Political Changes in the Ancient Maya Center of Ceibal, Guatemala

Local Community and Foreign Groups: Political Changes in the Ancient Maya Center of Ceibal, Guatemala

Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation

Authors Palomo, Juan Manuel

Citation Palomo, Juan Manuel. (2020). Local Community and Foreign Groups: Political Changes in the Ancient Maya Center of Ceibal, Guatemala (Doctoral dissertation, University of Arizona, Tucson, USA).

Publisher The University of Arizona.

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Download date 10/10/2021 03:18:51

Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/648645 1

LOCAL COMMUNITY AND FOREIGN GROUPS: POLITICAL CHANGES IN THE ANCIENT MAYA CENTER OF CEIBAL, GUATEMALA

Juan Manuel Palomo

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

SCHOOL OF ANTHROPOLOGY

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2020

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Since I began working on this research, I have been able to meet wonderful people and institutions to who I owe so many thanks for the support. First, I want to thank Takeshi Inomata and Daniela Triadan who allow me to join their project since 2002. Their work and the dedication they put through their teachings and research have inspired me and others to develop scholarships, research projects, and graduate career. I will also like to thank the other two members of my committee, Lori Wright and James Watson for providing meticulous and invaluable feedback for this project. I would like to thank Kenichiro Tsukamoto, who was a great mentor during my first year at the University of Arizona. Thank you to Kazuo Aoyama, his support, discussions, and questions were very important for developing this research. I want also thanks to all the great people I have the honor to work in the Ceibal-Petexbatun project. Thank you to Jessica Munson, Maria Belen Mendez Bauer, Jessica McLellan, Melissa Burham, Victor Castillo and Raul Ortiz. Thank you, guys, for excavating and sharing with me your archaeological notes and photos of many of the burials analyzed during this research. Thank you to Estela Pinto for her support. She is sincerely missed. I want to thank all the staff from the University of Arizona Environmental Isotope Laboratory. Thank you to David Dettman and Jay Quade for allow me to have access to the laboratory, their teachings, and isotope courses during which I learned a lot. Thank you to Gregory Hodgins for letting me have access to the Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Laboratory at the University of Arizona. Thank you also to Rebecca Watson for showing and training me on how to use the laboratory equipment. Thank you to Joaquin Ruiz for allowing me access to the Ruiz Research Laboratory in the Department of Geosciences at the University of Arizona. Thank you to Jason Kirk and Mark Baker for their collaboration during the strontium and lead isotopic analysis. Thank you also to Lori Wright for the comments, teachings, and guidance during the statistical analysis. Thank you also to Natasha Warner for the advice and teachings during the ANOVA analysis, thank you for inviting me to your class to discuss my statistics methodology with your students, it was a very enriching experience. Special thanks to Ashely Sharpe for her constant and great advice. 4

Thank you to the people of the school of anthropology for supporting me. Thank you to Maren Hopkins, Sanjog Sahu, Ester Echenique, David T. Cox, Bruno Rodriguez, Emilio Rodriguez-Alvarez, Kayla Beth Worthey, Sara Renkert, Ismael Sanchez, Armando Inurreta, Pablo Rodriguez, Nicole Mathwich, and Marijke Stoll. Special thanks to Michael and Annett Schiffer for their support and hospitality in Tucson. Thank you to all the friends from the Arizona State Museum (ASM), to who I had the honor to work for five years. Thank you, guys, for your support and friendship. Thank you to Carl Rick, Shannon Twilling, and Christina Jenkins. Thank you to all the people from the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia de Guatemala (IDAEH), and Rita Casas and María Reneé Jerez for their collaboration with the permits for exporting the samples. Thank you to all the people from the University of San Carlos de Guatemala for their friendship and support during this research. Thank you, Otto Roman, Erick Ponceano, Oswaldo Chinchilla Mazariegos, Carlos Navarrete, Alfredo Roman, Javier Estrada, Emanuel Serech, Alejandra Cordero, and Ricardo Rodas. Thank you also to all the wonderful people who I meet during multiple field seasons at Ceibal, thank you to the Xe Pop, Ortiz Guevara, and Godoy family, and to all the friends from Sayaxche, Las Pozas, El Paraiso, and La Felicidad. Finally, I would also like to give many thanks to all the institutions that supported this project. This research was funded by the Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant from the National Science Foundations (#1822002) and the Alphawood Foundation. The writing of the manuscript was written on a fellowship awarded by Dr. Keith A. Dixon Dissertation Fellowship. Additional support was provided by the Rieker Grant and the Tinker Foundation. I am also grateful for the grants awarded through the School of Anthropology including the Emil W. Haury Education Fund for Archaeology, the William Shirley Fulton Scholarship, the Traditions, Transitions, and Treasures Fund, and the Stanley R. Grant Scholarship for Archaeology.

DEDICATION

To my parents and grandmother, thank you for the endless support.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………... 11 LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………. 14 ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………... 15

CHAPTER 1: SOCIAL INEQUALITIES, MIGRATION AND DIET AT CEIBAL: AN INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………...18 Diet, Social Inequality, and Political Centralization…….…………………………….. 19 Social Inequalities, Migrations and External Relations…………………………………. 22 Research Sample………………………………………………………………………… 25 Sampling Methods: Enamel and Collagen………………………………………………. 26 Dissertation Outline……………………………………………………………………... 26

CHAPTER 2: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CEIBAL AND THE MAYA LOWLANDS………………………………………………………………………………. 33 Early Preclassic: The Preceramic Population at Ceibal (1100 BC)……………………... 33 The Middle Preclassic at Ceibal: Real and Escoba 1 and 2 Phases (1000 BC-450.…...... 34 Middle Preclassic-Late Preclassic Transition (Escoba 3-Cantutse1) and Late Preclassic (Cantutse 2/3) Periods at Ceibal (450-75 BC)……………………………………………38 Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic: Xate and Junco Phases (75 BC-DC 600)...……. 40 Late Classic Period: Tepijelote Phase (AD 600-810)…………………………………… 41 Terminal Classic Period: Bayal Phase (AD 810-950)………………………………… 42

CHAPTER 3: THE DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE…………………………………………. 44 Methodology: Osteological Analysis……………………………………………………. 44 Natural Death and Sacrificial Victims at Ceibal………………………………………… 47 Ceibal Bioarchaeological Samples……………………………………………………… 49 Biographic Profile, Demographic Trends, and Sample Biases at Ceibal……………...... 50 Sacrificial Activities and Sample Biases at Ceibal……………………………………… 53 Summary and Final Remarks……………………………………………………………. 56 7

CHAPTER 4: MORTUARY RITUALS, GRAVE GOODS, AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY AT CEIBAL………………………………………………………………. 63 Early Preclassic Burials…………………………………………………………………. 65 Early Middle Preclassic Real Burials.…………………………………………………... 65 Late Middle Preclassic Escoba 1/2 Burials……………………………………………… 67 Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic Transition Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 Burials………... 68 Late Preclassic Cantutse 2/3 Burial……………………………………………………... 69 Social Inequality During the Middle and Late Preclassic Period at Ceibal……………... 69 Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic Period Xate-Junco Burials……………………… 70 Late Classic Period Tepijelote Burials………………………………………………...... 71 Terminal Classic Period Bayal Burials………………………………………………….. 71 Conclusion: Grave Goods and Social Inequality at Ceibal……………………………… 72

CHAPTER 5: ISOTOPE ANALYSIS IN ARCHAEOLOGY: THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS, SKELETAL SAMPLING, AND LABORATORY PROCEDURES……………………………………………………………………………. 85 Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Standards………………………………………………… 85 Carbon, Plants, and Foods………………………………………………………………. 86 Nitrogen, Terrestrial Meat, Freshwater, and Marine Foods…………………………….. 88 Dietary Patterns at Ceibal……………………………………………………………... 88 Oxygen Isotopes………………………………………………………………………….89 Strontium Isotopes………………………………………………………………………. 91 Lead Isotopes……………………………………………………………………………. 93 Tooth Enamel and Bone Collagen Isotope Analyses……………………………………. 95 Skeletal Sampling: Enamel and Bone Collagen……………………………………...... 96 Dentine Collagen Analysis…………………………………………………………...... 98 Bone Collagen: Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Analysis………………………………… 99 Tooth Enamel: Carbon and Oxygen Isotope Analysis………………………………….. 100 Strontium and Lead Isotope Analysis…………………………………………………… 101

