Abbreviations Used in the Notes: CHA (Clothworkers' Hall Archive, London

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Abbreviations used in the notes: CHA (Clothworkers’ Hall Archive, London); DHA (Drapers’ Hall Archive, London); GHA (Goldsmiths’ Hall Archive, London); GL (Guildhall Library, London); MHA (Mercers’ Hall Archive, London); SkHA (Skinners’ Hall Archive, London); TNA (National Archives, Kew)

1 I NTRODUCTION: CULTURE, FAITH, AND PHILANTHROPY IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND 1 . Keith Thomas, The Ends of Life: Roads to Fulfillment in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 ), 261. The phi- lanthropies of Jones and Colbron will be discussed in detail in later chapters. 2 . The vicissitudes of religious change in early modern England are amply illustrated in Nicholas Tyacke, ed., England’s Long Reformation, 1500–1800 (London: University College London Press, 1998 ). 3 . Two essays that brought a great deal of heat, if not light, to the mid-twentieth-century debate over the role of impersonal forces generally, and of the increasing wealth of the gentry in particular, in the revolutionary events in seventeenth-century England were R. H. Tawney: “Harrington’s Interpretation of His Age,” Proceedings of the British Academy 27 ( 1941 ): 199–223 and “The Rise of the Gentry,” The Economic History Review 11, 1 (1942 ): 1–38 (quotations from pp. 16 and 17). The former focuses on Harrington, the latter mentions Raleigh in passing. In many ways, the culmination of this line of research was Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558– 1641 , abridged ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967 ) (quotations from pp. 12 and 13). J. H. Hexter, Reappraisals in History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979 ): 117–62 offers a critical discussion of the debate by one of its participants. 4 . The political turn of the 1970s, which came to be closely identified with the “revisionist” approach, was developed and refined in a variety of works including, but by no means limited to, John Morrill, Cheshire 1630–1660: Government and Society during the “English Revolution” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974 ); Conrad Russell, Parliaments and English Politics, 1621–1629 (O x f o rd : O x f o rd Un i ve r s it y P r e s s , 1979 ); 150 N OTES

and Mark Kishlansky, The Rise of the New Model Army (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979 ). A highly useful summary of the major historiographical trends by a scholar with an intimate working knowledge of the topic is Nicholas Tyacke, “Introduction: Locating the ‘English Revolution,’” in The English Revolution c. 1590–1720: Politics, Religion and Communities , ed. Nicholas Tyacke (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007 ): 1–26. 5 . Christopher Hill, Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England (London: Martin Secker &Warburg, 1964 ); Robert Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993 ); John Adamson, The Noble Revolt: The Overthrow of Charles I (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007 ). 6 . Throughout this study, “godly” will be used generally to reflect the val- ues and ambitions of those who sought to promote their vision of a calling to faith across society in post-Reformation England, a vision that was decidedly anti-Catholic. As will be seen, the individuals in question here took initiatives that, they perceived, the authorities in church and state were unwilling to do. Their neighbors may well have thought of them as “Puritans,” but that term has taken on a theologically meaningful set of associations among scholars that would be difficult to apply with confidence to many of the subjects of the current study because their motives are apparent almost entirely through their actions. Further, one hardly needed to embrace the reforms of the Church of England typi- cally associated with Puritanism to seek to displace Catholicism in provincial communities. In short, “godly” simply seems a less formal, and therefore more useful, term than “Puritan” in this context. Discussions of the nature of Puritanism have long been a mainstay of early modern English historiography, but some principal examples from the last long generation include the works of Patrick Collinson, such as his collection Godly People: Essays on English Protestantism and Puritanism (London; Continuum, 1983 ); much of the work of Peter Lake, such as his “Defining Puritanism – again?” in Puritanism: Transatlantic Perspectives on a Seventeenth-Century Anglo-American Faith , ed. Francis J. Bremer (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1993 ), 3–29 and his discussion, with Michael Questier, of a “new synthesis” of approaches to popular religion in The Antichrist’s Lewd Hat: Protestants, Papists and Players in Post-Reformation England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002 ), 472–79; and John Coffey and Paul C. H. Lin, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Puritanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008 ). Although the focus of the current work is on individuals who associated themselves with a reform program that was attempting to overturn the influence of Catholicism in provincial communities, it does not wish to imply that Catholics were uninterested in a well-ordered, faithful society. An excellent study of the continuities of such concerns throughout the Reformation era is Marjorie Keniston N OTES 151

McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England, 1370–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ). 7 . The process of economic integration, and London’s role therein, figures prominently in Christopher Clay, Economic Expansion and Social Change: England 1500–1700, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984 ); Craig Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998 ); and Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000 ). Still relevant after more than 40 years is E. A. Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London’s Importance in Changing English Society and Economy, 1650–1750,” Past and Present 37 ( 1967 ): 44–70, but see also Michael Reed, “London and its Hinterland 1600–1800: The View from the Provinces,” in Capital Cities and Their Hinterlands in Early Modern Europe , eds. Peter Clark and Bernard Lepetit (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996 ), 51–83. The emphasis here on London is not intended to deny the importance of prominent regional centers such as Bristol, even if signif icant provincial towns were not impervious to London’s influence; see Peter Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance: The Development of Provincial Urban Culture c.1680–c.1760 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989 ); David Harris Sacks, The Widening Gate: Bristol and the Atlantic Economy, 1450–1700 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991 ); Carl B. Estabrook, Urbane and Rustic England: Cultural Ties and Social Spheres in the Provinces 1660–1780 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998 ); and Peter Borsay and Lindsay Proudfoot, eds., Provincial Towns in Early Modern England and Ireland: Change, Convergence, and Divergence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002 ). The limita- tions of England’s roads before the eighteenth century is illustrated in Jo Guldi, Roads to Power: Britain Invents the Infrastructure State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012 ). 8 . On the movement of young people to London see Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos, Adolescence and Youth in Early Modern England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994 ); Paul Griffiths, Youth and Authority: Formative Experiences in England, 1560–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996 ); Patricia Fumerton, Unsettled: The Culture of Mobility and the Working Poor in Early Modern England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006 ), 72–73; and Tim Leunig, Chris Minns, and Patrick Wallis, “Networks in the Premodern Economy: The Market for London Apprenticeships, 1600–1749,” The Journal of Economic History 71, 2 (June 2011 ): 413–43. On county feasts see Newton Key, “The Localism of the County Feast in Late-Stuart Political Culture,” Huntington Library Quarterly 58, 2 ( 1996 ): 211–37 and “The Political Culture and Political Rhetoric of County Feasts and Feast Sermons, 1654–1714,” Journal of British Studies 33, 3 (July 1994 ): 223–56. 152 N OTES

9 . A lthough aspects of his analysis of change over time have been revised by subsequent research, W. K. Jordan’s three-volume study remains a valuable guide to the general scale and scope of philanthropy pursued in the early modern period: Philanthropy in England 1480– 1660: A Study of the Changing Pattern of English Social Aspirations (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1959 ); The Charities of London 1480–1660: The Aspirations and Achievements of the Urban Society (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1960 ); and The Charities of Rural England 1480–1660: The Aspirations and Achievements of the Rural Society (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1961 ). Important recent works on London philanthropy include Claire S. Schen, Charity and Lay Piety in Reformation London, 1500–1620 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002 ); and Ian W. Archer, “The Livery Companies and Charity in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in Guilds, Society, and Economy in London 1400–1800 , eds. Ian A. Gadd and Patrick Wallis (London: Centre for Metropolitan History, 2002 ), 15–28. For benevolence in England more generally, the key work is now Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos, The Culture of Giving: Informal Support and Gift-Exchange in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008 ). 10 . London’s early modern international connections have inspired a tremendously rich outpouring of works. Among those that have par- ticularly influenced the analysis undertaken here are David Hancock, Citizens of the World: London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735–1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Perry Gauci, The Politics of Trade: The Overseas Merchant in State and Society, 1660–1720 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001 ); Anne F. Sutton, The Mercery of London: Trade, Goods and People, 1130–1578 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005 ); Linda Levy Peck, Consuming Splendor: Society and Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Deborah E. Harkness, The Jewel House: Elizabethan London and the Scientific Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007 ); Karen Newman, Cultural Capitals: Early Modern London and Paris (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007 ); and Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion 1560–1660 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008 ) . The approach to London’s relationship to provincial communities offered in the present study is largely supportive of Saskia Sassen’s view of the contribution that urban-based networks made to the formation of early modern nation-states in her Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages , updated ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008 ), esp. 29–61. 11 . T he emphasis on the lasting relationships between London and the provinces is one of the chief ways this study will differ from Jordan’s N OTES 153

research as well as from Christopher Hill’s studies of godly philanthropy in his Economic Problems of the Church: From Archbishop Whitgift to the Long Parliament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956 ), esp. 245–74 and “Puritans and ‘The Dark Corners of the Land,’” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 13 ( 1963 ): 77–102. 12 . Stephen Greenblatt, et. al., Cultural Mobility: A Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010 ), quotation from 7. 13 . As a leading scholar recently expressed it: “Because capitalism began in England with the convergence of agricultural improvements, global explorations, and scientific advances means that capitalism came into human history with an English accent and followed the power trail that England projected around the globe in the eighteenth and nine- teenth centuries. This meant that the market economy retained a bit of foreignness for those for whom English and, by extension, capitalism are second languages”; Joyce Appleby, The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism (New York: W.W. Norton, 2010 ), quotation from 21, but see 17–18 for a discussion of Weber. See also Alan Macfarlane, The Culture of Capitalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987 ), esp. ch. 8, “The Cradle of Capitalism – the Case of England.” 14 . Paul S. Seaver, “The Puritan Work Ethic Revisited,” Journal of British Studies 19, 2, ( 1980 ): 35–53 and, more fully, Wallington’s World: A Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985 ). There is an extensive discussion of the general scholarly response to Weber in Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the “Spirit” of Capitalism and Other Writings , trans. and ed. Peter Baehr and Gordon C. Wells (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 2002 ), esp. pp. ix–xxxii. 15 . The approach to politics taken here will depart from that of both Brenner, Merchants and Revolution , which emphasized the national political implications of divisions among London merchants, and of Richard Grassby, The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 ), which consistently denies that entrepreneurs had political motives. 16 . Phil Withington has summarized the f indings of some recent research into the nature of the early modern state as defining it as “a loose and variegated alliance of local and metropolitan elites who recognized the reciprocal benefits of political cooperation and delegation” in his Society in Early Modern England: The Vernacular Origins of Some Powerful Ideas (Cambridge: Polity, 2010 ), 205. 17 . The aggression behind the godly impulse to reform the provinces, which will be the focus of chapters 5–7 in this book, suggests that something akin to missionary work was being undertaken in the English provinces; for an exploration of this problem that is related 154 N OTES

but quite distinct from that undertaken here see Mark Netzloff, England’s Internal Colonies: Class, Capital, and the Literature of Early Modern English Colonialism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 ). 18 . Alexandra Walsham, Charitable Hatred: Tolerance and Intolerance in England, 1500–1700 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006 ). 19 . The approach to reading literary and archival texts pursued here has been influenced by Patricia Fumerton and Simon Hunt, eds., Renaissance Culture and the Everyday (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999 ), especially the discussion of politics and culture in Fumerton’s introductory essay; Douglas Bruster, Shakespeare and the Question of Culture: Early Modern Literature and the Cultural Turn (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 ): 191–205; and Jonathan Gil Harris, Shakespeare and Literary Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010 ): 175–91. 20 . Recent general studies of early modern charity are led by Steve Hindle, On the Parish? The Micro-Politics of Poor Relief in Rural England, c. 1550–1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004 ); and Joanne McEwan and Pamela Sharpe, eds., Accommodating Poverty: The Housing and Living Arrangements of the English Poor, c. 1600– 1850 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011 ). 21 . The analysis undertaken here has been shaped in part by the scholar- ship on the public sphere in early modern England that has flour- ished in recent years, with notable examples including, but by no means being limited to, Andy Wood, Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 171–94; Peter Lake and Steven Pincus, eds., The Politics of the Public Sphere in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007 ); Bronwen Wilson and Paul Yachnin, eds., Making Publics in Early Modern Europe: People, Things, Forms of Knowledge (New York: Routledge, 2010 ); and Angela Vanhaelen and Joseph P. Ward, eds., Making Space Public in Early Modern Europe: Performance, Geography, Privacy (New York: Routledge, 2013 ). The sense of public and public-making that will be deployed in the current study has been influenced by, even if it does not follow fully, the suggestions in Michael Warner, Publics and Counterpublics (New York: Zone, 2002 ).

2 “ A ND LET OUR HEARTS BE SOFTNED TO THE POOR”: PERSONAL AMBITION AND THE METROPOLITAN MORAL ECONOMY 1 . Thomas Heywood, The Second Part of If You Know Not Me, You Know No Bodie (1606), sigs. C4–D1; Laura Caroline Stevenson, N OTES 155

Praise and Paradox; Merchants and Craftsmen in Elizabethan Popular Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984 ), 145–46; Robert Tittler, The Face of the City: Civic Portraiture and Civic Identity in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007 ), 104; and Jean E. Howard, Theater of a City: the Places of London Comedy, 1598–1642 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007 ), 57–59. 2 . James F. Larkin and Paul L. Hughes, eds., Stuart Royal Proclamations , vol. I (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), 285–86 and Larkin, ed., Stuart Royal Proclamations , vol. II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 236–37. 3 . Andrew McRae, God Speed the Plough: The Representation of Agrarian England, 1500–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 ), 58–79; Andy Wood, The Politics of Social Conflict: The Peak Country, 1520–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999) and Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics in Early Modern England (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002 ); Daniel C. Beaver, Hunting and the Politics of Violence before the English Civil War . Cambridge: (Cambridge University Press, 2008); and, continuing to influence all discussions of premodern moral economy, E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: The New Press, 1992 ), 185–351, which reprints his 1971 Past and Present article “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century” and responds to the criticisms and debates that essay sparked. 4 . Daniel Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1971), 54. 5 . The best discussion of the broad trends in London’s population is Vanessa Harding, “The Population of London 1550–1700: A Review of the Published Evidence,” London Journal 15 ( 1990 ): 111–28. 6 . Joseph P. Ward, Metropolitan Communities: Trade Guilds, Identity, and Change in Early Modern London (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997 ), 46–57. 7. Ian W. Archer, The Pursuit of Stability: Social Relations in Elizabethan London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991 ), 1–9, but there are discussions of dispute resolution in several other parts of the book; and Paul S. Seaver, “Apprentice Riots in Early Modern London,” in Violence, Politics, and Gender in Early Modern England , ed. Joseph P. Ward (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009 ), 17–39. 8 . Individual ambition is a chief concern of Keith Thomas, The Ends of Life: Roads to Fulfillment in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 ), and for expressions of the self in literary and/or courtly contexts also see Alison V. Scott, Selfish Gifts: The Politics of Exchange and English Courtly Literature, 1580–1628 (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2006) and Terry 156 N OTES

