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Abbreviations Used in the Notes: CHA (Clothworkers' Hall Archive, London N OTES Abbreviations used in the notes: CHA (Clothworkers’ Hall Archive, London); DHA (Drapers’ Hall Archive, London); GHA (Goldsmiths’ Hall Archive, London); GL (Guildhall Library, London); MHA (Mercers’ Hall Archive, London); SkHA (Skinners’ Hall Archive, London); TNA (National Archives, Kew) 1 I NTRODUCTION: CULTURE, FAITH, AND PHILANTHROPY IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND 1 . Keith Thomas, The Ends of Life: Roads to Fulfillment in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 ), 261. The phi- lanthropies of Jones and Colbron will be discussed in detail in later chapters. 2 . The vicissitudes of religious change in early modern England are amply illustrated in Nicholas Tyacke, ed., England’s Long Reformation, 1500–1800 (London: University College London Press, 1998 ). 3 . Two essays that brought a great deal of heat, if not light, to the mid-twentieth-century debate over the role of impersonal forces generally, and of the increasing wealth of the gentry in particular, in the revolutionary events in seventeenth-century England were R. H. Tawney: “Harrington’s Interpretation of His Age,” Proceedings of the British Academy 27 ( 1941 ): 199–223 and “The Rise of the Gentry,” The Economic History Review 11, 1 ( 1942 ): 1–38 (quotations from pp. 16 and 17). The former focuses on Harrington, the latter men- tions Raleigh in passing. In many ways, the culmination of this line of research was Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558– 1641 , abridged ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967 ) (quo- tations from pp. 12 and 13). J. H. Hexter, Reappraisals in History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979 ): 117–62 offers a criti- cal discussion of the debate by one of its participants. 4 . The political turn of the 1970s, which came to be closely identified with the “revisionist” approach, was developed and refined in a variety of works including, but by no means limited to, John Morrill, Cheshire 1630–1660: Government and Society during the “English Revolution” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974 ); Conrad Russell, Parliaments and English Politics, 1621–1629 (O x f o rd : O x f o rd Un i ve r s it y P r e s s , 1979 ); 150 N OTES and Mark Kishlansky, The Rise of the New Model Army (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979 ). A highly useful summary of the major historiographical trends by a scholar with an intimate working knowledge of the topic is Nicholas Tyacke, “Introduction: Locating the ‘English Revolution,’” in The English Revolution c. 1590–1720: Politics, Religion and Communities , ed. Nicholas Tyacke (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007 ): 1–26. 5 . Christopher Hill, Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England (London: Martin Secker &Warburg, 1964 ); Robert Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993 ); John Adamson, The Noble Revolt: The Overthrow of Charles I (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007 ). 6 . Throughout this study, “godly” will be used generally to reflect the val- ues and ambitions of those who sought to promote their vision of a call- ing to faith across society in post-Reformation England, a vision that was decidedly anti-Catholic. As will be seen, the individuals in question here took initiatives that, they perceived, the authorities in church and state were unwilling to do. Their neighbors may well have thought of them as “Puritans,” but that term has taken on a theologically meaningful set of associations among scholars that would be difficult to apply with confidence to many of the subjects of the current study because their motives are apparent almost entirely through their actions. Further, one hardly needed to embrace the reforms of the Church of England typi- cally associated with Puritanism to seek to displace Catholicism in pro- vincial communities. In short, “godly” simply seems a less formal, and therefore more useful, term than “Puritan” in this context. Discussions of the nature of Puritanism have long been a mainstay of early mod- ern English historiography, but some principal examples from the last long generation include the works of Patrick Collinson, such as his col- lection Godly People: Essays on English Protestantism and Puritanism (London; Continuum, 1983 ); much of the work of Peter Lake, such as his “Defining Puritanism – again?” in Puritanism: Transatlantic Perspectives on a Seventeenth-Century Anglo-American Faith , ed. Francis J. Bremer (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1993 ), 3–29 and his discussion, with Michael Questier, of a “new synthesis” of approaches to popular religion in The Antichrist’s Lewd Hat: Protestants, Papists and Players in Post-Reformation England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002 ), 472–79; and John Coffey and Paul C. H. Lin, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Puritanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008 ). Although the focus of the current work is on individuals who associated themselves with a reform program that was attempting to overturn the influence of Catholicism in provincial com- munities, it does not wish to imply that Catholics were uninterested in a well-ordered, faithful society. An excellent study of the continuities of such concerns throughout the Reformation era is Marjorie Keniston N OTES 151 McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England, 1370–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ). 