CHAPTER 6: RESEARCH HYPOTHESES………………………………………………. 104

Diet, Social Inequality, and Political Centralization…………………………………… 104 Hypothesis 1.1. Maize was Consumed by the People who Lived near the Ceibal Area before the Adoption of Ceramics and the Spread of Sedentary Life around 1100 BC..... 104 Hypothesis 1.2. There was a Significant Increase of Maize Consumption at Ceibal during the Classic Period. The Increase in Maize Consumption was Accompanied by a Decrease in the Consumption of Meat and Freshwater Resources………...….……..... 107 Hypothesis 1.3. No Clear Correlation between Social Inequality and Diet at Ceibal…... 108 Migration, Social Inequality, and Political Centralization……………………………... 109 Hypothesis 2.1. Preclassic Migrations from the Olmec Area at Ceibal…………………. 109 Hypothesis 2.2. In the Late Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic Periods (Escoba and Cantutse phases), there are more Hostile External Relations at Ceibal due to the Intensification of Warfare in the Maya area. The Hostile External Relations might be Reflected in an Increase of Non-local Sacrificial Victims at Ceibal………….. 110 Hypothesis 2.3: There was an Increase of Migrants from the Maya Lowlands during the Classic Period at Ceibal…………………..…………………...…………………….. 111

CHAPTER 7: CARBON AND NITROGEN ISOTOPIC ANALYSIS ON BURIALS FROM CEIBAL……………………………………………………………………………. 115 Early Preclassic Period: Preceramic…………………………………………………….. 115 Early Middle Preclassic Period: Real 3…………………………………………………. 117 Late Middle Preclassic (Escoba 1 and 2)………………………………………………... 119 Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic Transition: Escoba 3/Cantutse 1……………… 121 Late Preclassic Period (Cantutse 2/3)…………………………………………………… 122 Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic: Xate 1/3 and Junco 1 Phases…………………... 124 Early Classic: Junco 2/4…………………………………………………………………. 125 Late Classic Period: Tepejilote………………………………………………………….. 127 Terminal Classic Period: Bayal…………………………………………………………. 129 Final Remarks: Diet and Social Inequality……………………………………………… 130

CHAPTER 8: FOREIGN GROUPS AND LOCAL COMMUNITY: OXYGEN, STRONTIUM AND LEAD ANALYSIS AT CEIBAL…………………………………… 143 Oxygen Isotope Analysis at Ceibal …………………………………………………….. 144 Strontium Isotope Analysis at Ceibal…………………………………………………… 146 Lead Isotope Analysis at Ceibal.………………………………………………………... 150 Cluster Analysis at Ceibal……………………………………………………………….. 152 Final Remarks: Foreign Groups and Local Community..……………………………….. 154

CHAPTER 9: LOCAL COMMUNITY, FOREIGN GROUPS, POLITICAL

CENTRALIZATION, AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY AT CEIBAL………………………178

Diet, Migration, and Social Inequality during the Preclassic Period……………………. 178 Early Preclassic Preceramic Period at Ceibal…………………………………………… 179 Middle Preclassic Real 3 Phase at Ceibal……………………………………………….. 181 Middle Preclassic Cranial Modifications at Ceibal……………………………………... 184 Late Middle Preclassic Escoba (1/2) Phase at Ceibal…………………………………… 186 Late Preclassic Transition Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1 Phases……………………………… 187 Late Preclassic Cantutse 2/3…………………………………………………………….. 189 Diet, Migration, and Social Inequality during the Terminal Preclassic and Classic Period ………………………………………………………………………. 191 Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic Periods Xate/Junco 1 Phases…………………… 191 Early Classic Junco 2/4 Phases………………………………………………………….. 193 Late Classic Period Tepejilote Phase……………………………………………………. 194 Terminal Classic Bayal Phase…………………………………………………………… 196 Migration Patterns and Cranial Modifications at Ceibal………………………………... 197 Final Remarks…………………………………………………………………………… 200

APPENDIX A: CARBON, NITROGEN, OXYGEN, STRONTIUM, AND LEAD ISOTOPIC VALUES……………………………………………………………………… 210 Appendix A.1. Carbon and Oxygen Isotopic Values from the Preclassic Burials at Ceibal……………………………………………………………………….…………… 210 10

Appendix A.2. Carbon and Oxygen Isotopic Values from the Classic Period Burials at Ceibal………………………………………………………………………….....…… 211 Appendix A.3. Strontium and Lead Isotopic Values from the Ceibal Preclassic Burials...... 212 Appendix A.4. Strontium and Lead Isotopic Values from the Ceibal Classic Period Burials…………………………………………………………………………………… 213

APPENDIX B: GRAVE GOODS LIST FROM CEIBAL………………………….……... 214 Appendix B.1. Grave Goods Found in the Preclassic Burials from Ceibal……………... 214 Appendix B.2. Grave Goods Found in the Classic Period Burials from Ceibal………… 215

REFERENCES CITED……………………………………………………………………. 216

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1. Map of the Maya lowlands…………………………………………………….. 29 Figure 3.1. Frequencies of female and male skeletons from Ceibal……………………….. 59 Figure 3.2. Age frequencies from the skeletons at Ceibal…………………………………. 60 Figure 3.3. Map of Ceibal with a close-up of Group A……………………………………. 61 Figure 3.4. Frequencies of the funeral and non-funeral burials found at Ceibal……………62 Figure 4.1. Grave goods in burials from the Middle and Late Preclassic periods…………. 75 Figure 4.2. Burial 132……………………………………………………………………… 76 Figure 4.3. Burial 136……………………………………………………………………… 77 Figure 4.4. Burial CB153…………………………………………………………………... 78 Figure 4.5. Burials CB111, CB112, CB113, and CB114………………………………….. 79 Figure 4.6. Polychrome ceramic vessel painting…………………………………………... 80 Figure 4.7. Burial CB104…………………………………………………………………... 81 Figure 4.8. Grave goods in burials from the Terminal Preclassic and Classic periods……. 82 Figure 4.9. Burial CB107…………………………………………………………………... 83 Figure 4.10. Burial 108B…………………………………………………………………... 84 Figure 7.1. Box plots showing the bone collagen carbon composition by phase………….. 135 Figure 7.2. Box plots showing the carbon isotope composition of tooth enamel and ceramic phase………………………………………………………………………….. 136 Figure 7.3. Box plots showing the bone collagen nitrogen composition by phase…………137 Figure 7.4. Preceramic bone collagen carbon and nitrogen isotope composition from Ceibal………………………………………………………………………………… 138 Figure 7.5. Real 3 bone collage carbon and nitrogen isotope composition from Ceibal…... 138 Figure 7.6. Escoba 1/2 bone collage carbon and nitrogen isotope composition from Ceibal………………………………………………………………………………… 139 Figure 7.7. Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 bone collagen carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal……………………………………………………………………139 Figure 7.8. Cantutse 2/3 bone collage carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal………………………………………………………………………………… 140 Figure 7.9. Xate-Junco 1 bone carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal………………………………………………………………………………… 140 12

Figure 7.10. Junco 2/4 Collagen carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis from Ceibal……….141 Figure 7.11. Tepejilote carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal…………... 141 Figure 7.12. Bayal carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal……………….. 142 Figure 7.13. Carbon isotopic results from enamel and collagen…………………………… 142 Figure 8.1. Shows the δ18O (‰PDB) values of 123 teeth that belong to 72 individuals from Ceibal……………………………………………………………… 157 Figure 8.2. Distribution of average enamel δ18O values at Ceibal……………………….. 159 Figure 8.3. Normal Q-Q probability plots for enamel average δ18O values at Ceibal…… 159 Figure 8.4. Distribution of enamel average δ18O values at Ceibal, without the three outlaying burials………………………………………………………………………160 Figure 8.5. Normal Q-Q probability plots for enamel average δ18O values at Ceibal, without the three outlaying burials from Figure 8.3……………………………………….. 160 Figure 8.6. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotope ratios in the Maya Area……………….. 161 Figure 8.7. Graph showing the strontium ratios from the Ceibal sample………………….. 162 Figure 8.8. Distribution of average 87Sr/86Sr ratios at Ceibal…………………………….. 164 Figure 8.9. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average 87Sr/86Sr values at Ceibal………... 164 Figure 8.10. Trimmed distribution of average 87Sr/86Sr values at Ceibal………………... 165 Figure 8.11. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average strontium values at Ceibal without the outlaying burials………………………………………………………………. 165 Figure 8.12. Distribution of average 87Sr/86Sr values from non-local individuals at Ceibal…………………………………………………………………………………… 166 Figure 8.13. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average strontium values from non-local individuals at Ceibal……………………………………………………………………….. 166 Figure 8.14. Box plots showing the Ceibal strontium isotopic composition………………. 167 Figure 8.15. Graph showing the lead (208Pb/206Pb and 207Pb/206Pb) values from the Ceibal sample…………………………………………………………………………... 168 Figure 8.16. Distribution of average of 208Pb/206Pb and 207Pb/206Pb values at Ceibal……………………………………………………………………………………. 170 Figure 8.17. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average lead values at Ceibal…………….. 171 Figure 8.18. Lead isotopic content from Ceibal enamel samples………………………….. 172 Figure 8.19. Dendrogram is based on Sr and O isotopes…………………………………... 173 13