G. Sherwood, The Self in Early Modern Literature: For the Common Good (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 2007 ). Social relations in Elizabethan London are the focus of Archer, Pursuit of Stability , but for the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries see Lee Davidson, Tim Hitchcock, Tim Keirn, and Robert B. Shoemaker, eds., Stilling the Grumbling Hive: The Response to Social and Economic Problems in England, 1689–1750 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1992 ). 9 . London features prominently in Paul Slack, From Reformation to Improvement: Public Welfare in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999 ), but for London specifically see Valerie Pearl, “Puritans and Poor Relief: The London Workhouse, 1649–1660,” in D. Pennington and K. Thomas, eds., Puritans and Revolutionaries: Essays in Seventeenth-Century History Presented to Christopher Hill (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978 ), 206–32, and “Change and Stability in Seventeenth-Century London,” London Journal 5 ( 1979 ): 3–34; Steve Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds: Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ); Archer, Pursuit of Stability ; and Claire S. Schen, Charity and Lay Piety in Reformation London, 1500– 1620 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002 ). 10 . Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992 ), 327–37, quotations pp. 335–36. Portions of the following discussion of commemorative practices in the livery companies are adapted from my “Godliness, Commemoration, and Community: The Management of Provincial Schools by London Trade Guilds,” in Muriel C. McClendon, Joseph P. Ward, and Michael MacDonald, eds., Protestant Identities: Religion, Society, and Self-fashioning in Post-Reformation England (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999 ), 141–44, used by permission. Commemorative practices in London, including those of the livery companies, are examined in Ian W. Archer, “The Arts and Acts of Memorialization in Early Modern London,” Imagining Early Modern London: Perceptions and Portrayals of the City from Stow to Strype, 1598–1720 ed. J. F. Merritt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001 ), 89–113. 11 . George Unwin, The Gilds and Companies of London , 4th ed. (London: F. Cass, 1963 ); C. J. Kitching, ed., London and Middlesex Chantry Certificate, 1548 , London Record Society, vol. 16 (1980), 81–95; Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989 ), 335–36, 411–13; Ian W. Archer, T he History of the Haberdashers’ Company (Chichester, Sussex: Phillimore, 1991 ), 43–45; C. John Sommerville, The Secularization of Early Modern England. From Religious Culture to Religious Faith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992 ), 76–78; Pamela Nightingale, A Medieval N OTES 157

Mercantile Community: The Grocers’ Company & the Politics & Trade of London 1000–1485 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995 ); Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 110–15; Anne F. Sutton, The Mercery of London: Trade, Goods, and People, 1130–1578 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005 ), 373–77. 12 . Bruce Gordon and Peter Marshall, eds., The Place of the Dead: Death and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 ) and Vanessa Harding, The Dead and the Living in London and Paris, 1500–1670 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 ). 13 . Nigel Llewellyn, Funeral Monuments in Post-Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 ), 24–59 and 259–71. 14 . Thomas Cooper, The Art of Giving (1615), 1–2, and 37. Cooper’s role as a provincial school inspector for the Grocers’ Company will be discussed in chapter 5 . In a small irony given his insistence on humil- ity in benefaction, Cooper’s work for the grocers brought him to the school in Oundle, Northants., that Sir William Laxton founded through a will in which he insisted that the school “shall be called the Free Grammar School of me, the said William Laxton knight and alderman of London”; TNA PROB 11/38, fols. 79v–80r. 15 . Richard Bernard, The Ready Wauy to Good Works (1635), quotation from sig. B4. 16 . CHA, Orders of Courts (1605–1623), fol. 79v; SkHA Court Book III (1617–1651), fols. 44r, 181r; Ward, Metropolitan Communities, 114; DHA Minutes and Records (1603–1640), fol. 138r and Minutes and Records (1640–1667), fols. 13v, 41r. In 1679, the Drapers’ officers spent more than £40 for painting and displaying in their hall a portrait of former lord mayor Sir Joseph Sheldon. They also paid £18 for “the two stone pictures of Sir Joseph Sheldon and Mr. John Walter,” presumably for display in the hall’s garden; DHA Wardens Accounts 1678–1679. For the refashioning of civic traditions in the wake of the Reformation in provincial towns see among the works of Robert Tittler, “Civic Portraiture and Political Culture in English Provincial Towns, ca. 1560–1640,” Journal of British Studies 37 (July 1998 ): 306–29; “The Cookes and the Brookes: uses of portraiture in town and country before the Civil War,” in Gerald M. MacLean, Donna Landry, and Joseph P. Ward, eds., The Country and the City Revisited: England and the Politics of Culture, 1550– 1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 ), 58–73; and The Face of the City . 17 . MHA, Acts of Court (1527–1560), fols. 99r, 105r, 151r–v, 246v, 253v, 284r, 385r, 394v, 471r; (1595–1629), 132v, 162v, 174v. Of course, the officers of other companies were not necessarily as well informed as the mercers. In 1664, the master of the Brewers’ Company ordered 158 N OTES

that the arms of the person who had, among other things, originally built the company’s hall be displayed in a stained glass window so that his memory would be preserved; this was despite the embarrass- ing revelation that no company member at that time knew their great benefactor’s name; GL MS 5445/19, p. 368. 18 . GL MS 5445/21, pp. 138,149; DHA Minutes and Records (1667– 1705), fols. 124v, 245v, 265r and Wardens Accounts (1700–1701), p. 40. 19 . CHA Orders of Courts (1665–1683), pp. 204–6; MHA Acts of Court 1681–1687, fols. 61v and 86r. 20 . Ian Doolittle, The Mercers’ Company 1579–1959 (London: The Mercers’ Company, 1994 ), 16. For similar examples in other companies see CHA, Orders of Courts (1581–1605), fol. 209v (Roger Hanor’s cup to be used at the company’s elections) and SkHA Court Book I (1551–1617), fols. 79r–80r, Court Book III (1617–1651), fol. 114r (the cock-shaped cups of William Cockayne to be used at the company’s elections). 21 . GL MS 15842/1, fols. 223v, 224r. When the company had to liq- uidate additional pieces in 1643, a note in the wardens’ accounts listed the weights and detailed descriptions of items that were sold so that in the future the “arms, markes, letters and words” engraved on them by their donors could be copied onto replacement pieces “for the perpetual memory of the donors,” GL MS 15866/1, pp. 431–33. See also Archer, Haberdashers , 260. 22 . The Skinners’ master and wardens set an example by paying the company for the five cock cups donated by William Cockayne with the expectation that each successive set of company officers would repay their predecessors for the pieces until the company could afford to reclaim them, which it did three years later; SkHA Court Book III (1617–1651), fols. 114r, 125r. When the company needed to raise money to contribute to a City loan in 1643, the records reveal only that the officers were to “survey the plate and to sell such part thereof as they in their discretions shall think may be spared”; ibid., fol. 205v. For similar action that year by the Clothworkers’ officers see CHA Orders of Courts (1639–1649), fol. 83r. 23 . GHA Court Minute Books T (1637–1639), fols. 29v–30r, 32r–33v; 3 (1660–1663), fols. 282v, 287v, 293v; 4 (1663–1665), fols. 93r, 94v, 114r, 214v, 230v; 5 (1665–1669), fol. 153v. 24 . DHA Wardens Accounts 1658–1659 and Minutes and Records (1667–1705), fols. 246r–v, 257ar, 264r–v. See also M. A. Greenwood, The Ancient Plate of the Drapers’ Company With Some Account of its Origin, History and Vicissitudes (London: Humphrey Milford, 1930). 25 . W. K. Jordan, The Charities of London 1480–1660: The Aspirations and Achievements of the Urban Society (New York: Russell Sage N OTES 159

Foundation, 1960 ); J. E. C. Hill, “Puritans and ‘The Dark Corners of the Land,’” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th ser., 13 ( 1963 ): 7–102; Paul S. Seaver, The Puritan Lectureships: The Politics of Religious Dissent, 156–1662 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1970 ); Archer, Haberdashers , 71–88. 26 . GHA Court Minute Books P part II (1617–1624), fol. 181v; GL MS 15842/1, fol. 361r. 27 . GL MS 11588/5, p. 508. 28 . David Cressy, “Different Kinds of Speaking: Symbolic Violence and Secular Iconoclasm in Early Modern England,” in McClendon, Ward, and MacDonald, eds., Protestant Identities , 19–42; Keith Thomas, “Art and Iconoclasm in Early Modern England,” in Kenneth Fincham and Peter Lake, eds., Religious Politics in Post-Reformation England: Essays in Honour of Nicholas Tyacke (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2006 ), 16–40. 29 . This paragraph draws on Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 11–15. For an overview of plagues and fire in early modern London, see Robert O. Bucholz and Joseph P. Ward, London: A Social and Cultural History, 1550–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012 ), 309–31. 30 . J. Stow, A Survey of London , ed. C. L. Kingsford, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1911): ii, 199–201. T. Willan, River Navigation in England 1600–1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1936 ) remains a useful survey of this topic. For London’s connections to medieval national markets see J. Galloway, “Market Networks: London Hinterland Trade and the Economy of England,” Centre for Metropolitan History: Annual Report 1997–8 (1998): 44–50. Portions of the section of this chapter addressing the Thames are adapted from my “The Taming of the Thames: Reading the River in the Seventeenth-Century,” The Huntington Library Quarterly , 71, 1 ( 2008 ): 55–75, used by permission. 31 . D. Levine and K. Wrightson, The Making of an Industrial Society: Whickham 1560–1765 (Oxford, 1991 ), 7–9. In 1550, Newcastle traded 51,000 tons of coal by sea, one-fourth of which found its way to London; in 1683, Newcastle shipped 522,000 tons of coal, two-thirds of which went by water to London; in 1749, Newcastle produced 737,000 tons of coal, nearly seven-eighths of which it sent to the metropolis. B. Dietz, “The North-East Coal Trade, 1550– 1750: Measures, Markets, and the Metropolis,” Northern History 22 (1986 ): 292. 32 . R. Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993 ); D. Hancock, Citizens of the World: London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735–1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 160 N OTES

1995 ); P. Gauci. The Politics of Trade: The Overseas Merchant in State and Society, 1660–1720 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001 ). 33 . Vanessa Harding, “City, Capital, and Metropolis: The Changing Shape of Seventeenth-Century London,” in Imagining Early Modern London: Perceptions & Portrayals of the City from Stow to Strype 1598– 1720 , ed. J. F. Merritt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001 ), 117–43. 34 . For an overview of ceremony see David M. Bergeron, English Civic Pageantry 1558–1642 . (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1971); Michael Berlin, “Civic Ceremony in Early Modern London,” Urban History Yearbook ( 1986 ): 15–27; and Tracey Hill, Anthony Munday and Civic Culture: Theatre, History and Power in Early Modern London 1580–1633 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009) and Pageantry and Power: A Cultural History of the Early Modern Lord Mayor’s Show 1585–1639 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011). Berlin (21) suggests that “London had no equivalent of the Piazza San Marco as a public ritual space. The streets were notoriously narrow and open spaces and common grounds were continually subject to enclosure and encroachment.” That may have been the primary attraction of the river to designers of elaborate public spectacles. 35 . N. E. McClure, ed., The Letters of John Chamberlain, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1939), ii, 414. 36 . W. Andrews, Famous Frosts and Frost Fairs in Great Britain (London: George Redway, 1887). 37 . McClure, ed., Letters of John Chamberlain, i, 253. 38 . George Herbert, Wits Recreations (1640), no. 440. 39 . This sense of metamorphosis is drawn from Wendy Olmstead, “On the Margins of Otherness: Metamorphosis and Identity in Homer, Ovid, Sidney, and Milton,” New Literary History 27, 2 ( 1996 ): 167–84. I thank Deb Harkness for drawing my attention to this valuable essay. 40 . Chamberlain (337) commented in February 1621 that the watermen were “quite undon” by the river’s freezing. 41 . The sometimes precarious condition of London’s social safety net is a central theme of Archer, Pursuit of Stability . 42. J. Taylor, The Colde Tearme, or, The Frozen Age, or, The Metamorphosis of the River of Thames (1621). For Taylor’s career as a London water- man, see B. Capp, The World of John Taylor the Water-Poet 1578–1653 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994 ). 43 . N. Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714 6 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1857), vol. I, 294–98. Luttrell (296) reported that Charles had donated £2,0000, but that is difficult to verify. The king’s personal accounts show that £100 were disbursed to the Bishop of London out of N OTES 161

Charles’s “bounty and charity to them, in respect of the extreme hard weather,” but similar amounts were given to relieve the poor of Stepney and St. Margaret’s, Westminster; J. Y. Akerman, ed., Moneys Received and Paid for Secret Services of Charles II and James II from 30th March, 1679, to 25th December, 1688 , Camden Society, 52 (1851): 81–82. On January 4, the king directed the bishop to take up collec- tions to relieve the poor throughout the metropolis in light of “the extreme hard weather and the hardships and distresses it brings on the poor.” Charles also told the bishop to call on the Treasury to col- lect his own donation so that “our example may quicken our exhor- tation”; F. H. Blackburne Daniell and F. Bickley. eds., Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series, 1683–4 (London: HMSO, 1938), 199. 44 . Luttrell (362) noted that the printer made £5 per day by printing the names of individuals on souvenir cards on the ice for 6d. per name. John Locke had such a card printed for a friend; E. S. De Beer, ed., The Correspondence of John Locke , 4 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), 2, 609. 45 . Anon., Thamasis’s advice to the painter, from her frigid zone, or, Wonders upon the water (1684). 46 . Anon., News from the Thames, or, The Frozen Thames in Tears (1684). 47 . In January 1683, the London Court of Aldermen received a petition from watermen complaining that “their onley subsistence now being during this extremity of the season, some of them to set up boothes upon the River to sell drinke, and others to attend and conduct gen- tlemen in their first coming upon the ice.” The court ordered the water bailiff to ensure that the watermen “may make their just advan- tages herein and not be deprived thereof by such as have no right to the river”; Corporation of London Record Office, Reportories of the Court of Aldermen, 37. 48 . Anon., The Thames Uncas’d: Or, The Watermans Song upon the Thaw (1684).

