly depict horrible 1 For a general overview of the Greek practices and discussions of the specific sites mentioned in this paragraph, see A.
    [Show full text]
  • Polysensoriality
    CHAPTER 25 THE SENSES: Polysensoriality David Howes As Bryan Turner (1997: 16) has observed, one cannot take "the body" for granted as a "natural, fixed and historically universal datum of human societies." The classification of the body's senses is a case in point. "Sight, hearing, smell, taste and touch: that the senses should be enumerated in this way is not self-evident. The number and order of the senses are fixed by custom and tradition, not by nature" (Vinge 1975: 107). Plato, for example, apparently did not distinguish clearly between the senses and feelings. "In one enumeration of perceptions, he begins with sight, hearing and smell, leaves out taste, instead of touch mentions hot and cold, and adds sensations of pleasure, discomfort, desire and fear" (Classen 1993a: 2). It is largely thanks to the works of Aristotle that the notion of the senses being five in number, and of each sense as having its proper object (i.e. sight being concerned with color, hearing with sound, smell with odor, etc.) came to figure as a commonplace of Western culture. Even so, Aristotle classified taste as "a form of touch"; hence, it would be more accurate to speak of "the four senses" in his enumeration. So, too, was there considerable diversity of opinion in antiquity regarding the order of the senses (i.e. sight as the most informative of the modalities, followed by hearing, smell, and so on down the scale). Diogenes, for example, apparently placed smell in first place followed by hearing, and other philosophers proposed other hierarchies; what would become the standard ranking was given its authority (once again) by Aristotle (Vinge 1975: 17–19).
    [Show full text]
  • Kenelm O.L. Burridge Fonds
    Kenelm O.L. Burridge fonds Compiled by Christopher Hives (1988) Revised by Michelle Curran (2007) and Erwin Wodarczak (2012) Last revised January 2012 University of British Columbia Archives Table of Contents Fonds Description o Title / Dates of Creation / Physical Description o Biographical Sketch o Scope and Content o Notes File List Catalogue entry (UBC Library catalogue) Fonds Description Kenelm O.L. Burridge fonds. – 1950-1987. 44.5 cm of textual records and published materials. 46 audio compact discs. Biographical Sketch Kenelm Burridge was born in Malta in 1922. After spending his childhood in Lucknow, India, he was educated in England, and in 1939 he joined the Royal Navy. Burridge served on the battleships HMS Ramillies and Royal Sovereign in the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic and Indian Oceans until 1942, when he transferred to the sumbarine service. He was serving aboard HMS Splendid when she was sunk off Naples in 1943 and he was captured. He escaped later that year, and eventually returned to service in the Far East, retiring as a lieutenant in 1946. Burridge entered Exeter College, Oxford, that year, and completed his B.A. in 1948, a diploma in Social Anthropology, the following year, and later his B.Litt. (1950) and M.A. (1952) in Anthropology. He then obtained a Ph.D. in that field from Australian National University in 1954. Burridge has conducted fieldwork in Papua New Guinea, Malaya (where he was a research fellow at the University of Malaya), Australia, New Hebrides, and India. He held teaching posts in anthropology and ethnology at Baghdad University and Oxford before joining UBC as professor of anthropology in 1968.
    [Show full text]
  • INTRODUCTION Drawn from Life: Mary Douglas's Personal Method
    INTRODUCTION Drawn from life: Mary Douglas’s personal method Richard Fardon Mary Douglas (1921–2007) was the most widely read British anthropolo- gist of the second half of the twentieth century. Her writings continue to inspire researchers in numerous fields in the twenty-first century.1 This vol- ume of papers, first published over a period of almost fifty years, provides insights into the wellsprings of her style of thought and manner of writing. More popular counterparts to many of Douglas’s academic works – either the first formulation of an argument, or its more general statement – were often published around the same time as a specialist version. These first thoughts and popular re-imaginings are particularly revealing of the close relation between Douglas’s intellectual and personal concerns, a convergence that became more overt in her late career, when Mary Douglas occasionally wrote autobiographi- cally, explaining her ideas in relation to her upbringing, her family, and her experiences as both a committed Roman Catholic and a social anthropologist in the academy. The four social types of her theoretical writings – hierarchy, competition, the enclaved sect, and individuals in isolation – extend to remote times and distant places, prototypes that literally were close to home for her. This ability to expand and contract a restricted range of formal images allowed Mary Douglas to enter new fields of study with startling rapidity, to link unlikely domains of thought (through analogy, most frequently with religion), and to accommodate the most diverse examples in comparative frameworks. It was the way, to put it baldly, she made things fall into place.
    [Show full text]