Figure 8.20. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal by period……… 174 Figure 8.21. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal………………… 174 Figure 8.22. Dendrogram based on Sr, O, and Pb isotopes………………………………... 175 Figure 8.23. Enamel strontium and lead isotopic content from Ceibal by period…………. 176 Figure 8.24. Enamel strontium and lead isotopic content from Ceibal by period…………. 176 Figure 8.25. Enamel oxygen and lead isotopic content from Ceibal by period……………. 177 Figure 8.26. Enamel oxygen and lead isotopic content from Ceibal………………………. 177 Figure 9.1. Carbon (A) and nitrogen (B) composition from the Preclassic burials at Ceibal……………………………………………………………………………………. 205 Figure 9.2. Variations of tabular erect and tabular oblique cranial deformations…………. 206 Figure 9.3. The cranium from Burial CB136………………………………………………. 206 Figure 9.4. Carbon (A) and nitrogen (B) composition from the Classic period burials at Ceibal……………………………………………………………………………………. 208

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1. Chronological chart showing the ceramic phases of Ceibal and other Maya sites………………………………………………………………………………….. 30 Table 1.2. Ceibal Petexbatun Archaeological Project Burials……………………………... 31 Table 1.3. Showing the 84 sampled individuals for the multi-isotopic analysis…………... 32 Table 3.1. Biographic profile of the burials found by the Harvard Archaeological Project……………………………………………………………………………………… 58 Table 3.2. Frequencies of female and male skeletons from Ceibal………………………... 59 Table 3.3. Age frequencies from the skeletons at Ceibal………………………………….. 60 Table 3.4. Frequencies of the funeral and non-funeral burials found at Ceibal……………. 62 Table 5.1. Isotopic data of selected food items available in the Maya Area………………. 103 Table 7.1. Sampled skeletons with carbon and nitrogen values from Ceibal……………… 133 Table 7.2. Sampled skeletons with carbon and nitrogen values from Ceibal……………… 134 Table 7.3. Mean and standard deviation from bone collagen δ13C by phase……………... 135 Table 7.4. Mean and standard deviation from tooth enamel by ceramic phase……………. 136 Table 7.5. Mean and standard deviation from bone collagen δ15N by phase……………... 137 Table 8.1. A) Descriptive statistics of the oxygen enamel sample based on 123 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 72 individuals and B) IQR statistical analysis from Oxygen isotopes……………………………………………………………………… 158 Table 8.2. A) Descriptive statistics of the strontium isotopes. The sample was based on 101 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 70 individuals and B) IQR statistical analysis from strontium isotopes…………………………………………………………... 163 Table 8.3. A) Descriptive statistics of the from lead isotopes, B and C) IQR statistical analysis from lead isotopes………………………………………………………………… 169 Table 9.1. Carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from the Preclassic sample from Ceibal………………………………………………………………………………… 204 Table 9.2. Carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from the Classic sample from Ceibal………………………………………………………………………………… 207 Table 9.3. Cranial and dental modifications at Ceibal……………………………………... 209

ABSTRACT

With an occupation that lasted almost 2000 years (1100 BC-AD 930), the ancient Maya center of Ceibal, located in the Maya lowlands of Guatemala, offers an important opportunity to expand our understanding of how increasing political centralization and social inequality are reflected in diet and migration patterns. Ceibal was occupied during several critical periods of social change in the Maya lowlands, including the development of sedentary communities during the Early and Middle Preclassic, and the emergence and decline of political regimens during the Late Preclassic and Classic periods. My research discusses the results of the isotopic analysis on 84 human burials excavated from Ceibal dating to 1100 BC–AD 950. Isotopes are chemical elements found in soil, food, and water, and are incorporated into the human body through ingestion. These materials leave an isotopic imprint, which is preserved in the teeth and bones and reflects the landscape where people live and the food they eat. Carbon and nitrogen isotopes were used to analyze the dietary practices at Ceibal, whereas oxygen, strontium, and lead were used to detect movements across the landscape. The earliest evidence of human remains at Ceibal dates to the end of the Early Preclassic (1100 BC), before the adoption of ceramics in the area. My research indicates that the Preceramic individuals buried at Ceibal consumed moderate amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. No evidence of residential structures have been identified at Ceibal within this time period; however, around 1000 BC, people who lived in or frequented the area built the first version of a formal ceremonial space composed of a plaza and two pyramids in an east-west arrangement. The archeological investigations at Ceibal uncovered multiple greenstone axe caches buried along the central axes of these ceremonial structures, findings which suggest that a series of public rituals were conducted by the Ceibal Middle Preclassic community. The public rituals at Ceibal were probably attended by semi-mobile people, and they may characterize one of the earliest attempts of political centralization in the Maya lowlands. However, the isotopic composition does not support the idea that during the Early Preclassic or Middle Preclassic period Ceibal received migrants from the Olmec area. None of the Ceibal burials dating to these periods show strontium isotopes ratios suggesting a Gulf Coast, Pacific Coast, or Chiapa de Corzo origin. In contrast, the results from the isotope study indicate that the development of the Early and Middle Preclassic community at Ceibal likely originated from external social relations 16 involving individuals from different regions of the southern lowlands, such as Peten, southeast Chiapas, south Belize, and southeast Tabasco. On the other hand, the isotope analysis also indicates that after the adoption of ceramics at Ceibal (around 1000 BC) maize consumption did not increase, and terrestrial and freshwater wild resources continued to be part of Ceibal residents’ diet. The dietary patterns observed during these periods could be connected to a transition from a mobile lifestyle to a more sedentary one, rather than an increase in social inequality and political centralization. During the Late Preclassic period (400-100 BC), sedentary villages became larger and there was an increase in centralized polities in the Maya area. At Ceibal, the isotopic evidence suggests that non-local individuals continued to arrive. During this period both locals and non-local individuals had access to moderate amounts of maize, along with meat and aquatic resources. The subsequent Terminal Preclassic and the Classic periods (100 BC-AD 930) were characterized by the development and decline of numerous political regimes in the Maya area that were engaged in frequent warfare activities. This research shows that during these periods there was an increased number of non-local individuals arriving at Ceibal from the southern lowlands. During these periods there was a significant change in the diet of Ceibal residents, consisting of greater reliance on maize and a decrease in terrestrial and freshwater protein consumption. However, there no isotopic evidence of elite individuals from Ceibal having more nutrient-dense dietary practices, consisting of greater amounts of animal protein. In contrast, the isotopic analysis shows that the elites and the lower status individuals (including both locals, and non-local individuals) consumed similar amounts of maize, terrestrial meat, and freshwater resources. The different dietary changes observed between the Terminal Preclassic and Classic periods at Ceibal might be connected to the overexploitation of natural resources, and the intensification of corn agriculture. Although many Maya sites declined by the end of the Classic period (AD 600-800), the occupation at Ceibal survived until its final collapse around AD 930. The Classic period isotopic composition of Ceibal shows that there is no isotopic evidence of Non-Maya migrants coming from Mexico, neither evidence of people coming from the volcanic highlands from Kaminaljuyu or Teotihuacan. In contrast, the isotopic evidence indicates that during the Classic period non- local individuals continue to arrive at Ceibal from different areas of the southern lowlands, such as Peten, the Usumacinta region, Chiapas, southeast Tabasco, south Belize, and inland 17

Campeche. These non-locals included men, women, adults, and children from different social spheres. The inclusion of people from different areas may have helped the local community at Ceibal to forge political alliances with other non-local groups. Such diplomatic contacts were crucial in political and economic affairs, and during warfare, and this may be one reason why Ceibal saw one of the longest occupation histories in the Maya lowlands.