3 “ G OD HATH BESTOWED THAT UPON ME”: HOW SIMON EYRE MADE HIS FORTUNE 1 . Caroline M. Barron’s entry on Eyre in The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004). 2 . For a discussion of the causes and shape of London’s early modern growth, see the preceding chapter. Parts of this chapter have been adapted from Joseph P. Ward, “Fictitious Shoemakers, Agitated Weavers, and the Limits of Popular Xenophobia in Elizabethan London,” in Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton, eds., From Strangers to Citizens: Integration of Immigrant Communities in 162 N OTES

Great Britain, Ireland and the Colonies, 1550–1750 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2001 ), 80–87, used by permission. 3 . A useful overview of this issue is Peter Clark, “Migrants in the City: The Process of Social Adaptation in English Towns 1500–1800,” in Peter Clark and David Souden, eds., Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London: Hutchinson, 1987 ), 267–91. 4 . Throughout this chapter, the aliens being discussed are immigrants from Europe who sought to settle in England. For Elizabethan attitudes toward non-European aliens, see Emily C. Bartels, Spectacles of Strangeness: Imperialism, Alienation, and Marlowe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993 ) and, more generally, Ivo Kamps and Jyotsna G. Singh, eds., Travel Knowledge: European “Discoveries” in the Early Modern Period (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001 ). 5 . On livery company discipline see Steve Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds: Structures of life in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ), 201–4; and Joseph P. Ward, Metropolitan Communities: Trade Guilds, Identity, and Change in Early Modern London (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997 ), 46–57. 6 . Arguments for the popularity of xenophobia may be found in Anne M. Oakley, “The Canterbury Walloon Congregation from Elizabeth I to Laud,” in Huguenots in Britain and their French Background, 1550–1800 , ed. Irene Scouloudi (Totowa, NJ: Barnes and Noble Books, 1987 ), 67; Ole Peter Grell, Calvinist Exiles in Tudor and Stuart England (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996 ), 2–3; Laura Hunt Yungblut, Strangers Settled Here Amongst Us: Policies, Perceptions and the Presence of Aliens in Elizabethan England (London: Routledge, 1996 ), 2–3, 9, and 115. Much of the present discussion follows the more nuanced assessment in Nigel Goose, “‘Xenophobia’ in Elizabethan England: An Epithet Too Far?” in Nigel Goose and Lien Luu, eds., Immigrants in Tudor and Early Stuart England (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2005 ), 110–35. 7 . Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation , (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989 ), 129–33; Anne F. Sutton, The Mercery of London: Trade, Goods and People, 1130–1578 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005 ), 354–55; Nigel Goose, “‘Xenophobia’,” 118–19. The most comprehensive recent discussion of these issues is Jacob Selwood, Diversity and Difference in Early Modern London (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010 ). 8 . Edward Hall, Hall’s Chronicle , ed. H. Harris (London: J. Johnson, 1809), 590–91. Paul Seaver has argued that apprentice disturbances in early modern London often took place with the tacit approval of the City’s governors; see Paul S. Seaver, “Apprentice Riots in Early Modern London,” in Violence, Politics, and Culture in Early Modern N OTES 163

England , ed. Joseph P. Ward (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 17–39. 9 . John Strype, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion , repr. ed. IV (New York: Burt Franklin, 1968), 234–35; Ian W. Archer, The Pursuit of Stability: Social Relations in Elizabethan London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991 ), 4–5; Goose, “‘Xenophobia’,” 119–20. 10 . Robin Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain (London: Routledge, 1985 ), 60–64; Irene Scouloudi, “The Stranger Community in the Metropolis 1558– 1640,” in Scouloudi, ed., 43–48; Bernard Cottret, The Huguenots in England: Immigration and Settlement c. 1550–1700 , trans. Peregrine and Adriana Stevenson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991 ), 54–65. 11 . Archer, Pursuit of Stability , 1. 12 . The various categories of livery company membership are discussed thoroughly in George Unwin, Gilds and Companies, 4th ed. (London: Frank Cass, 1963), 226–32; Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds , and Archer, Pursuit of Stability . The Weavers’ Company ordinances of 1577—transcribed in Frances Consitt, The London Weavers’ Company , vol. I (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933 ), 293—allowed each senior company officer to have four apprentices, each liveryman three, and every other freeman two. Disputes within the early modern Weavers’ Company generally, including controversies surrounding strangers, are discussed in Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 125–43 and Selwood, Diversity and Difference , 59–70. 13 . GL MS 4647/126–134. 14 . For the drafting of petitions for London artisans see Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 75–83. 15 . Alfred Plummer, The London Weavers’ Company 1600–1970 (London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1972 ), 16–17; Charles Galton Littleton, “Geneva on Threadneedle Street: the French Church of London and its congregation, 1560–1625,” PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 1996 , 49–68, 166–90 (I am grateful to Dr. Littleton for permission to cite this unpublished work); GL MS 4647/138, 364. The disenfranchised staff member was the company’s beadle, who had played an important role in communication among the company’s members. 16 . Thomas G. Barnes, “The Prerogative and Environmental Control of London Building in the Early Seventeenth Century: The Lost Opportunity,” California Law Review 58 ( 1970 ): 1332–63; Lawrence Stone, “The Residential Development of the West End of London in the Seventeenth Century,” in After the Reformation: Essays in Honor of J. H. Hexter, ed. Barbara C. Malament (Philadelphia: University of 164 N OTES

Pennsylvania Press, 1980 ), 41–80; and Malcolm Smuts, “The Court and Its Neighborhood: Royal Policy and Urban Growth in the Early Stuart West End,” Journal of British Studies 30, 2 ( 1991 ): 117–49. 17 . TNA, SP14/127/14–15; see also /12 and /21 for similar comments by goldsmiths and leatherdressers. 18 . Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1619–23 , ed. M. A. E. Green (1858), 91 and 95. 19 . The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D’Ewes , ed. J. O. H. Halliwell, 2 vols. (1845), i, 158–60. On Scott’s publication see S. L. Adams, “Captain Thomas Gainsford, the ‘Vox Spiritus’ and the Vox Populi ,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 49, 119 ( 1976 ): 141–44. 20 . N. E. McClure, ed., The Letters of John Chamberlain , 2 vols. (Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1939), ii, 360–61. 21 . T. Birch, ed., The Court and Times of James I , 2 vols. (1848), 2, 245–46. On Jacobean gossip networks see T. Cogswell, The Blessed Revolution: English Politics and the Coming of War, 1621–1624 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ), 22–23 and A. Bellany, The Politics of Court Scandal in Early Modern England: News Culture and the Overbury Affair, 1603–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 ), 88–89. 22 . James F. larkin and Paul L. Hughes, eds., Stuart Royal Proclamations, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), 508–11. The Proclamation also noted that members of the English nobility and gentry commonly suffered abuse at the hands of apprentices and others while they were in London. For a discussion of the climate of anti-Spanish feeling in the Jacobean period see Cogswell and Patterson. 23 . T. Birch, ed., The Court and Times of James I , 2 vols. (1848), 2, 247–49. 24 . D. N., Londons looking-glasse. Or The copy of a letter, written by an English trauayler, to the apprentices of London (1621), 3–11. 25 . Ibid., 11–14. 26 . Ibid., 14–40. 27 . Anon., Apprentices of Londons Petition . 28 . Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992 ). See also Andrew Hadfield, “From English to British Literature: John Lyly’s Euphues and Edmund Spenser’s The Faerie Queen ,” in Brendan Bradshaw and Peter Roberts, eds., British Consciousness and Identity: T he Making of Britain, 1533–1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 140–58 and Willy Maley, “The British Problem in Three Tracts on Ireland by Spenser, Bacon And Milton,” in ibid., 159–84. N OTES 165

29 . Janette Dillon, Language and Stage in Medieval and Renaissance England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ), 175–76. 30 . Parenthetical references are to E. O. Mann, The Works of Thomas Deloney (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1911); for the historical Eyre, see Caroline M. Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages: Government and People 1200–1500 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004 ), 82, 135, 341, 342. 31 . For the Greek presence in early modern London see Claire S. Schen, “Greeks and ‘Greecians’ in London: the ‘Other’ Strangers,” in From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550– 1750, eds. Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton, (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2001 ), 268–75. 32 . Consitt, Weavers’ Company , 146–47; Mann, ed., Works , xii; and Lawlis, ed., The Novels of Thomas Deloney , (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1961), xxvii. 33 . Deloney also inserted a subplot involving “Haunce the Duchman,” another of Eyre’s journeymen who uses underhanded means in an attempt to woo Florence, “a jolly lusty wench” who was also living in Eyre’s household, away from John Denevale, all of which hap- pened after Eyre left the management of his shop to the Frenchman while he pursued his new business as a merchant (117–18). Among other things, this subplot suggests that the strangers in London were not all alike and that they would divide against one another in the absence of English supervision. 34 . Robert Tittler, The Face of the City: Civic Portraiture and Civic Identity in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007 ), 120–21 offers a thorough discussion of the reverence early modern people had for the official cloaks of civic authority. Deloney’s readers would have understood fully the trans- gressive nature of Eyre’s decision to pretend to be an alderman. 35 . For a different reading of Deloney’s view of Eyre’s ambition see Laura Caroline Stevenson, Praise and Paradox; Merchants and Craftsmen in Elizabethan Popular Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984 ), 148–51. 36 . Consitt, London Weavers , 313. 37 . Hen V, 4, iii. 38 . All parenthetical references are to Thomas Dekker, The Shoemaker’s Holiday , ed. R. L. Smallwood and Stanley Wells (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1979). 39 . David Bevington, “Theatre as Holiday,” in The Theatrical City: London’s Culture, Theatre, and Literature, 1576–1649 , eds. David L. Smith, Richard Strier, and David Bevington (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 ), 101–6; Paul Seaver, “The Artisanal World,” in ibid., 87–100; Lawrence Manley, Literature and Culture in Early 166 N OTES

Modern London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 ), esp. 441–43. 40 . Dekker’s character Hans may be something of a counterpoint to Deloney’s Haunce. Little is known about the personal origins of either Deloney or Dekker, but it has been assumed that Deloney descended from French Protestant immigrants and Dekker from Dutch, so the virtues of Dekker’s Hans might reflect the author’s desire to portray the Dutch in a more favorable light than did Deloney. See the ODNB entries for Dekker and Deloney. 41 . Patricia Fumerton, Unsettled: The Culture of Mobility and the Working Poor in Early Modern England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006 ), 33–35 discusses the early modern and recent scholarly interest, if not fascination, with the problem of disguised vagabonds. At no point do any of Dekker’s native characters question the veracity of Hans, suggesting that their initial impression of him as a shoemaker because he carried with him the tools of the trade (scene 4.46) was all they needed to convince them of his honest intentions. 42 . George Evans Light, “All Hopped Up: Beer, Cultivated National Identity, and Anglo-Dutch Relations, 1524–1625,” Journal x 2, 2 (Spring 1998 ): 167. 43 . For examples, see Archer, Pursuit of Stability, 116 and Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 66. 44 . Julia Gasper, The Dragon and the Dove: The Plays of Thomas Dekker (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 ), 18–20. 45 . Gasper, Dragon and the Dove, 31–32 demonstrates that Dekker meant for his audience to understand that Eyre was not an alderman when he donned the aldermanic robe to convince the ship’s captain he had sufficient credit to purchase the cargo. 46 . Dekker assumes that his audience will understand the eagerness of monarchs to please wealthy Londoners; on the relations between City and Crown in Renaissance plays more generally, see Janette Dillon, Theatre, Court and City, 1595–1610 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 ). 47 . This analysis of the trickster applies to the Shoemaker’s Holiday the more general point made in William R. Dynes, “The Trickster-Figure in Jacobean City Comedy,” Studies in English Literature, 1500– 1900 33, 2 ( 1993 ): 365–84. See also Alizon Brunning, “‘In his gold I shine’: Jacobean City Comedy and the Art of the Mediating Trickster,” Early Modern Literary Studies 8, 2 ( 2002). 48 . Roger A. Ladd, “Thomas Deloney and the London Weavers’ Company,” Sixteenth Century Journal 32, 4 ( 2001 ): 984–85 is onto something fruitful by emphasizing Deloney’s interest in economic morality, but his argument would have been more powerful had he considered more fully the immorality of Eyre’s behavior in the Pleasant History of the Gentle Craft . N OTES 167

4 “ [ A ] S THE LORD HAD DECREED”: THE METAMORPHOSIS OF RICHARD WHITTINGTON 1 . Anne F. Sutton in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004). Parts of this chapter are adapted from Joseph P. Ward, “‘[I]mployment for all handes that will worke’: Immigrants, Guilds, and the Labour Market in Early Seventeenth-Century London,” in Immigrants in Tudor and Early Stuart England , eds. Nigel Goose and Lien Luu (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2005 ), 76–87, used by permission. 2 . E. A. Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London’s Importance in Changing English Society and Economy, 1650–1750,” Past and Present , 37 ( 1967 ): 44–70; Richard Grassby, The Business Community in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 ); and Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000 ). 3 . For discussions of early modern London’s population see Roger Finlay, Population and Metropolis: The Demography of London 1580– 1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981 ); Roger Finlay and Beatrice Shearer, “Population Growth and Suburban Expansion” in London 1500–1700: The Making of the Metropolis, eds. A. L. Beier and Roger Finlay, eds., (London: Longman, 1986 ), 37–59; and Vanessa Harding, “The Population of London, 1550–1700: A Review of the Published Evidence,” London Journal 15, 2 ( 1990 ): 111–28. For an assessment of the relationship between London’s job market and the level of migration into the metropolis see A. L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England, 1560–1640 (London: Methuen, 1985 ), 40–42. 4 . E. A. Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London’s Importance in Changing English Society and Economy, 1650–1750,” Past and Present 37 (1967): 44–70, and Alison Games, Migration and the Origins of the English Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999 ). For an examination of the factors that encouraged social stability in London’s neighborhoods see Jeremy Boulton, Neighbourhood and Society: A London Suburb in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987 ). 5 . Steve Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds: Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ); Ian W. Archer, The Pursuit of Stability: Social Relations in Elizabethan London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991 ); Joseph P. Ward, Metropolitan Communities: Trade Guilds, Identities, and Change in Early Modern London (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997 ); and Ward, “Livery Companies and the World Beyond the Metropolis,” in Guilds, Society and Economy in London 1450–1800 , 168 N OTES

eds. Ian Anders Gadd and Patrick Wallis (London: Centre for Metropolitan History, 2002 ), 175–78. 6 . Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos, Adolescence and Youth in Early Modern England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994 ) and Paul Griffiths, Youth and Authority: Formative Experiences in England, 1560–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996 ). Concerns about uncontrolled young people are discussed throughout Beier, Masterless Men and Paul Griffiths, Lost Londons: Change, Crime, and Control in the Capital City, 1550–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008 ). 7 . Linda Woodbridge, Vagrancy, Homelessness, and English Renaissance Literature (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001 ); Craig Dionne and Steve Mentz, eds., Rogues and Early Modern English Culture (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004 ); Patricia Fumerton, Unsettled: The Culture of Mobility and the Working Poor in Early Modern England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). 8 . J. Pound, Poverty and Vagrancy in Tudor England (London: Longman, 1971 ); Conrad Russell, The Crisis of Parliaments: English History 1509–1660 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971 ), 125; D. M. Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth, England under the Later Tudors 1547–1603 (London: Longman, 1983 ), 19; Michael A. R. Graves and Robin H. Silcock, Revolution, Reaction and the Triumph of Conservatism, English History, 1558–1700 (London: Longman, 1984 ), 73–75; John Guy, Tudor England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988 ), 42–44; Jennifer Loach, Parliament under the Tudors (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991 ), 116. 9 . BL, Lansdowne Mss. 160, fols. 95r–96r; see also 160, fol. 97r and 169, fol. 130r–v, 131r–132r. 10 . Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 20–21. 11 . An Act of Common Councell (1606). 12 . Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 27–44. 13 . Sara Pennell, “‘Great quantities of gooseberry pye and baked clod of beef’: Victualling and Eating Out in Early Modern London,” in Londinopolis: Essays in the Social and Cultural History of Early Modern London , eds. Paul Griffiths and Mark S. R. Jenner (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000 ), 228–49. 14 . Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 49–50, 55. 15 . For the porters generally, see Walter M. Stern, The Porters of London (London: Longmans, 1960 ), 1–81. For the reliance of indigent free- men on income as porters, see Ward, Metropolitan Communities , 59–64. 16 . Thomas Brewer, A Newe ballad Composed in Commendation of the Societie or Companie of the Porters to the Tune of In Edenbrugh, behold (1605). 17 . GL MS 913, fols. 3r–v, 22r–24r. N OTES 169