7 . The process of economic integration, and London’s role therein, figures prominently in Christopher Clay, Economic Expansion and Social Change: England 1500–1700, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984 ); Craig Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998 ); and Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000 ). Still relevant after more than 40 years is E. A. Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London’s Importance in Changing English Society and Economy, 1650–1750,” Past and Present 37 ( 1967 ): 44–70, but see also Michael Reed, “London and its Hinterland 1600–1800: The View from the Provinces,” in Capital Cities and Their Hinterlands in Early Modern Europe , eds. Peter Clark and Bernard Lepetit (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996 ), 51–83. The emphasis here on London is not intended to deny the importance of prominent regional centers such as Bristol, even if signif icant provincial towns were not impervious to London’s influence; see Peter Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance: The Development of Provincial Urban Culture c.1680–c.1760 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989 ); David Harris Sacks, The Widening Gate: Bristol and the Atlantic Economy, 1450–1700 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991 ); Carl B. Estabrook, Urbane and Rustic England: Cultural Ties and Social Spheres in the Provinces 1660–1780 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998 ); and Peter Borsay and Lindsay Proudfoot, eds., Provincial Towns in Early Modern England and Ireland: Change, Convergence, and Divergence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002 ). The limita- tions of England’s roads before the eighteenth century is illustrated in Jo Guldi, Roads to Power: Britain Invents the Infrastructure State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012 ). 8 . On the movement of young people to London see Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos, Adolescence and Youth in Early Modern England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994 ); Paul Griffiths, Youth and Authority: Formative Experiences in England, 1560–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996 ); Patricia Fumerton, Unsettled: The Culture of Mobility and the Working Poor in Early Modern England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006 ), 72–73; and Tim Leunig, Chris Minns, and Patrick Wallis, “Networks in the Premodern Economy: The Market for London Apprenticeships, 1600–1749,” The Journal of Economic History 71, 2 (June 2011 ): 413–43. On county feasts see Newton Key, “The Localism of the County Feast in Late-Stuart Political Culture,” Huntington Library Quarterly 58, 2 ( 1996 ): 211–37 and “The Political Culture and Political Rhetoric of County Feasts and Feast Sermons, 1654–1714,” Journal of British Studies 33, 3 (July 1994 ): 223–56. 152 N OTES 9 . A lthough aspects of his analysis of change over time have been revised by subsequent research, W. K. Jordan’s three-volume study remains a valuable guide to the general scale and scope of philanthropy pur- sued in the early modern period: Philanthropy in England 1480– 1660: A Study of the Changing Pattern of English Social Aspirations (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1959 ); The Charities of London 1480–1660: The Aspirations and Achievements of the Urban Society (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1960 ); and The Charities of Rural England 1480–1660: The Aspirations and Achievements of the Rural Society (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1961 ). Important recent works on London philanthropy include Claire S. Schen, Charity and Lay Piety in Reformation London, 1500–1620 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002 ); and Ian W. Archer, “The Livery Companies and Charity in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in Guilds, Society, and Economy in London 1400–1800 , eds. Ian A. Gadd and Patrick Wallis (London: Centre for Metropolitan History, 2002 ), 15–28. For benevolence in England more generally, the key work is now Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos, The Culture of Giving: Informal Support and Gift-Exchange in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge
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