CHAPTER 1

SOCIAL INEQUALITIES, MIGRATION AND DIET AT CEIBAL: AN INTRODUCTION

How were increased levels of social inequality and political centralization tied to diversity in diet, migrations and external relations in ancient Mesoamerica? This is a question that can be addressed at the ancient center of Ceibal, located in the Maya lowlands of Guatemala

(Figure 1.1). The site was occupied from the Early Preclassic to the Terminal Classic periods

(1,100 BC-AD 950, Table 1.1). This study will discuss the analysis of 81 burials with a minimum of 96 individuals (Tables 1.2) interred in various settings, including open plazas and residential groups that date from the Middle Preclassic to the Terminal Classic periods.

The burials were excavated from 2006 to 2017 by the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological

Project under the direction of Takeshi Inomata and Daniela Triadan from the University of

Arizona. Out of the 96 individuals, 84 were sampled (Table 1.3) to conduct isotopic analysis for this research. These ancient remains have the potential to provide significant information about processes of social inequality and political centralization at critical moments in the lowland

Maya history, including the emergence of sedentary communities during the Early and Middle

Preclassic period, the development of larger polities during the Late Preclassic period, and their disintegrations during the Terminal Preclassic and toward the end of the Classic period.

To discuss how migration and dietary patterns correlate with increasing levels of social inequalities at Ceibal, this research addresses two specific questions:

1) How were social inequality and political centralization reflected in dietary practices?

2) How were changes in social inequality and political centralization associated with

migrations and external relations? 19

These questions will be expanded and discussed in more detail in the following chapters.

Carbon and nitrogen isotopes were used to explore questions about food and diet, whereas oxygen, strontium, and lead were used to study and detect movements across the landscape.

Before discussing the background, development, and analysis of this dissertation research, it is important to consider the anthropological and archaeological context of studying food and migration in ancient Mesoamerica and beyond.

Diet, Social Inequality, and Political Centralization

Diet is important for studying political centralization and social inequality in the archaeological context because dietary consumption not only provides information about health and health disparities, but also social class, ethnic groups, and lifestyle affiliations. By analyzing culturally embedded food consumption patterns, it becomes possible to begin indexing important aspects about the eater, such as their nutritional profile, cultural affiliations, socioeconomic condition, ecological setting, and food-based trade relations (Abrahams 2001; Brown and

Mussell 2001). Ultimately, the study of dietary patterns allows scholars to place diet within a broader sociopolitical context, revealing social cohesion, differentiation, and fusion.

An important aspect of food as a culturally meaningful product is that meals can communicate solidarity and exclusion, where eating together can mark communal sharing and social participation. For example, household members commonly eat around the hearth or table, a tradition which is profoundly important historically and in many communities around the world today (Anderson 2014). These shared foods and food practices can have ritual significance and even sacred power (Few 2005; Parker Pearson 2008:92). Many cultures go to considerable lengths to obtain culturally significant foods, at times ignoring nutritionally valuable food 20 sources close at hand. Meanwhile, food taboos reflect how ideologies and beliefs can shape dietary practices and a sense of social belonging, even if it means avoiding nutritionally-dense comestibles (Fox 2003).

While shared eating habits may serve as a marker of community identity and belonging, differentiated dietary practices can also communicate social, cultural, and economic distinctions

(Dunn 2011; Levenstein 2002; Mintz 1996; Wilks 2006). For example, the access and consumption of particular foods can index differentiated social classes, ethnicities, values, livelihood practices, and ecological settings (Anderson 2014; Fox 2003). Social inequality impacts diet and nutritional intake across social hierarchies. In many cultures around the world, including ancient Mesoamerica, elites have often had access to different and more nutritionally dense foods than their lower status counterparts (Anderson 2014; Few 2005; Lamb, et al. 2014;

Parker Pearson 2008; Shroeder, et al. 2009; White, et al. 1993).

Although diets are often embedded in shared cultural patterns and understandings, they cannot be separated from the social hierarchies and ecological realities which may restrict the availability of foodstuffs. From an ecological standpoint, people have historically consumed varying comestibles based on their environments. For example, people who live near bodies of water often eat higher quantities of marine foods in comparison to groups living inland (Richards and Hedges 1999).

However, food preferences and consumption patterns are rarely restricted to the foods available within a group’s immediate environment (Anderson 2014). People have historically traded varying foods with distant communities (Anderson 2014; Kalčik 2001). The trade and exchange of foods (such as seeds or grains) between distant places has contributed to expand and enrich people’s diets. Thus, on some occasions, cultural preferences for specific foods can persist 21 after people migrate to ecologically and culturally different areas. Nevertheless, dietary patterns can change and be abruptly ruptured, not only by migration but also by environmental or social catastrophes, such as droughts that cause crop failures and wars that destroy subsistence bases

(Anderson 2014; Freidel, et al. 2011; Lentz, et al. 2014).

In the archaeological study of food consumption, stable isotopes of carbon (13C) and nitrogen (15N) have been used to examine dietary patterns in ancient Mesoamerican cultures

(Blake, et al. 1992; Gerry 1993; Gerry 1997; Reed 1994; Scherer, et al. 2007; Schwarcz 1991;

Tykot 2004; Tykot, et al. 1996; White 1999; Whittington and Reed 1998; Wright 2006; Wright, et al. 2010). In the Maya area, the relationship between diet, inequality, and political centralization is presumed to occur when elite individuals enjoy greater access to certain foods in comparison to commoners (Pohl 1990; Reed 1994; White and Schwarcz 1989; White, et al.

1993). There are many lines of evidence to support this idea. At Copan, the paleobotanical remains are more diverse in high-status contexts, suggesting that commoners did not have access to the same variety of fruits and vegetables (Lentz 1991). At Ceibal, a very early and small zooarchaeological sample was used to argue that elites ate three times more meat than did non- elites (Pohl 1990). Certain isotopic studies seem to support the notion that there were elite individuals in the Maya area who had more nutrient-dense dietary practices, consisting of greater amounts of animal protein (Reed 1994; White and Schwarcz 1989; White, et al. 1993) and corn

(Chase, et al. 2001:116; White, et al. 2001). Nevertheless, some isotopic analyses in the Maya area have shown that the pattern of social inequality as reflected by carbon and nitrogen isotopes may not be universal because, on some occasions, elite and non-elite groups had similar diets

(Chase, et al. 2001; Gerry 1993).

Social Inequalities, Migrations and External Relations

Migrations are an important part of human history. Since the human ancestors left Africa, our species has been constantly moving. Either by land or sea, humans have been able to conquer and adapt to live in unusual places such as remote islands, deserts, or exceedingly cold regions.

Wherever groups of people go, with them, they carry not only their own foods, but also their language, beliefs, technology, and other cultural practices that often can be difficult to identify in the archaeological record. With the development of stable isotope analysis, such as oxygen, strontium, and lead, scholars have been able to produce new insights about ancient migrations

(Arberg, et al. 1998; Price, et al. 2010; Sharpe, et al. 2016; Wright 2012).

Like diet, the study of migration and external relations is important for analyzing processes of political centralization and social inequality (Farrington, et al. 2013; Fernández-

Götz, et al. 2014; Flannery and Marcus 2012; Price and Feinman 2010). By studying places of origin and cultural landscapes, scholars can begin identifying and differentiating ethnic groups, social class, lifestyles, dietary practices, ecological relations, and other social complexities of ancient populations (Stoffle 2003). Besides, by analyzing the influence of migration and external relations, it becomes possible to study how external relations contributed to cultural, dietary, and political changes (Anderson 2014; Kurin, et al. 2014; Shroeder, et al. 2009; Tung and Knudson

2011).

In the Maya area, important questions in this regard include how the relationship with the

Olmec region affected the development and spread of cultural changes during the Early and

Middle Preclassic. Innovations during this period include the emergence of sedentary communities, public architecture, art style, the spread of full-scale agriculture, and an increase in political centralization and social inequalities. Some scholars view the Gulf Coast Olmec groups 23 as the source of those cultural innovations (Clark and Hansen 2001; Coe 1977), whereas other researchers have argued that the Maya had limited influence from the Olmecs (Estrada-Belli

2011; Hansen 2005). Recent studies favor the idea that the development of lowland Maya civilization did not result from a one-directional influence by Olmec cultures, but from external relations involving groups from the southern Gulf Coast, Chiapas, the Pacific Coast and the southwestern Maya lowlands (Inomata, et al. 2013).