18 . Henry Peacham, The Art of Living in London (1642). For recent research on vagrants, criminals, and servants in early modern London see Andrew McRae, “The Peripatetic Muse: Internal Travel and the Cultural Production of Space in Pre-Revolutionary England,” in The Country and the City Revisited: England and the Politics of Culture, 1550–1850 , eds. Gerald MacLean, Donna Landry, and Joseph P. Ward (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 ), 24–40; Patricia Fumerton, “London’s Vagrant Economy: Making Space for ‘Low’ Subjectivity,” in Material London, ca. 1600 , ed. Lena Cowen Orlin (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000 ), 206–25; Paul Griffiths, “Overlapping Circles: Imagining Criminal Communities in London, 1545–1645,” in Communities in Early Modern England: Networks, Place, Rhetoric , eds. Alexandra Shepard and Phil Withington (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000 ), 115–33; and Tim Meldrum , Domestic Service and Gender 1660–1750: Life and Work in the London Household (Harlow: Pearson, 2000 ). 19 . For the Whittington found in the historical record see J. L. Bolton, “Dick Whittington: The Man and the Myth Exhibition at the Guildhall Library, 3 July–23 September 1989,” London Journal 15, 1 (1990): 72–73; Caroline M. Barron, London in the Middle Ages: Government and People 1200–1500 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 20 . Richard Johnson, A crowne garland of goulden roses Gathered out of Englands royall garden. Being the lives and strange fortunes of many great personages of this land (1612), subsequent quotations are from this text, which is inconsistently paginated. See also Lawrence Manley, ed., London in the Age of Shakespeare: An Anthology (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1986 ), 234. The Eurocentric claim to discover new lands in the early modern period has inspired considerable scholarly effort in recent years. An excellent introduction to this research is Ivo Kamps and Jyotsna G. Singh, eds., Travel Knowledge: European “Discoveries” in the Early Modern Period (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001 ). 21 . On the transformative power of gold see the essays in Early Modern Literary Studies 8, 2 (2002) a special issue largely devoted to the subject. 22 . T[homas] H[eywood], The Famous and Remarkable History of Sir Richard Whittington (1656), A1-A4; subsequent parenthetical cita- tions refer to this text, but it is inconsistently paginated. The earliest surviving imprint of this work appeared 15 years after Heywood’s death, so although he is now accepted as the author of this tale, it has received very little notice from literary scholars; Edward T. Bonahue, Jr., “Heywood, The Citizen Hero, and The History of Dick Whittington,” English Language Notes 36, 3 ( 1999 ): 33–41; see also 170 N OTES

James Robertson, “The Adventures of Dick Whittington and the Social Construction of Elizabethan London,” in Guilds, Society and Economy in London, 1450–1800 , eds. Ian Anders Gadd and Patrick Wallis (London: Centre for Metropolitan History, 2002 ): 51–66. 23 . On the significance of the Royal Exchange for literature of the City see Jean E. Howard, Theater of a City: The Places of London Comedy, 1598–1642 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007 ), 29–67. Fitzwarren’s comment suggests that he thought the vagrant Whittington might be disguised; see Patricia Fumerton, Unsettled: The Culture of Mobility and the Working Poor in Early Modern England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006 ), 33–46. 24 . Fumerton, Unsettled makes a compelling case for apprentices and maid servants to be included among those who, like vagrants more generally, experienced unsettledness; see, for example, p. 17. 25 . The passage referred to in this paragraph follows B4, but the pages in question come before C1 in the 1656 text. 26 . Heywood’s vision of Fitzwarren as patriarch interacts in several ways with the ideas developed by Michael McKeon, The Secret History of Domesticity: Public, Private, and the Division of Knowledge (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005 ), 112–22. A crucial question that Heywood avoids is whether Whittington ever becomes the independent head of his household or if he continues to follow the lead of his father-in-law; see McKeon, p. 133 for a discussion of a seventeenth-century man who found his relationship with his wife’s father to have been “slavery.” On female agency in the seventeenth century see Marcus Nevitt, Women and the Pamphlet Culture of Revolutionary England (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006 ). 27 . This appears on the final, unpaginated page of the text. 28 . On patriarchal authority more generally, see Susan Dwyer Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1988 ). 29 . Robert Tittler, Townspeople and Nation: English Urban Experiences 1540–1640 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001 ). 30 . Whittington’s benefactions are detailed in Jean Imray, The Charity of Richard Whittington: A History of the Trust Administered by the Mercers’ Company, 1424–1966 (London: The Athlone Press, 1968 ). 31 . Manley, ed., London in the Age of Shakespeare, 213–14. Indeed, not only did the cat appear in portraits of Whittington painted in his era, but also a children’s book published in New York in 1950 entitled Dick Whittington and His Cat gave the cat equal billing. Marcia Brown, Dick Whittington and His Cat (New York: Scribners, 1950). 32 . Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York: Basic Books, 1999 ), 75–104, quotation on p. 89. My colleague Karen Raber has offered a pen- etrating analysis of cats in early modern culture in “How to Do N OTES 171

Things with Animals: Thoughts on/with the Early Modern Cat,” in Early Modern Ecostudies: From the Florentine Codex to Shakespeare , eds. Thomas Hallock, Ivo Kamps, and Karen L. Raber (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008 ), 93–113. I have benefitted from several conversations with Dr. Raber on the topic of cats. 33 . C. S. L. Davies, Peace, Print, and Protestantism 1450–1558 (London : Hart-Davis MacGibbon, 1976 ), 299. 34 . [Edward Fleetwood], A Declaration of a strange and Wonderfull Monster (1646). A shorter version of the story is found in Anon., Five Wonders Seene in England (1646). 35 . For discussions of the English attitudes toward the Moors see Kim F. Hall, Things of Darkness: Economies of Race and Gender in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995 ) and Nabil Matar, Turks, Moors, and Englishmen in the Age of Discovery (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999 ). On European captivity, see Daniel J. Vitkus, Piracy, Slavery, and Redemption: Barbary Captivity Narratives from Early Modern England (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001 ); Linda Colley, Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World (New York: Random House, 2002 ); and Robert C. Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters: White Slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast and Italy, 1500–1800 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 ). 36 . Wrightson, Earthly Necessities, 238. See also Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2000 ). Even before English traders took a leading role in the African slave trade, they were becoming involved in the Indian slave trade in North America. A key moment in this regard took place in 1646 in Virginia when a treaty recognized English domi- nance over Indians. Colonial law allowed only trading of slaves who were captives, but some English traders broke the law; see Kristalyn Marie Shefveland, “‘Wholey Subjected’? Anglo-Indian Interaction in Colonial Virginia, 1646–1718,” PhD dissertation, University of Mississippi, May 2010 , 99–104. I am grateful to Dr. Shefveland for permission to cite her unpublished research as well as for our conversations on the subject of English involvement in the Indian slave trade in the seventeenth century. 37 . Early modern understanding of wealth creation has been a topic of considerable interest to literary scholars; among many other works see Douglas Bruster, Drama and the Market in the Age of Shakespeare (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992 ); Blair Hoxby, Mammon’s Music: Literature and Economics in the Age of Milton (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002); and Linda Woodbridge, ed., Money and the Age of Shakespeare: Essays in New Economic Criticism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 ). 172 N OTES

38 . I have found John Edwin Mason, Social Death and Resurrection: Slavery and Emancipation in South Africa (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2003 ) very helpful as I have analyzed the theme of redemption in the Whittington legend. 39 . See, for example, Richard Overton and William Walwyn’s A Remonstrance of Many Thousand Citizens (1646), in which they observe that “the history of our forefathers since they were con- quered by the Normans does manifest that this nation has been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the officers of trust in the commonwealth, amongst whom we always esteemed kings the chiefest,” in Andrew Sharp, ed., The English Levellers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ), 34. 40 . Mary Beth Rose, Gender and Heroism in Early Modern English Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002 ). 41 . Margaret Spufford, Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1981 ) would suggest that Heywood’s version of the Richard Whittington legend would have found an audience throughout England as well as in London. The appearance of several reprintings of Heywood’s tale would suggest the same.

5 “ [ R ] EMEMBER THE PLACE OF OUR NATIVITY”: GODLY LONDONERS, LIVERY COMPANIES, AND PROVINCIAL REFORM 1 . The allusion to Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983 ) is intentional. The potential contribution of London-based philanthropists to the development of an early modern national identity will be considered directly in the concluding chapter. 2 . For a discussion of the long-term process of religious change see Nicholas Tyacke, ed., England’s Long Reformation 1500–1800 (London: University College London Press, 1998 ), 22; Daniel C. Beaver, Parish Communities and Religious Conflict in the Vale of Gloucester, 1590–1690 , (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1998 ), 323–24; and J. Spurr, “The English ‘Post-Reformation’?” The Journal of Modern History 74 ( 2002 ): 103. Recent works explicitly located in the post-Reformation era include Nigel Llewellyn, Funeral Monuments in Post-Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 ); and Patricia Phillippy, Women, Death and Literature in Post-Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 ). The emphasis here on godly concerns about the provinces is not meant to play down their ongoing anxiety about many aspects of metropolitan London’s popular culture, such as theater; on the perceived degeneration of London’s backstreets see Peter N OTES 173

Lake with Michael Questier, The Antichrist’s Lewd Hat: Protestants, Papists and Players in Post-Reformation England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002 ), 100–25, but it is also a theme running throughout the book; and Ian Munro, The Figure of the Crowd in Early Modern London: the City and its Double (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005 ). 3 . Christopher Hill, Economic Problems of the Church from Archbishop Whitgift to the Long Parliament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956 ), remains the standard introduction to this topic. One-third of the clerical livings may have been in the hands of laymen by the start of the seventeenth century, and in a House of Commons debate in 1626 on the issue, Sir Benjamin Rudyard claimed that some poor clergymen were forced to keep alehouses to make a living; Ethyn W. Kirby, “The Lay Feoffees: A Study in Militant Puritanism,” Journal of Modern History 14, 1 (1942 ): 2–3. 4 . John Field, An Admonition to the Parliament (1572); Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (London: Jonathan Cape, 1967 ), 118–20. 5 . Richard Sibbes, “Experience Triumphing” in the Saints Cordials (1629), quotations at 82–83, 85. On the godly view of the provinces more generally, see Christopher Hill, “Puritans and ‘The Dark Corners of the Land,’” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 13 ( 1963 ): 77–102. 6 . Roger Williams, The Hireling Ministry None of Christs (London, 1652), 13, reprinted in Perry Miller, Roger Williams: His Contribution to the American Tradition (New York: Atheneum, 1962 ), 200. This text was discussed, though without attribution to Williams, in Hill, “Puritans and the ‘Dark Corners of the Land,’” 97–98. Samuel Purchas criticized the Spanish for their converting American Indians to Catholicism; see Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage (1613), 746–77. For reform in New England viewed against the backdrop of reform in England, see David D. Hall, A Reforming People: Puritanism and the Transformation of Public Life in New England (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011 ). 7 . Samuel Clark, Christian Good-Fellowship, or, Love, and Good Works (1655), 8–10. For the more general desire of the godly to improve Warwickshire see Ann Hughes, “Godly Reformation and its Opponents in Warwickshire, 1640–1662,” Dugdale Society Occasional Papers 35 ( 1993 ); she mentions Clark’s sermon in n.9. On support for godly causes in London, including Queen Elizabeth’s comment that in London “every merchant must have his schoolmaster and nightly conventicles, expounding scriptures and catechizing their servants and maids,” see Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement , 84–97, quotation on 85, and Collinson, “Letters of Thomas Wood, Puritan, 1566–1577,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research , special 174 N OTES

supplement 5 ( 1960 ). On the broader issue of lay patronage see Paul S. Seaver, “Puritan Preachers and their Patrons,” in Religious Politics in Post-Reformation England , eds. Kenneth Fincham and Peter Lake (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2004 ), 128–42. 8 . Isabel M. Calder, “A Seventeenth Century Attempt to Purify the Anglican Church,” American Historical Review 53, 4 ( 1948 ): 763–65. On Sibbes’s involvement in the project see Hill, Economic Problems , 255–56. 9 . Peter Heylyn, Cyprianus anglicus (1668), 210–21; Nicholas Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English Arminianism c. 1590–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987 ), 150. 10 . William Laud, Works , eds. William Scott and James Bliss, 7 vols (Oxford: J. H. Parker, 1847–1860), iii, 216–27, 263; Calder, “Seventeenth Century Attempt,” 770–72. 11 . In this context it is important to keep in mind that the livery companies, like colleges, were exempt from the Statute of Mortmain and other legal impediments to holding land in trust; see Hill, Economic Problems , 273. 12 . Paul S. Seaver, “Laud and the Livery Companies,” in State, Sovereigns, and Society in Early Modern England: Essays in Honour of A. J. Slavin , ed. Charles Carlton (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998 ), 223–25. Here, Seaver also discusses a similar episode in which the mercers engaged in controversy for a decade over the appointment of a lecturer in Berwick-on-Tweed. As a general point, Seaver makes a strong case for the lack of consistency on the part of either Archbishop Laud or King Charles when it came to the livery companies, concluding that Laud was “rather an opportunist in his principles” (231). Sir Baptist Hickes, with whom Fishborne had served his apprenticeship, was a leading member of the Mercers’ Company and a supporter of the feoffees; see Hill, Economic Problems , 271. 13 . This paragraph and the one that precedes it are based on Hill, Economic Problems , 268–69; Seaver, “Laud and the Livery Comapnies,” 227–28; and Ian W. Archer, The History of Haberdashers’ Company (Chichester, Sussex: Phillimore, 1991), 71–81. 14 . Hill, Economic Problems , 168–69; Paul S. Seaver, The Puritan Lectureships: The Politics of Religious Dissent, 1560–1662 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1970), 160; and Archer, History of the Haberdashers’ Company , 80. 15 . Hill, Economic Problems , 269. 16 . W. K. Jordan, The Charities of London 1480–1660: The Aspirations and the Achievements of the Urban Society (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1960 ), 412, n. 104 suggests that Heylyn “was certainly not a pronounced Puritan” because in 1631 he was among the com- missioners for the rebuilding of St. Paul’s Cathedral, one of Laud’s pet projects. It is more likely that this was merely another example of N OTES 175