It is possible that some centers in the Maya lowlands were politically centralized by the

Late Preclassic period (Coe 1965; Estrada-Belli 2006; Saturno, et al. 2005). Nevertheless, historically known dynasties appear only to have emerged during the Terminal Preclassic and the

Early Classic periods. In some cases, the origin of those early dynastic groups probably developed through connections with the established groups of the central lowlands. For instance,

Tikal appears to have spread its political influence on Ceibal and other parts of the Pasión region during the Early Classic period (Inomata, et al. 2017; Martin and Grube 2008; Woodfill 2012).

For the Late Classic period, there is more evidence and information about external relations, migrations, and political centralization in the Maya area. For example, the monument inscriptions and archaeological record show that on some occasions, the arrival of foreign groups could be related to dynastic disruptions, political breakdowns, and increasing levels of social inequality (Inomata 1997; Martin and Grube 2008). In other cases, the arrival of non-locals could have the potential to strengthen local dynasties and political centralization. There are inscriptions indicating that there were Maya queens who were sent far from their place of origin to be married into other dynasties to forge political alliances (Martin and Grube 2008). Such diplomatic contacts could be crucial during warfare and economic affairs. 24

During the Terminal Classic period, many ruling elites were starting to decline in the

Maya lowlands. Nevertheless, monumental inscriptions and bioarchaeological evidence show that external relations, migrations, social inequalities, and political centralization continued in the region (Cucina 2013; Inomata and Triadan 2013; Martin and Grube 2008; Scherer 2007). During these times, a small number of cities, including Ceibal and Tonina, experienced a period of revival before their final collapse. Some scholars believe that the Terminal Classic collapse was caused by different combinations of factors, such as environmental destruction, droughts, and the intensifications of warfare (Demarest, et al. 1997; Haug, et al. 2003; Hodell, et al. 2001; Kennett, et al. 2012).

Some warfare events have the potential to produce movements of people and changes in political systems, in addition to the development of social hierarchies (Carneiro 1970; Earle

1997; Inomata 2004; Kurin, et al. 2014; Tung and Knudson 2011). Ethnohistorical sources and hieroglyphic inscriptions show that there was a ritual element attached to Mesoamerican warfare, which was often connected to captives and human sacrifice. On many occasions, sacrificed victims were non-local individuals who were captured during battles with contemporary communities (Berdan and Rieff Anawalt 1997; Chinchilla 2005; Friedel, et al. 1993; Isaac 1983;

Martin and Grube 2008; Schele and Miller 1986; Serafin, et al. 2014). Some isotopic data seems to support the idea that in ancient Mesoamerica, non-local individuals were often captured to be sacrificed. At Kaminaljuyu, many of the individuals interred as decapitated skulls or in ritual deposits show non-local stable oxygen and strontium isotope ratios (Wright et al. 2010:175). At

Teotihuacan, possible sacrificial victims have a non-local origin (White, et al. 2007).

Nevertheless, on some occasions, the sacrificed individuals can have a local isotopic signature

(White, et al. 2002; White, et al. 2007). Thus, we cannot discount the possibility that some 25 sacrificial victims were taken from the local community or nearby places (Cucina and Tiesler

2007; Palomo, et al. 2017).

Research Sample

The Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project uncovered 81 burials with a minimum of

96 individuals. The burials were excavated from 2006 to 2017 by the Ceibal-Petexbatun

Archaeological Project. Of these 96 individuals, 84 were sampled to conduct the stable isotope analysis (Table 1.3). These samples include three burials date to the Early Preclassic period

(1100 BC). For the Early Middle Preclassic (Real-Xe 3 phase, see Table 1.1), the time of the spread of sedentary life in the Maya area, I sampled five individuals. For the Late Middle

Preclassic (Escoba 1/2 phase) I sampled 11 individuals. The sample size for the Late Middle

Preclassic to Late Preclassic Transition (Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 phase) consists of a minimum number of 12 individuals. The Late Preclassic (Cantutse 2/3 phase) sample include seven individuals. Many of the skeletons dating to these periods (Escoba to Cantuse phase) were incomplete, and had cut marks, suggesting probable sacrificial acts and warfare events (Palomo et al. 2017). The sample sizes for the Terminal Preclassic (Xate phase) and Early Classic (Junco

1 phase) consist of a minimum number of seven individuals. The Early Classic (Junco 2/4) consists of a minimum number of nine individuals. This is the time when historically known dynasties appear to have emerged at Ceibal. For the Late Classic (Tepijelote), I sampled a minimum number of 20 individuals. For the Terminal Classic (Bayal), a time of revival before their final collapse at Ceibal, a minimum number of 10 individuals were sampled.

Sampling Methods: Enamel and Collagen

For each of the 84 sampled individuals, when possible, I sampled an upper first molar

(M1) and a third molar (M3) to analyze the childhood life of Ceibal residents. Enamel mineralizes in the upper M1 from approximately six months after birth and completes around age four, providing an early childhood signal for approximately the first four years of life. The third molar (M3), begins to calcify at around age nine and the enamel crown will be completed around age 13 (Ubelaker 1989). By analyzing oxygen, strontium or lead isotopes in M3 and M1, it is possible to examine if the individuals moved across different areas and if their diet significantly changed during the first four and thirteen years of life. Nevertheless, not all Ceibal skeletons are well preserved, and many of the skeletons are incomplete (e.g. sacrificial burials). In those cases,

I sampled any available teeth. Enamel samples were used to explore the place of origin and diet during the earliest years of an individual’s life. However, to explore the dietary patterns of adult and juvenile individuals before death, bone collagen was used. Thus, for the analysis of carbon and nitrogen isotopes in bone collagen, when possible, I sampled fragments of femurs which are thought to represent an average of at least ten years of isotopic concentrations before death in adults. In young adults (18 to 25 years old) femur samples may include some bone material produced during adolescence (Hedges, et al. 2007). No apatite analysis of carbon was conducted.

Dissertation Outline

Chapter 2 of this dissertation provides a background and literature review on the archeological research conducted in Mesoamerica and Ceibal. The goal of this literature review is to contextualize and compare the results of Ceibal burials to other neighboring areas emphasizing social inequalities, external relations, and political changes. Chapter 3, describes the 27 methodology used during the osteological analysis. The analysis of burials requires accurate identification of the skeletal elements contained in the graves. Demographic characteristics must be known to analyze the structure and distribution of ancient Ceibal residents and if there are any spatial or temporal changes in the populations in response to changes in diet, migration, increased births, and non-natural deaths. The paleodemographic analysis requires careful discussion and consideration to understand the cultural processes (e.g. different internment practices) that potentially impacted the population under study. Chapter 4 discusess the social dimension of Ceibal burial rituals, focusing on some of the challenges and theoretical approaches that can be useful for analyzing the mortuary patterns at Ceibal.

Chapter 5 describes the methods and theoretical foundations of the isotopic analysis of nitrogen, carbon, oxygen, strontium, and lead in archaeological studies with special focus on

Mesoamerica. This chapter will discuss the methods and laboratory procedures used during the laboratory analysis. Chapter 6 discusses in more detail the isotopic and bioarcheological background and the research questions. In this chapter, I divide the research questions into six different hypotheses tied to specific periods. Chapters 7 and 8 provide a detailed discussion about previous isotopic research in Mesoamerica while also discussing the final results of the multi-isotopic analysis at Ceibal. Chapter 7 focuses on dietary aspects and will discuss the carbon and nitrogen results. Chapter 8 will discuss the migration patterns reflected in the oxygen, strontium, and lead analysis.

The last chapter presents the conclusions and integrates the results of the laboratory analysis into an archaeological context, while also discussing the fundamental issues of the study. This section will asses how increased levels of social inequality and political centralization are tied to diversity in diet, migrations, and external relations. The present research 28 demonstrates that in the time of political growth and centralization, there was an increase in individuals migrating to Ceibal from the Maya lowlands. There were also different dietary patterns observed at Ceibal during the Early Preclassic and Late Preclassic period, which could be connected to the transition from a mobile to a more sedentary lifestyle, while not necessarily to increased levels of social inequalities and political centralization. Nevertheless, the dietary patterns observed at the end of the Terminal Preclassic, Early, Late Classic, and Terminal Classic might be different from previous periods and could be connected to the development of social inequalities and the intensification of maize agriculture.