Laud’s opportunism discussed above, for the best chance Laud had of finding the necessary resources for rebuilding would be by enlist- ing the support of Heylyn. It is also worth noting that at the time the commission was created, 1631, the government was beginning to build its legal case against the feoffees, so Heylyn may have thought it wise to accept Laud’s invitation to the commission as a way of help- ing the feoffees’ cause in Exchequer. 17 . Hill, Economic Problems , 255; Seaver, Puritan Lectureships , 91–92; Glanmor Williams, The Welsh and their Religion: Historical Essays (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1991 ), 161; Paul S. Seaver, “State Religion and Puritan Resistance in Early Seventeenth-Century England,” in Religion and the Early Modern State: Views from China, Russia, and the West , eds. James D. Tracy and Marguerite Ragnow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004 ), 241–42. The local vicar labeled Hunt “a Puritan” (241). 18 . Thomas Cooper, The Art of Giving (1615), 90. Cooper’s work as a provincial school inspector for the Grocers’ Company will be discussed later in the chapter. On the centrality of education to religious reform more generally, see Rebecca C. Peterson, Early Educational Reform in North Germany and its Effects on Post-Reformation German Intellectuals (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 2001 ), 23–55. 19 . John Brinsley, A Consolation for Our Grammar Schools (1622), dedication and 14–15; Seaver, Puritan Lectureships , 51. On the godly emphasis on education more generally, see Lawrence Stone, “The Educational Revolution in England, 1560–1640,” Past and Present , 28 ( 1964 ): 71–72; Richard L. Greaves, The Puritan Revolution and Educational Thought: Background for Reform (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1969 ); John Morgan, Godly Learning: Puritan Attitudes towards Reason, Learning, and Education, 1560– 1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986 ); Ian Green, “Teaching the Reformation: The Clergy as Preachers, Catechists, Authors and Teachers,” in The Protestant Clergy of Early Modern Europe , eds. C. Scott Dixon and Luise Schorn-Sch ü tte (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 ), 156–75; but also see Green’s caution against the false assumption that the godly were unique in their concern for education in his Humanism and Protestantism in Early Modern English Education (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2009 ), 8–9. The emphasis on education among the godly in England was a subset of a larger project, for which see the classic Gerald Strauss, Luther’s House of Learning: Indoctrination of the Young in the German Reformation (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978 ) and, more recently, Philip Benedict, Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002 ), 509–18; and Raymond A. Mentzer, “The Huguenot Minority in Early Modern France,” in Tracy and Ragnow, eds., Religion and the 176 N OTES

Early Modern State , 201–2. Catholics, too, promoted education; see Jason K. Nye, “Not like us: Catholic Identity as a Defence Against Protestantism in Rottweil, 1560–1618,” in Religion and Superstition in Reformation Europe , eds. Helen Parish and William G. Naphy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002 ), 50–54. 20 . Richard Bernard, The Ready Way to Good Works (London, 1635), 342–46. 21 . For the purposes of this chapter, “provincial” refers to schools that were in the seventeenth century at least several hours from the City of London; most were several days away. For a full list of the schools that have been considered here see Joseph P. Ward, “Godliness, Commemoration, and Community: The Management of Provincial Schools by London Trade Guilds,” in Protestant Identities: Religion, Society, and Self-fashioning in Post-Reformation England , eds. Muriel C. McClendon, Joseph P. Ward, and Michael MacDonald (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999 ), n. 14. Parts of the current chapter section have been adopted from this essay, used by permission. 22 . GL, MS 11588/2, p. 795. 23 . DHA Minutes and Records (1584–1594), pp. 695, 710; GL MS 15842/1, fol. 192r. On the appointment of schoolmasters generally, see David Cressy, “A Drudgery of Schoolmasters: The Teaching Profession in Elizabethan and Stuart England,” in The Professions in Early Modern England , ed. Wilfred Prest (London: Croom Helm, 1987 ), 129–53 and Michael Van Cleave Alexander, The Growth of English Education 1348–1648: A Social and Cultural History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990 ), 195–97. 24 . GHA Court Minute Book X (1645–48), fol. 6v; GL MS 5570/1, pp. 418–19; SkHA Court Minute Book I (1551–1617), fols. 146v–47r. Judd was a kinsman of the founder of All Souls; Septimus Rivington, The History of the Tonbridge School (London: Rivington’s, 1925 ), 18–20. 25 . GL MS 15842/1, fols. 288r, 292r, 326r; SkHA Court Book I (1551– 1617), fol. 45r. 26 . DHA Minutes and Records (1584–1594), p. 695; CHA Orders of Courts (1605–1623), fols. 56v, 74v, 263v, (1623–1636), fol. 45v, (1639–1640), fol. 32r. 27 . GL, MSS 11588/1, fols. 262r, 272r, 275r, 339r, 350r; 11588/2, p. 118; 5570/1, pp. 432, 449; 15842/1, fol. 299v. 28 . GHA Court Minute Books Q/1 (1624–29), fol. 85r; Q/2 (1629– 30), fols. 132r, 138v, 143v, 145r; R/1 (1630–31), fols. 2r, 3v, 15r; R/2 (1631–34), fols. 174r, 196r-v; S/1 (1634–35), pp. 13–14; X (1645–48), fol. 165r; Y (1648–51), fols. 167r, 236v–38r. 29 . GL MS 15842/2, fols. 43r–v; Ward, “Godliness, Commemoration, and Community,” 113. N OTES 177

30 . GL MS 11588/2, p. 334; CHA Orders of Courts (1581–1605), fol. 97v; SkHA Court Book I (1551–1617), fol. 45v, IV (1651–1667), fols. 91r, 121v. 31 . GL, MS 11588/3, pp. 79–81. 32 . Rosemary O’Day, “The Anatomy of a Profession: The Clergy of the Church of England,” in Prest, ed., Professions in Early Modern England, 47; Alexander, Growth of English Education 1348–1648, 191–96. 33 . A. N. Wilson, A History of Collyer’s School (London: Edward Arnold, 1965 ), 195; DHA K.90/1; Court Minutes (1667–1705), fols. 70r–73r. 34 . CHA Orders of Courts (1605–1623), fol. 263v, (1639–1649), fols. 22r, 93r; GL MSS 5570/4, p. 929 and 15842/1, fols. 351r, 353v. 35 . SkHA Court Books I (1551–1617), fols. 45r, 128r; IV (1651–1667), fols. 163v–164r; V (1667–1687), pp. 111, 329, 347; VII (1697– 1716), pp. 350–51; GL MSS 5570/4, p. 625 and 15842/2, fol. 51r. 36 . GL, MS 11588/3, pp. 354–55. 37 . TNA, P[rerogative] C[ourt] of C[anterbury] PROB 11/8, fol. 98v and /14, fol. 322r. As a Goldsmiths’ officer, Reade was well aware of Shaa’s endowment. For the requirement that schoolmasters be university graduates see the will of Richard Collyer (PRO, PCC PROB 11/24, fols. 182v–183v) and the statutes of Tonbridge School in Rivington, 63–70; for this development more generally see Alexander, Growth of English Education 1348–1648, 195. 38 . Michael L. Zell, “Economic Problems of the Parochial Clergy in the Sixteenth Century,” in Princes & Paupers in the English Church 1500–1800 , eds. Rosemary O’Day and Felicity Heal (Totowa, NJ: Barnes & Noble Books, 1981 ), 19–43. 39 . SkHA Court Book I (1551–1617), fol. 137bv; GL MS 11588/4, pp. 636–38. 40 . MHA Acts of Court (1595–1629), fol. 3r; GL MSS 15842/2, fols. 52v, 54r, 63v, 107v, 122v, 136r, and /3, pp. 147–48, 380, 415. 41 . GL MS 5570/3, pp. 326, 451–52, 607, 613, 697; Cressy, “A Drudgery of Schoolmasters,”146. The records are unclear about the final dis- position of the advowson. 42 . GHA Court Minutes K, part 1 (1557–1566), p. 111; W (1642–1645), fol. 60v; and 6 (1669–1673), fol. 158v. 43 . GL MS 11588/4, pp. 241–44, 247. 44 . MHA Acts of Court (1595–1629), fols. 354v–55r, 358r; (1625– 1631), fols. 237r–38r, 305v, 314v; and (1631–1637), fol. 9v. 45 . GL MS 15842/2, fols. 81v, 83r, 84v, 88v, 89v, 98v, 122v. The Monmouth charities will be discussed in depth in the next chapter. 46 . CHA Orders of Courts (1602–1623), fol. 223r, (1639–1649), fols. 112r, 149r, (1683–1712), pp. 42–43, 45, 63. 47 . GHA Court Minute Book Z (1651–1654), fols. 65r, 113v; 2 (1657–1660), fol. 154r. The Cromer curriculum was returned to its 178 N OTES

classical basis in 1670; GHA Court Minute Book 6 (1669–1673), fols. 158v–159v. 48 . SkHA Court Book VI (1687–1697), pp. 156. The low enrollment continued until Roots’s death in 1714. See G. P. Hoole, A Tonbridge Miscellany (Tonbridge: The Tonbridge School, 1985 ), 2–32. I would like to thank Mrs. J. M. Cook, Tonbridge School Librarian, for bringing Hoole’s research to my attention. 49 . GL, MS 11588/2, pp. 117, 764, 786, 907, and /3, pp. 7, 24, and 260–63. 50 . GL, MS 11588/3, pp. 268, 273, 290, 295–98. 51 . Thomas Cooper, The Wordlings Adventure (1619), quotations on sigs. A2–A4, pp. 13 and 32. On the grocers’ involvement in the publication, GL, MS 11588/3, p. 94. In the years immediately before his appointment by the grocers to inspect the Oundle school Cooper had published The Art of Giving (1615), which was discussed in chapter 2 , A Familiar Treatise Laying Down Cases of Conscience Furthering to Perseverance in Sanctification (1615) and The Mystery of Witchcraft Discovering the Truth, Nature, Occasions, Growth, and Power Thereof (1617). Afterward, he brought out the Cry and Revenge of Blood (1624), a murder pamphlet discussed in Lake with Questier, Antichrist’s Lewd Hat , 32, 33, 41, 43, 97, 131, 151–53, 154, 160, and 178. Cooper likely moved to London early in the seventeenth century, for he mentions in the dedication to his 1617 treatise on witchcraft that his first clerical position after he completed his studies was in Chester, and he dedicated his Art of Giving to Sir Gilbert Wakering, among others, who had been a sheriff of Staffordshire in 1607; Thomas Harwood, A Survey of Staffordshire (London, 1844), 401–2n. Thomas Cooper the Jacobean preacher and author should not be confused with Thomas Cooper the Elizabeth Bishop of Winchester; see Margaret Bowker, “Thomas Cooper (c.1517– 1549)” and Stephen Wright, “Thomas Cooper (b.1569/70–1626 or after)” in ODNB . Printed sermons often were revised from those that were delivered orally; Andrew McRae, God Speed the Plough: The Representation of Agrarian England, 1500–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 ), 63; and, more generally on printed sermons, James Rigney, “‘To lye upon a Stationers’ stall, like a piece of course flesh in a Shambles’: The Sermon, Print and the English Civil War,” in The English Sermon Revised: Religion, Literature, and History 1600–1750 , eds. Lori Anne Ferrell and Peter McCullough (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000 ), 188–207. 52 . On relations between metropolitan and provincial communities more generally, see David Rollinson, The Local Origins of Modern Society: Gloucestershire 1500–1800 (London: Routledge, 1992 ); Peter Borsay, “The London Connection: Cultural Diffusion and the N OTES 179

Eighteenth-Century Provincial Town,” London Journal 19, 1 ( 1994 ): 21–35; David Underdown, “Regional Cultures? Local Variations in Popular Culture during the Early Modern Period,” in Popular Culture in England, c.1500–1850 , ed. Tim Harris (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995 ), 28–47.

6 “ [ B ] RING THIS TROJAN HORSE . . . INTO THEIR COUNTREY”: WILLIAM JONES, LONDON HABERDASHERS, AND THE REFORMATION OF MONMOUTH 1 . Anon., The Bloody Murtherer, or, The Unnatural Son (1672), quotations on pp. 1, 4–5, and 12. For a wide-ranging interpretation of early modern English murder pamphlets generally and the presumed cor- ruption of the metropolitan backstreets, see Peter Lake with Michael Questier, The Antichrist’s Lewd Hat: Protestants, Papists and Players in Post-Reformation England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002), esp. pp. 3–125. Portions of this chapter are adapted from Newton E. Key and Joseph P. Ward, “‘Divided into parties’: Exclusion Crisis Origins in Monmouth,” The English Historical Review 115, 464 ( 2000 ): 1159–83 and Newton E. Key and Joseph P. Ward, “Metropolitan Puritans and the Varieties of Godly Reform in Interregnum Monmouth,” The Welsh History Review 22, 4 ( 2005 ): 646 –72. Material is reused here with permission of Oxford University Press and University of Wales Press, respectively. These two articles focus on the continuation of controversies in Monmouth from the Civil Wars into the Glorious Revolution, and on their national political significance, while the current chapter is concerned more nar- rowly with the interaction between the London haberdashers and the people of Monmouth. 2 . Multiplying the number of hearths found in the tax registers by 4.5 suggests populations of towns in the region during the 1660s as follows: Hereford, 5,700; Leominster, 2,900; Monmouth, 2,000; and Ross, 1,680. K. E. Kissack, Monmouth: The Making of a County Town (London: Phillimore, 1975 ), 50. On the generally successful integration of Wales into the English governing system in the sixteenth century see Michael J. Braddick, State Formation in Early Modern England c. 1550–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 ), 347–55. 3 . Ian W. Archer, The History of the Haberdashers’ Company (Chichester: Phillimore, 1991), 71–89. 4 . Wiliam M. Warlow, A History of the Charities of William Jones (Bristol: William Bennett, 1899 ), 338–45 (transcription of Jones’s will) and 345–57 (transcription of letters patent). The political elite in the Monmouth region, including the earl of Worcester, supported the legislation that would have confirmed Jones’s charities and 180 N OTES

allowed for the alienation of property that was subject to mortmain for the purpose of establishing a charity, but the bill died at the dis- solution of Parliament in 1614; see Lloyd Bowen, The Politics of the Principality: Wales, c.1603–1642 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2007 ), 46–47. On the godliness of the Haberdashers’ Company see Isabel M. Calder, “A Seventeenth Century Attempt to Purify the Anglican Church,” American Historical Review 53, 4 ( 1948 ): 765, n. 14; Paul Seaver, The Puritan Lectureships: The Politics of Religious Dissent, 156–1662 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1970 ), 160–62; Archer, History of the Haberdashers’ Company, 83. Seaver, Puritan Lectureships , 156, concluded that Jones was “unquestionably a Puritan.” In his will, Jones also gave the Haberdashers’ Company £1,000 “hopeing they will p’forme ye matters” as he had requested; Warlow, History of the Charities, 339. 5 . Glanmor Williams, Wales and the Reformation (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1997 ), 278. 6 . Glanmor Williams, The Welsh and their Religion: Historical Essays (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1991 ), 46, 194; J. Gwynfor Jones, Early Modern Wales, c.1525–1640 (London: St. Martin’s Press, 1994 ), 164, 187. 7 . Jeremy Knight, Civil War and Restoration in Monmouthshire (Almeley: Logaston Press, 2005 ), 7. 8 . For more on the religious situation in Monmouth’s region in the early seventeenth century see Key and Ward, “Metropolitan Puritans,” 650–53. 9 . Glanmor Williams, Recovery, Reorientation, and Reformation in Wales, c. 1415–1642 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987 ), 483; Geraint H. Jenkins, A Concise History of Wales (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007 ), 157. 10 . GL MS 15842/1, fols. 192r–v; Warlow, History of the Charities, 45 and 343. Sedgwick was also one of the three Puritan divines to whom Jones had entrusted an endowment for the support of poor preachers. 11 . G L MS 15842/1, fols. 203v, 206v, 207r, 209r. 12 . GL MS 15842/1, fols. 288r–v, 299v. During the summer of 1637, the company’s officers learned that Monmouth school usher William Voyle had vacated his position and moved to Cheshire, so they assem- bled a committee of London schoolmasters and preachers to interview potential replacements, eventually hiring Peter Gough. The company’s records mention that the officers sought recommendations from the Monmouth schoolmaster as well as the lecturers in Monmouth and Newland, but there is no indication that the company’s officers solicited recommendations from the Monmouth community; GL MS 15842/1, fols. 291v–292r. The company appointed Downham to be the first holder of Jones’s endowed lectureship at St. Bartholomew N OTES 181

Exchange in 1614. Given the discussions that Jones had with the company’s officers about the design of his charities, it seems likely that the haberdashers had reason to believe that Downham, who was held in high esteem among godly Londoners, enjoyed Jones’s full support; see Seaver, Puritan Lectureships , 158. 13 . See Ronald Hutton, The Royalist War Effort, 1642–1646 (London: Longman, 1982 ); John Adamson, The Noble Revolt: The Overthrow of Charles I (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2007 ), 197 suggests that Charles considered Worcestor an anchor of his plans to maintain his “personal monarchy” in 1640. 14 . Joseph Alfred Bradney, ed., The Diary of Walter Powell of Llantilio Crossenny in the County of Monmouth, Gentleman, 1603–1654 (Bristol: J. Wright & Co., 1907 ), 30–33; Basil Duke Henning , The History of Parliament. The House of Commons, 1660–1690, 3 vols. (London: Secker and Warburg, 1983 ), 3: 728; Philip Jenkins, A History of Modern Wales, 1536–1990 (London: Longman, 1991 ), 130; A. H. Dodd, “‘Tuning’ the Welsh Bench, 1680,” NLW Journal , VI ( 1949 – 1950): 255. 15 . The diary has been missing since 1859. For extracts, see Warlow, History of the Charities ; Fred J. Hando, Monmouth Town Sketch Book (Newport, Gwent: R. H. Johns, 1964 ), 39–41. 16 . David Underdown, Pride’s Purge: Politics in the Puritan Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971 ), 179 17 . Paul P. Murphy, “Catholics in Monmouthshire, 1533–1689,” Presenting Monmouthshire 21 ( 1966 ): 36. 18 . Jenkins, History of Modern Wales , 133–34; Geraint H. Jenkins, The Foundations of Modern Wales: Wales, 1642–1780 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993 ), 49–61. 19 . Indeed, even during the worst fighting of the Civil War, seem- ingly trivial matters having to do with education, clerical appoint- ments, and charities continued to occupy the central government in Westminster. The Westminster Assembly clergy, for example, spent a whole day in April 1644 discussing a “controversy betwixt two schoolmasters, about the mastership of Merchant Taylor’s school” in London. John Lightfoot, The Journal of the Proceedings of the Assembly of Divines: from January [sic, July] 1, to December 31. 1644 , in The Whole Works of Rev. John Lightfoot, D.D., ed. John Rogers Pitman (1824), 13: 235. 20 . GL MS., 15842/1, fols. 340v, 343r–v, 347r. 21 . In December 1647, Brabourne supposedly had scuffled with the army chaplain of one of Cromwell’s favorite officers. His general haunt was thought to be the “Bear” tavern. Warlow, History of the Charities , 97. As the vicarage was in the patronage of the Somersets, and as their lands had been sequestered for recusancy and malignancy and tempo- rarily given to Oliver Cromwell, it is unclear in whose gift it was at this 182 N OTES

time. Thomas Richards, Religious Developments in Wales, (1654–1662) (London: National Eisteddfod Association, 1923 ), 22–23 names three ministers nominated to it in 1657. One, Samuel Fawcett, was actually intended for the lectureship, but never installed (see below). There is no information on the other two. In a bill submitted to the Court of Chancery in 1679, the magistrates of Monmouth asserted that because the great tithes of their parish church produced only £22 per year to support the vicar, that William Jones must have intended for the lecturer funded by his benefaction to serve as vicar as well; Bodl. MS. RawlA351, fol. 3r. Key and Ward each consulted the copy of the Chancery case in the Bodleian Library. 22 . GL MS 15842/2, fol. 10r. 23 . Ibid., fol. 18r. 24 . Kirstie Buckland, “The Monmouth Cap,” Costume 13 ( 1979 ): 23–37. 25 . A Letter from a Gentleman in Glocestershire (1678), 13–14. 26 . GL MS 15842/2, fol. 22r. 27 . The company had appointed Fawcett to the Newland post in 1653 even though Cromwell had nominated Walter Cradock to fill the vacancy. Fawcett had enjoyed the company’s patronage since 1632; GL MS 15842/1, fols. 354r and 357r; Seaver, Puritan Lectureships , 162. 28 . Thurloe State Papers , vol. 4, 525 and 545. See also Geoffrey F. Nuttall, ed., “Early Quaker letters from the Swarthmore MSS to 1660,” (typescript, 1952), no. 245, 3 March (1656), Thomas Holme to Margaret Fell; Sir James Berry and Stephen G. Lee, A Cromwellian Major General: The Career of Colonel James Berry (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1938 ), 158. 29 . Quotation and reference in Key and Ward, “Metropolitan Puritans,” 665–66; GL MS 15842/2, fols. 31r, 37r. 30 . GL MS 15842/2, fols. 37r, 52v, 54r. 31 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of Robert Blayney, fols. 13r–15v. 32 . Jenkins, History of Modern Wales , 44–47. 33 . Walter Cradock, The Saints Fulnesse of Joy in Their Fellowship with God . . . A Sermon Preached July 21. 1646 (1646), 34. 34 . Walter Cradock, Glad Tydings from Heaven; To the Worst of Sinners on Earth (1648), 49–50. 35 . GL, MS. 15842/2, fols. 40r, 43r, 46v, and 47v. 36 . Key and Ward, “Metropolitan Puritans,” 667. 37 . Warlow, History of the Charities , 180, 316, 318 and GL, MS. 15842/2, fol. 43r. 38 . Ibid., fols. 47v, 50r, 52v, January 6–July 16, 1658. 39 . GL MS. 1584/2, fol. 52v. The Hereford ministers were most probably that group (William Voyle, William Low, Samuel Smith, George Primrose) who regulated ministers almost as a Presbyterian N OTES 183

classis for a brief period before the Restoration; see Newton E. Key, “Politics beyond Parliament: Unity and Party in the Herefordshire Region during the Restoration Period,” PhD dissertation, Cornell University, 1989 , 205. 40 . The Arraignment, and Conviction of Anabaptism; or a Reply to Master Tombes His Plea for Anti-paedobaptists (1656), sig. A3, 7, 102, 236. 41 . For more on Cragge and his involvement in controversies see Key and Ward, “Metropolitan Puritans,” 668–69. 42 . GL MS 15842/2, fols. 51r, 54r, 92r, 99v. 43 . Three days later, the haberdashers told their Monmouth tenant to move out so they could turn the property over to a group that included Milborne; GL MS. 15842/2, fol. 53r. 44 . GL MS. 15842/2/fols. 55v and 56r; A. G. Matthews, Calamy Revised (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 103 and 560. 45 . GL MS 15842/2, fols. 84v, 89v, 93v, 99v. See also Warlow, History of the Charities , 127; John Hobson Matthews, “Old Monmouth,” Archaeologia Cambrensis , 6th ser., 9 ( 1909 ): 302–11. 46 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of Michael Bohun, fols. 22r–23r. 47 . GL MSS 11588/1, fols. 262r, 272r, 275r, 339r, 350r; 5570/1, pp. 432, 449; 15842/1, fol. 299v; 15842 /2, fols. 110v, 165r. 48 . GL MS 15842/3, pp. 11, 13–15. 49 . Ibid., pp. 36, 52. 50 . Ibid., p. 142; Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of Judith Godwyn, fols. 19v–20r. According to A. T. Bannister, comp., Diocese of Hereford. Institutions. etc. (A.D. 1539–1900) (Hereford: Wilson and Phillips, 1923 ), 41. Pye was presented as vicar on February 1, 1677, by patron James Williams, though Worcester (then Lord Herbert) had been patron in 1663. 51 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of John Wickins, sen., fols. 15v–17r. 52 . GL MS 15842/3, pp. 152, 159. 53 . Ibid., pp. 161, 183. 54 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, p. 17, deposition of Robert Blayney, fols. 13r–15v. 55 . GL MS 15842/3, pp. 183, 184, and 188. 56 . Ibid., pp. 189 and 198. 57 . Ibid., pp. 199, 201. 58 . The role of factions in and around Monmouth in the Popish Plot, based primarily on the original research of Newton Key, is a central aspect of Key and Ward, “‘Divided into Parties.’” 59 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of John Bulbricke, fol. 27r. Historians who have relied primarily on the haberdashers’ records have underestimated the troubles caused by Evans; see Archer, History of the Haberdashers , 87; Kissack, Monmouth School , 28. See Henry Horwitz, Chancery Equity Records and Proceedings, 1600–1800: A Guide to Documents in the Public Record Office (London: HMSO, 1995 ). 184 N OTES

60 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of Thomas Belchier, fols. 31r– 31v. For the roles of master and usher, see Rosemary O’Day, “An Educated Society,” in The Oxford Illustrated History of Tudor & Stuart Britain , ed. John Morrill (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996 ), 128–29. 61 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of Thomas Jekyll, fols. 17v–19v. 62 . Ibid., deposition of George Greene, fols. 23v–24r. 63 . Ibid., deposition of Wickins, sen., fols. 15v–17r. 64 . Ibid., deposition of Fortune, fols. 24v–25v. 65 . Ibid., depositions of Wickins, sen. (fols. 15v–17r), Jekyll (fols. 17v– 19v), and Bassett (fols. 21r–22r). For the use of communion to promote reconciliation, see David Warren Sabean, Power in the Blood: Popular Culture and Village Discourse in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984 ), ch. 1. 66 . Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, deposition of Jekyll, fols. 17v–19v. 67 . Key and Ward, “‘Divided into Parties,’” 1178. 68 . GL MS 15842/3, pp. 198, 207, 210, 219, 233, 245, 247–48; Bodl., MS Rawl. A351, November 7, 1682. 69 . GL MS 15842/3, p. 281, March 12, 1685. 70 . Ibid., p. 296, November 16. Bassett admitted to the Haberdashers in 1686 that there was “very little difference” between the copy and his original assignment: GL, MS 15842/3, pp. 296–97; largely printed in Warlow, History of the Charities , 137–38. 71 . GL MS 15842/3, pp. 296, 302–5, 307. 72 . GL MS 15842/3, p. 321. 73 . CSPD, Feb. 1689–April 1690 , p. 170, June 22. 74 . GL MS 15842/3, pp. 334–36, 347, 356, 358, 364, 367, 369. 75 . Anon., Gemitus ecclesiae Cambro-Britannicae (1654), p. 3.

7 “ [ A ] DISTANT AND ALIEN CONTROL”: HENRY COLBRON, LONDON DRAPERS, AND THE REFORMATION OF KIRKHAM 1 . The role of scriveners in early English banking is a feature of Frank T. Melton, Sir Robert Clayton and the Origins of English Deposit Banking 1658–1685 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986 ). Parts of this chapter have been adapted from Joseph P. Ward, “The Alehousekeeper’s Revenge: London’s Role in the Reformation Process in a Lancashire Parish,” in Local Identities in Early Modern England , eds. Norman Jones and Daniel Woolf (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007 ), 113–30, used by permission. 2 . TNA, Prerogative Court of Canterbury, PROB 11/244/296r–v. Colbron had apprenticed in London with his uncle James Colbron, a native of Freckleton, one of the townships in Kirkham parish, N OTES 185

who was a member of the Scriveners’ Company. Henry Colbron’s apprenticeship ended at his uncle’s death in 1624; F. W. Steer, ed., Scriveners’ Company Common Paper 1357–1628 with a Continuation to 1678 (London, 1968), 39, 57, 58, 60; TNA, Prerogative Court of Canterbury, PROB 11/142/456v. 3 . DHA, Rc. 12/7. A parochial map of Lancashire may be found in Christopher Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975 ), xii–xiii. 4 . DHA Rc. 5/3/9–10. 5 . DHA Rc. 5/1/1–8. 6 . DHA Rc. 5/1/1. This document is bundled with that mentioned in note 4. 7 . Haigh, Reformation and Resistance . 8 . Paul Seaver found that “the Drapers’ Company was by no means a hotbed of radical Puritanism: that Sir William Garway, the royalist Lord Mayor, was a leading member of the company in the 1620s and 1630s is a case in point.” Contrast this with Seaver’s judgment of the Haberdashers’ Company’s aggressive support for godly causes, “Laud and the Livery Companies,” in State, Sovereigns, and Society in Early Modern England: Essays in Honour of A. J. Slavin, ed. Charles Carlton (New York; St. Martin’s Press, 1998 ), 225, 227–28. 9 . For a parochial map of Lancashire see Haigh, Reformation and Resistance , xii–xiii. The map suggests that Kirkham’s geography was among the most complex in the county, with three significant noncontiguous areas included in its jurisdiction. It also is clear that Goosnargh, which is just to the west of the parish of Chipping, would by itself be as extensive as many parishes in its region of Lancashire. 10 . H. Fishwick, The History of the Parish of Kirkham in the County of Lancaster (Manchester: The Chetham Society, 1874 ), 1–67. 11 . Haigh, Reformation and Resistance , 68, 71, 219, 258, 264, 271, 291, 318–19; Christopher Haigh, English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993 ), 290. On the Cliftons and other leading Catholic families see R. C. Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness (Preston: R. Seed and Sons, 1949 ), 630–49. 12 . Fishwick, History of the Parish of Kirkham , 75; Haigh, Reformation and Resistance , 298. 13 . J. Addy, Sin and Society in the Seventeenth Century (New York: Routledge, 1989 ), 39. It is possible that this Edward Fleetwood was related to Edward Fleetwood of Wigan, who was the leading puritan in Lancashire during Elizabeth’s reign; Haigh, Reform and Resistance , 176; R. C. Shaw and H. G. Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men of the Parish of Kirkham (Kendal: T. Wilson & Son, 1930), 154; P. Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (London: Jonathan Cape, 1967 ), 129; R. C. Richardson, Puritanism in North-West England: A Regional 186 N OTES