Figure 1.1. Map of the Maya lowlands with the location of some sites mentioned in the text. 30

Table 1.1. Chronological chart showing the ceramic phases of Ceibal and other Maya sites (Inomata et al. 2017:4). 31

Table 1.2. Ceibal Petexbatun Archaeological Project Burials. Notes for table: TO = tabular oblique; TE = tabular erect; F = female; M = male; Str. = structure; No obs. = not observable. YA= young adult. MA= middle adult. OA= old adult. Ind.=individual; MNI= minimum number of individuals.

Table 1.3. Showing the 84 sampled individuals for the multi-isotopic analysis. C=carbon, N=nitrogen, O=oxygen, Sr=strontium, and Pb=lead. Due to erosion issues, some of the human remains did not yield isotopic content.

CHAPTER 2

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CEIBAL AND THE MAYA LOWLANDS

This chapter contextualizes Ceibal’s history and its connections to other contemporaneous Mesoamerican sites, emphasizing the development of social inequalities, centralization, external relations, dietary patterns, and political changes. Ceibal is located in the southern part of the Maya lowlands (Figure 1.1). The site was constructed in a strategic position near the Pasión River. The Pasion River and its tributaries connects many neighboring archeological Maya sites, such as Dos Pilas, Aguateca, Altar de Sacrificios, Tamarindito, and

Arroyo de Piedra. In the archaeological literature, this area is known as the Pasión region.

Among the archaeological sites found in the Pasión region, Ceibal is the one with the longest history. With an occupation that lasted almost two thousand years (1,100 B.C.-A.D. 930), the ancient Maya center of Ceibal offers an important opportunity to expand and reevaluate our knowledge of how increasing political centralization and social inequality are reflected in diet and migration patterns.

Early Preclassic: The Preceramic Population at Ceibal (1100 BC)

Various lines of evidence such as lake sediment data that show forest disturbance, maize pollen, preserved maize cobs, and isotopic data suggest the possibility that from around 2000 BC to1000 BC the Maya lowlands were occupied by small mobile groups of people who consumed moderates amounts of maize (Anselmetti et al. 2007, Dunning et al. 1997, Kennet et al. 2017,

Kennet et al, 2020, Vaughan et al. 1985, Wahl et al. 2006, 2007, 2013). Nevertheless, little is known about preceramic populations in the central Maya lowlands, because such archaeological 34 contexts of this period are rare and difficult to find because of the region’s tropical ecology.

Most of the evidence of preceramic occupation comes from northern Belize (Rosenswig 2004), with additional data coming from central and southern Belize (Lohse 2010). Recent investigations at Ceibal by Inomata and colleagues (Inomata, et al. 2015a; Inomata, et al. 2015b) have suggested that semi-mobile groups co-existed with more sedentary ones for some centuries after the initial introduction of ceramics.

Excavations and radiocarbon dates of skeletal remains show that preceramic individuals were living in the Ceibal area (Figure 1.1), during the Early Preclassic period. Four skeletons dating to around 1100-1000 BC. Those human remains were found in an outlying periphery residential group near Ceibal’s Group A (Burham 2019). These four individuals were buried in the marl layer and do not have any grave goods or associated contemporaneous architectural features, such as floors or walls.

The population density in the Maya area during the Early Preclassic was probably low in comparison to later periods. These groups likely lived a semi-mobile lifestyle, residing in caves, rock shelters, temporary shelters, or structures made of perishable materials. It is believed that populations predating 1000 BC combined gathering, hunting, fishing, and cultivation of maize and other cultivars. However, little is known about their social organization, settlement systems, and relations with other groups (Blake, et al. 1992; Kennett, et al. 2020; Pohl, et al. 1996).

The Middle Preclassic at Ceibal: Real and Escoba 1 and 2 Phases (1000 - 450 BC)

The Middle Preclassic period was characterized by the emergence and spread of sedentary villages in the Maya lowlands, including the archaeological sites of Ceibal (Inomata

2012), Cuello (Hammond 1999), and Blackman Eddy (Garber 2004). Some scholars have argued 35 that the adoption of ceramics first appeared in the Maya lowlands of the Belize area around 1200

BC (Garber, et al. 2004; Hammond 1999). However, based on the analysis of exiting radiocarbon dates of Preclassic Maya sites, Lohse (2010) and Inomata (Inomata 2017a; Inomata 2017b) have independently suggested that the use of ceramics in the Maya lowlands before 1000 BC remains uncertain. Nevertheless, despite these diverging ideas about the dates on the adoption of the earliest ceramics, it seems that the Maya lowlands adopted ceramics some centuries later than surrounding areas, such as the valley of Mexico, Oaxaca, the Gulf Coast, the Pacific Coast, and

Northern Mexico (Clark and Cheetham 2002).

The earliest ceramics and public architecture appear at Ceibal during the early Middle

Preclassic period. Ceramics found at the site, Real pottery dating to 1,000-700 BC, represents one of the earliest ceramic complexes in the Maya lowlands (Inomata et al. 2013).

Excavations at Ceibal show that the site has an Early Middle Preclassic E-Group with many axe caches made of jade and green stones. In some cases, those greenstone axe caches were oriented in a cruciform pattern, similar to those found in other Preclassic sites such as San

Isidro, Chiapa de Corzo, and the Olmec site of La Venta (Clark and Hansen 2001; Inomata

2012). These findings suggest that Ceibal’s inhabitants had close interactions with groups from the southern Gulf Coast and Chiapas during the Preclassic period (Inomata 2012).

Archeological evidence suggests that Ceibal began as a ceremonial center as reflected by the early E- Group and the lack of Early and Middle Preclassic residential structures. The early public plaza and the rituals at Ceibal show that social differentiation possibly began before the construction of residential buildings. Public rituals at Ceibal were probably attended by a semi- mobile people and may have provided one of the earliest attempts in the southern Maya lowlands for political centralization (Inomata, et al. 2015a; Inomata, et al. 2015b; Inomata, et al. 2013). 36

For the Early Middle Preclassic Real 3 period, there is a sample of at least seven skeletons at Ceibal. By this time some individuals were buried in public structures (such as the

E-Group) and others outside the main group in pits dug in the marl layer. Currently, evidence of residential buildings or groups dating to the Early Middle Preclassic periods at Ceibal is scare.

The early burial samples at Ceibal contrast with those found in Belizean sites, where burials associated with architectural features are present at least in the Bladen phase (800-600 BC) at

Cuello (Hammond 1999) and possibly during the Early Chaak’k’ax phase (750-600 BC) at

K’axob (McAnany 2004). In Belize, where there were well-established Archaic populations before 1000 BC, the occupants may have developed a high degree of sedentism during the early

Middle Preclassic period, whereas the transition to full sedentism may have been slower at

Ceibal (Inomata 2015a, Inomata 2015b).

Evidence of social inequalities also started to appear at other sites of the Maya area, such as Cuello and Copan. Dating to around 1000-850 BC at Copan, at least 3 individuals were found with significant amounts of jade and carved vessels with Preclassic iconography (Davis-Salazar

2007).At Cuello, dating to at least the Bladen phase (800-600 B.C.), there are individuals who were buried with elaborate grave goods, which include ceramic vessels, jade, greenstone, red ocher, chert tools and ground stones (Hammond 1999). Considering that not all the individuals dating to the Middle Preclassic period have access to jade and elaborate grave goods, it is possible that some emerging elite started to appear in some areas of the Maya lowlands.

Another important characteristic of these periods is that possible elites tombs started to appear in the Mesoamerican archeological record. For instance, at the site Chiapa de Corzo, during the Escalera Phase (750-500 BC), the residents of the site appear to have begun burying their dead in important structures, such as the E-Group. Possible elite burials were found in 37

Mound 11. The west building of the Chiapa de Corzo E-Group contains at least 3 skeletons covered by red ocher, and they had luxurious offerings, such as around a thousand nice, well- made jade beads, obsidian artifacts, a hematite mirror, shells, pearls, and vessels (Lowe 2012).

These individuals may represent some of the earliest examples of elite burials in important structures such as the E-Group.