Study of the Diocese of Chester to 1642 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1972 ), 34 and n. 49. Kirkham’s Fleetwood was a native of Rossall, an Irish Sea village in the neighboring Parish of Poulton-le-Fylde. Cardinal William Allen was related to many of the recusant families in the Fylde in the Elizabethan period, and in 1583 several Catholic masses were said in the Allen household in Rossall; Fishwick, History of the Parish , 77; Haigh, Reformation and Resistance , 292–93. Perhaps the godly Fleetwoods emerged as rivals to the Catholic Allens in this period. Although Fishwick (77) suggests that Kirkham’s Edward Fleetwood had earned an MA, he appears in neither of the university alumni lists for the period, J. Venn and J. A Venn, eds., Alumni Cantabrigienses (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1924–1954). pt. 1, vol. 2 and J. Foster, ed., Alumni Oxonienses (London: Oxford University Press, 1891), vol. 2. 14 . Shaw and Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men , vii–viii. Other townships in the parish had their own councils of sworn men to oversee local affairs, though it appears that the Thirty Men made some decisions for the parish as a whole. 15 . Fishwick, History of the Parish of Kirkham , 136–40; Shaw and Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men , 115–25. 16 . Fishwick, History of the Parish of Kirkham , 139; Shaw and Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men , 125. 17 . Fishwick, History of the Parish of Kirkham , 77; Shaw and Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men , 31. Bridgeman’s response to the controversies in Kirkham are consistent with his reputation for being moderate while having limited patience for zealous puritans; Haigh, Reform and Resistance , 102; N. Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English Arminianism c. 1590–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987 ), 223. 18 . Fishwick, History of the Parish of Kirkham , 77–80; Shaw and Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men , 31–32. 19 . Cuthbert Clifton held the rank of colonel and was a regimental com- mander in the royalist army; see J. M. Gratton, The Parliamentarian and Royalist War Effort in Lancashire 1642–1651 (Manchester: The Chetham Society, 2010 ), 150, 189, 304. 20 . W. A. Shaw, ed., “Minutes of the Committee for the Relief of Plundered Ministers and of the Trustees for the Maintenance of Ministers Relating to Lancashire and Cheshire, 1643–1660,” The Record Society for the Publication of Original Documents Relating to Lancashire and Cheshire , 28 (1893): 8, 12, 23–24, 26, 32, 34–35, 42, 61–66, 68, 79, 84, 87, 92, 94–95, 98, 101, 109, 124, 126, 134, 138–39, 234, 236–40, 244–46, 248, 265. 21 . R. Halley, Lancashire: Its Puritanism and Nonconformity (Manchester: Tubbs and Brook, 1869 ), 436–37, 467–74; Fishwick, History of the Parish , 77–79. N OTES 187

22 . H. Fishwick, ed., “Lancashire and Cheshire Church Surveys, 1649– 1655,” The Record Society for the Publication of Original Documents Relating to Lancashire and Cheshire , vol. I (1879), xvii–xxvi, 152–57. James Smith and George Sharples, two men active in Kirkham’s affairs during the Interregnum, were among the surveyors. 23 . Shaw and Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men , 38, 40. 24 . Ibid., 137–38. 25 . G. L. Turner, ed., Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution and Indulgence, 2 vols. (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1914), 1, 175. 26 . DHA, Rc. 5/6/24. 27 . DHA, Rc. 5/4/7 and 5/4/10–15. 28 . DHA, Rc. 5/4/90–100. 29 . DHA Rc. 5/6/7–15, 5/6/29–32. 30 . DHA Rc. 5/6/68–71. 31 . DHA Rc. 5/6/76, 86. Separately, the drapers obtained a copy of an agreement arranged by the abbot of the monastery of St. Mary of Vale Royal dated 1523 indicating that the churchwardens of Goosnargh would pay 10s annually to the churchwardens of Kirkham as their contribution toward the maintenance of the church in Kirkham. This suggests that the Goosnargh “churchwardens” were responsible for the maintenance of a chapel in their community that was subservient to the parochial church in Kirkham; DHA Rc. 1/1. 32 . DHA Rc. 5/6/63–64. 33 . DHA Rc. 5/6/65–68. 34 . DHA Rc. 5/6/73–74, 80–1. William Hodgkinson stated that Edward Duddell had told him that those bringing corpses from Goosnargh to Kirkham had stayed at Wake House “in antient time” (DHA Rc. 5/6/74), while William Hill has been told by a neighbor who was 82 years old at the time that corpses had been carried from Goosnargh to Kirkham (DHA Rc. 5/6/81). 35 . DHA Rc. 5/4/3. 36 . DHA 5/4/18–20, 5/6/16. 37 . DHE Rc 5/4/21–22. Bamber was among those who testified for both the plaintiffs and the defendants. 38. DHA Rc. 5//4/84–88 and 5/6/48–55. 39 . DHA Rc. 5/6/15–20. 40 . DHA, Rc. 5/6/36–38, 78–79, 82, and 87. The quotation is from 87. 41 . Turner, ed., Original Records , vol. III, 446; G. F. Nuttall, The Holy Spirit in Puritan Faith and Experience , repr. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992 ), 178–79. 42 . H. Fishwick, ed., The Notebook of the Rev. Thomas Jolly (Manchester: The Chetham Society, 1895), 14; D. Como, Blown by the Spirit: 188 N OTES

Puritanism and the Emergence of an Antinomian Underground in Pre-Civil War England (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004 ), 310, 315. 43 . The drapers claimed to have spent £164 7s 11d on the Chancery case; DHA Rc.6. The company had been receiving, on average, about £270 per year from Colbron’s trustees since 1664; DHA Rc. 4. 44 . DHA Rc. 5/3/10. On the newly revised position of second master, see Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness , 487–88. 45 . DHA, Rc. 5/1/1. There is no further discussion in the Drapers’ Company archives of how the company’s officers came to their understanding of Colbron’s intentions. 46 . The unusual timing of this new lectureship is evident because the standard study of the subject ends in 1662; see P. Seaver, The Puritan Lectureships: The Politics of Religious Dissent, 1560–1662 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1970 ). 47 . R. C. Shaw, ed., The Clifton Papers (Preston: The Guadian Press, 1935), 106. Henry Colbron is listed in the 1632 rent rolls for Kirkham (165), which suggests that the lease remained in his name but that his brother was the actual tenant and payer of the rent. 48 . Colbron served as trustee for two estates that had business with the Committee for Compounding, including that of Thomas Withins, who left £500 to the London Corporation of the Poor, one of the most notable social reform initiatives of the period; M. A. E. Green, Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Compounding, 5 vols. (London: HMSO, 1889–1892), 2: 862; 4: 2471–72. For an example of a London scrivener purchasing land from a delinquent see H. Egerton Chesney, “The Transference of Lands in England, 1640–1660,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 4th ser., 15 ( 1932 ): 195. The clarity of Colbron’s instructions on how his trustees were to invest his money is in contrast with the directions that William Jones left for his executors, which did not specify how they were tomanage his bequest, only that they were to acquire landed property that would generate a certain annual income to support his charities in Monmouth and elsewhere. 49 . Owen received considerable support from Oliver Cromwell— Christopher Hill found him to have been “Cromwell’s right-hand man in ecclesiastical affairs” in the late 1640s and early 1950s— and he also had a working relationship with, among many others, Walter Cradock, who became a factor in the affairs of Monmouth discussed in the previous chapter; see Hill, God’s Englishman: Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970 ), 184 and The Experience of Defeat: Milton and Some Contemporaries (New York: Viking, 1984 ), 170–78; and also Richard L. Greaves, “John Owen,” ODNB . For Owen’s work at Oxford, see Blair Worden, “Cromwellian Oxford,” in The History of the University N OTES 189

of Oxford: Seventeenth-Century Oxford, ed. Nicholas Tyacke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997 ), 733–72. 50 . Peter Toon, ed. The Correspondence of John Owen (1616–1683) (Cambridge: James Clark, 1970), 59–61. The lack of correspondence between Colbron and Owen should not lead to any conclu- sions about their potential relations. Keith Lindley, Popular Politics and Religion in Civil War London (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1997), 311, n. 32 shows that Owen was a “close friend” of City lay militant William Steele, and yet there is no correspondence between the two of them in Toon’s collection. 51 . 12 Car II c. 31; House of Lords Record Office, Main Papers, 1660, fols. 45r–v, 48r–49r, 56r, 58r. On the general problem of Interregnum land transfers see John Habakkuk, “The Land Settlement and the Restoration of Charles III,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28 ( 1978 ): 201–22; and Linda Levy Peck, Consuming Splendor: Society and Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005 ), 233. The drapers sought the legal opinion of Sir Bulstrode Whitlock about “the business of Mr. Colbron’s will depending in Parliament,” paying him 20s during 1660–1661 and then paid him 40 s the next year, with an additional 15 s for “stating the cases in writing,” for his advice on “the business of Mr. Colbron’s will” as well as separate property dispute; DHA Wardens Accounts, 1660–1661, p. 38 and Wardens Accounts, 1661–1662, p. 37. For Whitlock, see ODNB . 52 . R. C. Shaw, ed., The Parish Registers of Kirkham, 1601–1653 , Publications of the Lancashire Parish Register Society, 99 (1961), iv–v. 53 . Shaw and Shaw, Records of the Thirty Men , viii–x on the authorship and veracity of the school history, quotation from p. 120. 54 . V. Pearl, London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961 ), 247–48; Corporation of London Record Office, Jor. 40, fol. 47v. 55 . Corporation of London Record Office, Jor. 40, fol. 57r. Keith Lindley found that this committee had “a distinct radical bias”; Lindley, Popular Politics , 308. 56 . Corporation of London Record Office, Jor. 40, fol. 95r–96v. 57 . Seaver, Puritan Lectureships , 280. 58 . Anon., A Declaration of a Strange and Wonderfull Monster (1646); Fishwick, History of the Parish of Kirkham , 79. For recent scholarly discussions of this incident see D. Cressy, “Lamentable, Strange, and Wonderful: Headless Monsters in the English Revolution,” in Monstrous Bodies/Political Monstrosities eds. L. L. Knoppers and J. B. Landes (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004 ), 40–63, and J. Crawford, Marvelous Protestantism: Monstrous Births in Post-Reformation England (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins 190 N OTES

University Press, 2005 ), 134–45. Reports of monstrous births featured prominently in popular literature of the period: Peter G. Platt, ed., Wonders, Marvels, and Monsters in Early Modern Culture (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1999 ); Diane Purkiss, Literature, Gender and Politics during the English Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005 ). 59 . DHA Rc. 5/4/42, 5/4/69, 5/5/3. 60 . DHA, Rc. 12/5. 61. DHA, Rc. 9/1. 62 . Turner, ed., Original Records , vol. I, 307 and 545, vol. II, 676, vol. III, 762; Fishwick, History of Kirkham , 145–47, A. G. Matthews, Calamy Revised: Being a Revision of Edmund Calamy’s Account of the Ministers and Others Ejected and Silenced, 1660–2 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934). Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness , 646, stresses that vicar Clegg was staunchly conformist, a frequent source of reports calling for action against Kirkham’s Catholics and nonconformists alike. 63 . DHA, Court Minutes (1667–1705), fols. 68v–73r, transcribed in Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness , 485–87. 64 . DHA, Court Minutes (1667–1705), fols. 134r and 135v. 65 . Ibid., fols. 213v and 214v. 66 . Ibid., fols. 264v, 268v, 269v. 67 . Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness , 493. 68 . DHA, Court Minutes (1667–1705), fol. 271r. 69 . Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness , 493; DHA, Court Minutes (1667– 1705), fol. 276r. 70 . Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness , 494 and 646. 71. DHA, Rc.15/4. 72 . DHA, Rc.15/7. 73 . DHA, Rc.6; Court Minutes (1667–1705), fol. 304r. A richly detailed history of Clegg’s life and career in Kirkham is in Shaw, Kirkham in Amounderness , 152–66. 74 . Ibid., 489–90. 75 . Ibid., 482–91. Shaw’s general point about the Chancery decision requiring the drapers only to provide a fixed, annual sum to the school is well founded, but in the context of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, he overlooked the fact that the drapers, like the other leading livery companies, struggled to overcome the losses to their London properties as a result of the Great Fire. The drapers were considering the options for funding their charities through other means as late as 1705; see DHA, Court Minutes (1667–1705), fols. 306r–307v. 76 . DHA, Wardens Accounts (1656–1657), p. 38; (1659–1660), p. 41; (1661–1662), pp. 37 and 39; (1662–1663), p. 37; (1671–1672), p. 33; and (1672–1673), p. 33 detail the legal expenses the drapers incurred N OTES 191

in establishing their possession of Colbron’s benefaction, including £50 associated with the Chancery case. Shortly before the company’s officers first learned of Colbron’s intention to entrust them with his philanthropy, they spent considerable time and money deciding to decline a similarly complex benefaction from John Smith intended to benefit the city of Lincoln, which suggests that they exercised caution before agreeing to take on such a responsibility; see DHA Court Minutes (1640–1687), fols. 166r, 173v–177v.