Possible elite burials also dating to around 700 B.C. were also found at La Venta. Most of these possible elite burials have been classified as “offerings”. It is likely that, because of the tropical weather, no human remains were found in association with the jade jewelry and stone axes that were uncovered in these deposits (Drucker 1952; Drucker, et al. 1959). Nevertheless, by looking at the position of the jade earspools and beads, for instance in Tomb C and E

(Drucker 1952:69 Plate 13), it is possible that those artifacts (which include jade axes, beads, necklaces, bracelets, earspools, figurines, and bloodletters), form part of the funerary grave goods and belonged to privileged persons whose bones vanished due to the local tropical environment.

Isotopic evidence from Maya sites located in the north of Belize such as Cuello, Kaxob, and Lamanai, indicates that during the Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic period, people had access to moderate quantities of corn. Although maize consumption seems to have started to become a popular staple, the nitrogen isotopic data also indicate that meat and aquatic resources continued to be an important part of the Middle and Late Preclassic Maya diet (Henderson 2003;

Tykot, et al. 1996; White and Schwarcz 1989).

Middle Preclassic-Late Preclassic transition (Escoba 3-Cantutse1) and Late Preclassic (Cantutse

2/3) Periods at Ceibal (450-75 BC)

An emphasis on pyramid constructions supports the idea that there was a growth of political centralization during the Middle Preclassic-Late Preclassic transition and Late

Preclassic periods at Ceibal. During these periods the Ceibal residents developed closer connections with other Preclassic lowland Maya groups. Simultaneously, evidence of social inequalities started to appear in the bioarchaeological record at the site. While some individuals were buried with a variety of funerary grave goods (for instance burial CB104), other individuals were with one or two artifacts. Dating around the same time, there we found an increase in the possible sacrificial victims excavated from Ceibal Central Plaza (Palomo, et al. 2017). The skeletons were buried in the central axis of the E-Group, with some of the individuals buried in a cruciform pattern, similar to some of the Real 3 greenstone celt caches. The pattern observed in the assemblage of these possible sacrificial victims implies that there was a shift in the common form of ritual deposits in public plazas from greenstone celt caches to possible sacrificial individuals buried with obsidian cores and ceramic vessels. Human sacrifice appears to have become an important theme of the public ritual during the Late Preclassic, which may be related to the intensification of warfare (Inomata 2014).

Mass and single disarticulated skeletons began to appear during these periods in public ceremonial spaces such as plazas and structures. For instance, at Ceibal during the Late Middle

Preclassic to Late Preclassic transition, around 15 dismembered individuals including male adults and children were found in the Central Plaza (Palomo 2013; Palomo 2019; Palomo, et al.

2017). At Cuellos in Belize , several interments, including two mass burials with more than 50 disarticulated skeletons, were found (Hammond 1999; Robin and Hammond 1991). Other sites 39 with evidence of mass burials that date to this time peirod include Altun Ha (Pendergast, et al.

1979), Los Mangales (Sharer and Sedat 1987), the several sites in the Northwest Yucatan

(Serafin, et al. 2014), Kaminaljuyu (López 1993; Velásquez 1993), Chalchuapa (Fowler 1984),

Andres Semetabaj (Shook et al 1979), La Libertad (Clark et al. 1994) and Chiapa de Corzo

(Clark 2016).

During the Late Preclassic period, defensive features started to appear in the Maya lowlands and other parts of Mesoamerica. At Becan in Campeche, part of the site was enclosed by a moat and wall system that probably dates to the Late Preclassic period (Webster 1976).

Other sites that have moats and walls that might have been used for defensive purposes include

Cerros, Etzna located in Belize, and some sites in the El Mirador area in Guatemala (Hansen, et al. 2006; Inomata and Triadan 2009; Matheny 1983; Scarborough 1983). The increasing trend in sacrificial burials and defensive architectural features (such as walls and moats) supports the idea that during the end of the Middle Preclassic and the Late Preclassic, there was an increase of warfare in many of the Mayan centers (Inomata 2014).

Evidence of elites was also observed in the Maya area. For instance, the murals from San

Bartolo that date to around 100 BC describe the enthronization of an important individual

(Saturno, et al. 2005; Taube, et al. 2010). At Tikal, a burial with many grave goods (Burial 85) dating to around 90 BC, was found. Some scholars believe this burial belongs to an early king from Tikal (Martin and Grube 2008; Welsh 1988). In addition, through an analysis of mortuary treatments and grave goods observed in several sites of the Maya area, Weiss-Krejci and Culbert

(1995) argue that elite tomb burials, clearly different from other burials, began in the Late

Preclassic. According to them, the set of elements that sets these burials apart continued through the Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic with little change at the Preclassic/Classic transition. 40

Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic: Xate and Junco Phases (75 BC-DC 600)

There was a decline in construction activity starting in the Catutse - Xate transition (75

BC) at Ceibal. At the beginning of the Xate phase, construction activity in Group A of Ceibal declined and an important focus of elite activity appears to have shifted to Group D located on a steep hill. Another major decline occurred (around AD 300) at the end of the Junco 1 phase.

During these periods the evidence of high-status individuals continued to appear in other sites of the Maya area (Martin and Grube 2008). Probably before AD 378, a new wave of possible elites started to emerge. In a palace at the Maya site of Holmul, the disarticulated skeletons of more than 13 individuals with around 74 ceramic vessels as grave goods were found

(Callaghan 2013; Merwin and Vaillant 1932). Based on the archaeological context scholars suggest that these tombs were reopened and the bones disturbed more than once(Callaghan

2013).

Archaeological evidence and epigraphic and iconographic data suggestthe arrival of

Teotihuacanos into the central Maya lowlands around AD 378 (Martin and Grube 2008). At the archeological site of Punta de Chimino located in the Pextexbatun area, near Ceibal (Figure 1.1),

Bachand (2010) found evidence that Punta de Chimino was abandoned soon after the introduction of ceramic styles related to Teotihuacan. He suggests that the Teotihuacan styles probably did not come directly from the Mexican center, but from the central part of the Maya lowlands. According to Inomata (2011), a similar process may have happened at Ceibal.

At Ceibal, a Late Classic text mentions an Early Classic ruler, K’an Mo’ Bahlam, reigning around AD 415. It could be possible that the Ceibal dynasty originated some decades after of the Early Classic decline. Soon after the reign K’an Mo’ Bahlam, Ceibal experience 41 another decline, in which the entire settlement was mostly abandoned (Inomata 2012; Sabloff

1975).

During the Early Classic periods, isotopic evidence from Uaxactun, Holmul, Altar de

Sacrificios, Ceibal, Dos Pilas, Barton Ramie, Baking Pot, and Copan suggests that maize agriculture became important for the subsistent of Maya communities. This pattern continued into the Late Classic. (Gerry 1993; Gerry 1997; Gerry and Krueger 1997; Wright 2006).

Late Classic Period: Tepijelote Phase (AD 600-810)

During the Classic Period the practice of burying high-status individuals inside pyramids or palaces was well established in the Maya area (Fitzsimmons 2009). During this period many stelas were made, commemorating the life and death of important kings and queens. In some cases, the burials had vessels or carved artifacts with glyphs and iconographic motifs that identified them as divine Maya rulers (Martin and Grube 2008).

During the Late Classic period, with population growth and more construction activities,

Ceibal became a vibrant center again. However, in AD 735 the king of Ceibal, Yich’aak Bahlam, was captured by the ruler of Dos Pilas-Aguateca (Martin and Grube 2008). As a result of this event, Ceibal appears to have been controlled by the Dos Pilas-Aguateca dynasty for a few decades. Construction and economic activity declined significantly during this period. After the decline of Dos Pilas around AD 761, Ceibal was governed by an individual named Ajaw Bot, who was unclear origin, but his reign also ended soon after AD 800 (Inomata and Triadan 2013;

Martin and Grube 2008).

The epigraphic and archaeological evidence from the Late Classic period shows that many major centers were engaged in warfare (Demarest, et al. 1997; Martin and Grube 2008). 42

The Maya recorded narratives of their warfare practices on many monuments and hieroglyphs.

Many monuments depict warriors with shields, spears, and captives. The Late Classic hieroglyphic inscriptions describe many warfare events and warrior elites being taken as captives. Scholars agree that those monuments were based on historical conflicts (Houston 1993;

Martin and Grube 2008; Schele and Miller 1986). Ethnohistorical resources and hieroglyphic inscriptions show that there was a ritual element attached to Mesoamerican warfare, which is often connected to captives and human sacrifice (Berdan and Rieff Anawalt 1997; Chinchilla

2005; Friedel, et al. 1993; Isaac 1983; Schele and Miller 1986).