8 C ONCLUSION: LONDON AND NATIONAL REFORM 1 . J. G. A. Pocock, ed., The Political Works of James Harrington (Cambridge: Camridge University Press, 1977), 469–70, quotation on 469. 2 . The quotation is from Richard Grassby, The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 ), 268, but see the similar point in R. H. Tawney, “The Rise of the Gentry, 1558–1640,” The Economic History Review 11, 1 (1941): 19. 3 . Ian W. Archer, The History of the Haberdashers’ Company (Chichester, Sussex: Phillimore, 1991 ), 74, observed that Jones was childless, that there is no evidence that he ever married, and that several other company benefactors listed no direct descendants among their heirs. Grassby, Business Community , 285 and n. 145 therein, cites Archer as a source for his far more sweeping claims that when a businessman considered engaging in philanthropy “the most important factor was the absence of direct heirs” and that “the major benefactions came from bachelors.” Evidence contradicting Grassby’s generalizations is not difficult to find. Henry Colbron does not mention a wife in his will, but he makes very clear provision for the “guardianship and tuition” of his young son; TNA, PROB 11/24, fols. 296r–297r. The will of Roland Heylyn, the leading businessman among the feeoffees for impropriated livings, was very careful to state that in providing for his wife out of his estate he took care “to free myself from any show of wronging my wife in the Custom of this City;” TNA, PROB 11/161, fols. 179r–180v. Sir William Laxton, who entrusted to the Grocers’ Company an endowment to support the grammar school at Oundle that was discussed in an earlier chapter, bequeathed to his widow a manor and other properties in Hertfordshire, and designated that upon her death it would pass to her son from a previous marriage; TNA, PROB 11/38, fols. 79r–80v. 4 . My thoughts on the potential contribution of livery company charities to English nation-formation are influenced by the discussions in Umut Özk ı rı ml ı , Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000 ); Krishan Kumar, The Making of 192 N OTES

English National Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003 ); and Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism , 2nd ed. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006 ). 5 . W. K. Jordan, The Charities of London 1480–1660: The Aspirations and Achievements of the Urban Society (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1960 ), 318. Throughout the Charities of Rural England 1480–1660: The Aspirations and Achievements of the Rural Society (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1961 ), Jordan speaks of the influence of London upon provincial communities as if the two were completely separate; see 77–79, 196–200, and 411–15. 6 . Although the context is quite different, I have found stimulating the notion that colonial encounters may produce “shatter zones”; Robbie Ethridge and Sheri M. Shuck-Hall, eds., Mapping the Mississippian Shatter Zone: The Colonial Indian Slave Trade and Regional Instability in the American South (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009 ). 7 . Conjecture about the particular theological fine points that Jones and Colbron considered foundational would not be fruitful, but it seems likely that those who endowed schools and lectureships had confidence that the end of the world was not immediately close at hand; for millenarians see Crawford Gribben, The Puritan Millennium: Literature and Theology, 1550–1682 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000 ). 8 . A few of the many ways that revolution in early modern England may be put in a broader context are Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985 ); J. C. D. Clark, Revolution and Rebellion: State and Society in England in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986 ); and Jonathan Scott, England’s Troubles: Seventeenth-Century English Political Instability in European Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 ). 9 . Thomas Fuller, The Worthies of England , ed. John Freeman (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1952), 400–401. Presumably the recorder whom Fuller mentions was Henry Milborne, who figured prominently in chapter 6 . Newton Key brought this to my attention. 10 . Robert Goldston, London: The Civic Spirit (Toronto: Macmillan, 1969 ), 3–4.

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I NDEX

Abergavenny, 100 Carleton, Dudley, 20 Adamson, John, 3 Carpenters’ Company, 51 An Admonition to the Parliament, Carter, Thomas, 89 73 Catholics, 2–3, 7, 14, 37, 62, 98, Aldersey, Thomas, 77 102, 110, 119–121, 123, 130, Allen, William, 186 136, 140, 143 American Colonies, 48 Chamberlain, John, 20–21, 34 Arminianism, 75 Chaplin, Robert, 113 Arnesteed, Thomas, 121 Chapman, Charles, 109 Charnock, Roger, 101–106 Bamber, Robert, 126 Charles I, 12, 76, 100, 174 Barbary Moors, 65 Charles II, 23, 107, 160–161 Barker, James, 133–135 Chepstow, 100 Barton, 88 Cheshire, 77 Bassett, Thomas, 108–115, 184 Chester, 77, 91, 120–122, 136, 178 Bateman, Robert, 129 Church of England, 72–73, 75, 135 Bath, 76 Clark, Samuel, 74 Beale, Charles, 103 Clegg, Richard, 126, 131, 133–134, Berry, James, 102 136 Bernard, Richard, 16, 79 Clifton, Cuthbert, 121–122, 186 Bible, 78–79 Clifton, Thomas, 123, 128–129 Birley, Isabel, 121, 129 Clothworkers’ Company, 17 Book of Common Prayer, 73 Colbron, Henry, 1–8, 12, 26–27, Brabourne, Robert, 101, 104–105, 72, 117–119, 123, 127–130, 181 135–137, 139–147, 149, 184– Brenner, Robert, 3 185, 188–189, 191–192 Bridgeman, John, 121 Colbron, Richard, 128 Brinsley, John, 79 Collett, Dean, 16 Bristol, 151 Collyer, Richard, 83, 177 Bullock, John, 125 Colwall, 80, 84 Bunbury, 77, 81, 84 Cooper, Thomas, 16, 19, 83, 91–92, 178 Calvinism, 5 Court of Chancery, 1, 110–111 Cambridge, 15, 80, 83, 90, 135, Court of Exchequer, 76 141, 143 Cradock, Walter, 103–104, 107, Caerleon, 98 115, 188 212 I NDEX

Cragge, John, 105–106, 183 Eyre, Simon, 6, 26–28, 37–47, 57, Crewes, Humphrey, 99–100 61, 66–67, 71, 79, 97, 140, Croft, Herbert, 108, 112–113 142–146, 165–166 Cromer, 85–86, 89–90 Cromwell, Oliver, 100, 103–104, Fairfax, Thomas, 103 107, 115, 142, 181, 188 Fawcett, Samuel, 102, 104–106, 182 Cumberland, 82 Felton, Nicholas, 90 Cwm, 101 Field, John, 73 Fitzwarren, Hugh, 56–60, 63–64 Daniel, Defoe, 12 Fish, Simon, 15 Darnton, Robert, 61–62 Fishborne, Richard, 76–77 Dauntsey, William, 16 Fisher, John, 122 Davenport, Job, 89 Fishmongers’ Company, 80, 84, Deane, 82 86, 91 Death, Anthony, 90–91 Fleetwood, Charles, 101 Dekker, Thomas, 42–45, 47, 57, Fleetwood, Edward, 120–122, 130, 65, 166 136–137, 185–186 Deloney, Thomas, 37–41, 44–45, Ford, Francis, 104 47, 57, 165–166 Forster, Richard, 89 Denevale, John, 38–39, 165 Fortune, William, 111–112 D’Ewes, Simonds, 34 French Church in London, 38, 41 Dixton, 109 French Wars of Religion, 31 Donkan, William, 82 Fuller, Thomas, 146 Downham, John, 77, 100, 180–181 Garway, William, 185 Drapers’ Company, 1, 17, 81, 83, Gastrell, Francis, 136 117, 119, 127–128, 135–137, Geneva, 32 185, 187, 190 Glorious Revolution, 114 Duddell, Richard, 125 Gloucester, 1 Duffy, Eamon, 15 Godwin, Charles, 108 Dutch Revolt, 31 Goldsmiths’ Company, 17, 80, 82, 86, 89 Edward VI, 15–16 Goldston, Robert, 146 Elizabeth I, 11–12, 31–33, 39, 77, Gondomar, Conde de, 34–35 78–79, 98, 119, 185 Goosnargh, 83, 118, 120, 122–127, England, 2, 5, 12, 15, 29, 37, 71, 131–132, 136, 185, 187 72, 74–75, 80, 92, 98, 123, Gough, Peter, 100 140–141, 143 Gowing, Laura, 60 English, 89–90 Greek, 89 English Civil War, 2–3, 50, 75, Greenblatt, Stephen, 4 100, 103, 128, 179, 181 Gresham, Thomas, 11–12, 18, 61 English Reformation, 72, 92 Grimboldson, William, 134 Europe, 15 Grindleton, 127 Evans, Edmund, 109–113 Grocers’ Company, 18, 80–81, 84, Evil May Day, 29–30 87, 191 I NDEX 213

Guernsey, 79 Jones, William, 1–8, 12, 26–27, 72, 77, 97–99, 104, 106, 108, Haberdashers’ Company, 1, 17, 77, 110–111, 114–119, 130, 136– 81, 97, 117, 185 137, 139–142, 144–147, 149, Haigh, Christopher, 119 179–180, 182, 188, 191–192 Hall, Edward, 30 Jordan, W.K., 141 Hallsall, Cuthbert, 125 Hamburg, 1, 97 Kent, 83 Harcourt, Charles, 104 Kirkham, 1, 83, 117–128, 130–137, Harding, Vanessa, 20 141–144, 185–187, 190 Harrington, James, 2, 139, 149 Harrison, Thomas, 101 Lacy, Rowland, 42–43 Hartley, James, 126–127, 136 Lambeth Palace, 21 Helme, Nicholas, 120 Lancashire, 55, 62, 83, 117–120, Henry V, 59 122, 124, 131, 134, 136–137, Henry VIII, 49, 120 185 Herbert, Charles, 115 Latin, 83, 90 Herbert, George, 21 Laud, William, 76–77, 99, 174–175 Hereford, 80, 84, 97–98, Laxton, William, 191 113, 182 Leadenhall Chapel, 28 Heydon, Christopher, 81 Leadenhall Market, 38, 44 Heylyn, Peter, 75–76, 78, 174–175, Leigh, Thomas, 17 191 Lincoln, 42, 76 Heylyn, Roland, 78 livery companies, see London, livery Heywood, Thomas, 11–12, 18, companies 55–61, 63–66, 146, 169–170, Llandaff, 99 172 Llanfaches, 103 Hickes, William, 87 Llangwm, 103 Hill, Christopher, 3 Liverpool, 130 Hinde, William, 77 Locke, John, 161 Holt, 84, 86 London Horsham, 83, 87 alderman, 3, 44, 53, 73 House of Commons, 103, 115 aliens, 30, 32, 36, 41–42, 45, 52 House of Lords, 129 apprentices, 30, 37–38 Hunt, Richard, 78 benefactors, 71 Huntington, 77 City of, 3–5, 12–13, 20, 29, 34, 46, 48–50, 54, 56–57, 60, 62, Ingham, 125 64, 67, 72–75 Ireland, 29, 48, 79 Cheapside, 51, 62 culture, 5, 13, 27, 72 James I, 2, 12, 33–35, 98 economy, 4–5, 20, 29, 31, 39, 41 James II, 113–114 French Church, 31–32, 38 Johnson, Richard, 53–56, 60, government, 13–14, 35 65–66 Great Fire of (1666), 16, 18–19 Jones, Henry, 95, 146 growth, 49–50, 53 214 I NDEX

London—continued Nashe, Thomas, 19 Guildhall, 35, 41 Neile, Richard, 78, 121–122 immigration, 33, 48–50, 52, 66 Newland, 84, 102, 104 livery companies, 2, 5, 7, 14–16, Northamptonshire, 81 19, 25, 33, 48, 50–51, 65, 72 Nowell, Alexander, 11–12 magistrates, 30–31, 34 merchants, 2, 28, 53, 56, 66, 75 Oundle, 81, 83, 87, 90, 91 moral economy, 6, 14, 22, 25, 27, Owen, John, 99, 128–129 36, 46, 66, 72 Oxford, 76, 80, 81, 91, 103, 118, parishes, 14 141, 143 population, 1–5, 13–14, 7, 19–20, 25–29, 34–35, 41–42, Peacham, Henry, 52–53, 55 45–47, 55, 61, 71, 74–75 Pemberton, Richard, 90 Puritans, 3 Perkins, William, 15 resources, 2, 7 philanthropists, 6, 11–12 Royal Exchange, 34 philanthropy, 4, 13–14, 15–16, 19, schools, 18 27, 71, 96, 119, 141 society, 7, 19, 23, 25, 27, 38, 45, almshouses, 2, 18, 48, 97, 101, 47, 53, 65 108, 115, 118 taverns, 23 parishes, 14–15 Thames, 20–25 preaching lectureships, 2, trade guilds, 43 18, 75–76, 80–84, 97–98, workshops, 37 115 Low, William, 182 schools, 2, 18, 75, 76, 79–91, 97, Luther, Martin, 74 115, 118, 121, 131–132 Luttrell, Narcissus, 23 Philpot, James, 101 Philpot, Thomas, 89 Mary I, 32, 62 Philips, Blanch, 101 Mary II, 114 Pierson, Edmund, 88 Meddus, John, 34 Potts, Lawrence, 78 Mede, Joseph, 34–35 Probert, George, 108 Mercers’ Company, 16–17, 76, 83, Pulley, Jane, 101 85, 87–88 Puritan, 61, 98, 99, 100, 143 Merchant Taylors’ Company, 78, Pye, Herbert, 108–110, 113 90, 99 Milbourne, Henry, 102–103, 105– Raglan Castle, 98, 100 107, 192 Raleigh, Walter, 2–3 Mildmay, Walter, 81 Ratis, Ellen, 124–125 Monmouth, 1, 84–85, 95–117, Reade, Bartholomew, 85, 89, 90 131–132, 137, 141–144, 146, recusants, see Catholics 179–180, 182–183, 188 Reformation, 6, 7, 14, 15, 72, 119 Moore, John, 130 Robinson, Thomas, 88, 121 More, Thomas, 15 Rogers, Henry, 108 Morris, William, 101, 107–108 Roots, Thomas, 90 Murray, William, 99 royalists, 100, 103, 122, 124 I NDEX 215 rural communities, 12 Tonbridge School, 81, 84, 85, 90 Russell, Thomas, 83 Torshell, Samuel, 77–78, 81 trade guilds, see London, livery Sandcroft, William, 19 companies schoolmasters, provincial, 84–91 Tyler, Francis, 110, 111–113 Scott, Thomas, 34 Tyneside coal fields, 20 Scrivener’s Company, 117–118 Sedgwick, Richard, 99 vagrants, 49, 56, 57 Shaa, Edmund, 84 Vitners’ Company, 51 Shakespeare, William , 41 Shaw, Oliver, 133 Wake House, 125 Shaw, R. Cunliffe, 135–136 Wallington, Nehemiah, 5 Shrewsbury, 78 Walwin, Henry, 85 Sibbes, Richard, 73, 75 Walwyn, Humphrey, 80 Skinners’ Company, 17, 80, 81, 83, Warwickshire, 74–75 84, 85, 90, 91 Weavers’ Company, 31–33 Society of Porters, 51 Weber, Max, 5 Spencer, Richard, 90 Whaley, Hugh, 121 St. Paul’s School, 16 White, Thomas, 19, 61 Staffordshire, 81 Whitehead, Robert, 132–133 Stockport, 80, 82 Whittington, Richard, 6, 7, 16, Stone, Lawrence, 3 27–28, 47, 53–67, 71, 97, 140, strangers, 29–37, 40–43, 45 142, 144, 146 Stow, John, 20 Wickins, John, 108–110, 112, 113 Stuteville, Martin, 35 Wilcox, Thomas, 73 Sutton Valence, 81, 83, 84, 89 Wilding, Isabel, 121 Williams, Herbert, 111 Taylor, John, 21–22, 23–25 Williams, John, 76–77 Taylor, Richard, 133–134 Williams, Roger, 73–74 Taylor, Zachary, 131–132, 134 Williams, Trevor, 100, 108, 110 Taynton, Nicholas, 100 Wiltshire, 85 Teague’s house, 102–103, 105 Wood, James, 132 Thomas, Keith, 1 Wright, Thomas, 114–115 Tombes, John, 105 Wroth, William, 99, 103