Terminal Classic Period: Bayal Phase (AD 810-950)

Significant social changes marked the Terminal Classic period. Many centers in the southern Maya lowlands were abandoned because of a combination of factors that include, warfare events, droughts, and over exploitation of the natural resources (Barrientos and Demarest

2007; Coe 2011; Demarest, et al. 1997; Hodell, et al. 2001; Hodell, et al. 1995). Nevertheless, during this period Ceibal was revived as one of the most powerful cities in the region. A new king, who was probably named Aj Bolon Ha’btal Wat’ul K’atel, came to Ceibal in AD 829. He erected magnificent stelae associated with a ceremony held in AD 849 (Martin and Grube 2008).

The epigraphic studies suggest that the emergence of this new king was “supervise” (or connected) by a foreign King from the Maya site of Ucanal, located in the southeast Peten near the border with Belize (Martin and Grube 2008: 227). Nevertheless, subsequent hieroglyphic inscriptions and iconographic depictions in stone monuments at Ceibal support the idea that at the end of the Terminal Classic, the site had closer interactions with contemporary non-Maya groups from Mexico (Houston and Inomata 2009; Kowalski 1998; Martin and Grube 2008). 43

For years the Mesoamerican scholars have been arguing whether if the Ceibal Classic period population growth was a result of local migrations from nearby sites (Wright 1994) or if resulted from non-locals coming from distant Mexican places. During the 1960s and 1970s,

Sabloff and Willey (Sabloff 1973; Sabloff and Willey 1967) proposed a foreign invasion theory that by A.D. 830, Non-Classic Maya groups likely coming from Mexico invaded Ceibal and

Altar de Sacrificios. However, none of the recent bioarcheological studies (Cucina 2013, Cucina et al. 2015, Scherer 2007, Wright 1994, 2006) show evidence of migrants from Central Mexico at Ceibal, thus many scholars think that such invasions are unlikely at Ceibal.

During the Terminal Classic, possible sacrificial burials started to appear again in the bioarcheological record. At Ceibal a mass burial with a minimum number of 12 individuals, who were possibly beheaded, was found (Tourttellot 1990, Wright 2006). Possible sacrificial burials appear in other contemporary sites. At Cancuen, excavators found a sacrificed elite burial containing a minimum number of 30 individuals, dating to around AD 800, immediately before the final abandonment of the site (Barrientos and Demarest 2007). Other places with Terminal

Classic possible sacrificial burials dating to this period include Colha (Massey and Steele 1997) and the Northwest of Yucatan (Serafin, et al. 2014). After this last cycle of population growth and possible increase of militarism, the Ceibal dynasty gradually declined, and the last recorded date at the site corresponds to A.D. 889 (Graham 1996). Ceibal was deserted soon after this date.

CHAPTER 3

THE DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE

The analysis of burials requires accurate identification of the skeletal elements contained in the graves and interments. The estimation of age at death and sex in ancient Maya human remains is not an easy task. The extensive rainy season and humid tropical climate of the Maya lowlands affect bone preservation. It is common to find erosion on the ancient human remains.

However, by using a combination of archaeological techniques and lab analysis, scholars can recover fragments of information about ancient peoples’ lives. Demographic characteristics must be known to analyze the biographic profile of the ancient residents of Ceibal, and if there are any spatial or temporal changes in the populations in response to changes in diet, migration, increased births, and non-natural deaths. The paleodemographic analysis requires careful discussion and consideration to understand the cultural processes (e.g., different mortuary practices or warfare) that potentially impacted the population under study.

Methodology: Osteological Analysis

The osteological analysis of the human remains recovered by the Ceibal Petexbatun

Archaeological Project was conducted during each summer from 2009 to 2018 (Palomo 2009;

Palomo 2010; Palomo 2014; Palomo 2019). For adult skeletons, sex was estimated by analyzing the morphological features of the skull and pelvis (Bass 1987; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994;

Steele and Bramblett 1988). To identify sex from a cranium, the form of the mastoid process, nuchal crest, and supraorbital ridges were emphasized. When present, the mental area and the gonial angle of the mandible were also analyzed. For the pelvis, when present, the form of the 45 greater sciatic notch and the pubis region were emphasized (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994;

Phenice 1969). In some cases, it was possible to infer sex by the size of postcranial bones through comparison with data previously collected from burials found in the Pasión River region

(Wright 1996; Wright 2006) and in Tipu, Belize (Wrobel, et al. 2002).

I estimated age at death using a variety of skeletal markers of development and degeneration of skeletal elements. For example, juveniles’ ages were estimated from dental development and eruption, following the standards developed by Ubelaker (1989) for Native

Americans in North America, which are similar to the teeth eruption and developmental patterns in the Maya area (Steggerda and Hill 1942; Wright 2006). For those juvenile skeletons from which teeth were not recovered, age at death was estimated by the measurement of long bones and by analyzing the epiphyseal union and fusion in the long bones (Buikstra and Ubelaker

1994; Schaefer, et al. 2009).

To estimate the age of death of adult skeletons, a variety of techniques (Buikstra and

Ubelaker 1994) were used depending on skeletal preservation. Pubic symphyseal morphology was studied using the system developed by Suchey-Brooks and colleagues (Katz and Suchey

1986; Suchey, et al. 1979). The auricular surface morphology was examined using the method developed by Lovejoy and colleagues (1985). When skulls were present, the ectocranial sutures were analyzed using the system developed by Meindl and Lovejoy (1985).

In adult teeth, age at death was inferred by examining the degree of dental wear, following previous studies by Lori Wright in the Pasión River region (Wright 1996; Wright

2006). “Young adults” refers to individuals between 20 and 34-years-old, “middle adults” to those between 35 and 50-years-old, and “old adults” to those older than 50-years-old. Based on dental growth development (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994; Ubelaker 1989), individuals who did 46 not reach adulthood were classified into three categories: juveniles (from 11 to 19-years old), children (6 to 10-years-old), and infants (0 to 5-years old). It is important to emphasize that these categories represent relative and approximate ages. There were some human remains in a bad state of preservation. In those cases, it was not possible to establish age or sex. The category

“unknown” was used for those skeletons.

When present, cranial deformations were analyzed using the criteria described Romano

(1974) and Tiesler (2010). Dental decorations and alterations were analyzed using the classification system developed by Romero Molina (1986).

Bone surfaces were examined for natural and intentional cut marks. When anthropogenic marks were found, they were recorded according to location and concentration, following the criteria described by White (1992). A taphonomic analysis was employed to distinguish different patterns of postmortem body treatment and perimortem acts of violence.

For the analysis of the skeletons uncovered by the Harvard Archaeological Project, the different publications of fieldwork and osteological analyses were carefully examined (Tourtellot

1990, Wright 2006). On the other hand, for the skeletons uncovered by the Ceibal-Petexbatun

Archaeological Project I had the opportunity to excavate some of the burials and to examine the field notes. Information on the original disposition (for example, primary or secondary, flexed or extended, etc.) of each burial was assigned after a careful examination during fieldwork, and with the help of in situ photographs and drawings made by archaeologists at the time of the excavation.

Natural Death and Sacrificial Victims at Ceibal

Previous excavations by the Harvard Project in the 1960s indicate that there are collective burials with possible sacrificial victims at Ceibal (Palomo, et al. 2017; Tourtellot 1990). For this reason, it is important to discuss a common challenge that scholars debate: how to distinguish between sacrificial and natural death in ancient Maya burials. (Hammond 1999; McAnany 1995;

Robin and Hammond 1991; Weiss-Krejci 2011; Welsh 1988). Estella Weiss-Krejci (2011) argues that the cause and circumstance of death often directly influence the fate of the corpse.

For instance, from their moment of biological death, the body of a sacrificial victim taken in a war would most likely go through processes that are different than the body of somebody who died from a natural cause at home.

It is important to mention that not all the natural deaths or people who die at home have always a peaceful death. In some cases, accidents or diseases can produce painful deaths and leave severe marks on the human body.

In the Maya area, it is known that not all the sacrificial victims were taken during warfare. some ethnohistoric resources mention that on some occasion’s individuals volunteered themself for sacrificial activities, and sometimes infants and children were offered by their parents or relatives for the sacrificial rituals (Landa 1966).

Vera Tiesler (2007) proposes a set of attributes that help distinguish the cause of death.

She argues that assemblages of burials resulting from natural or accidental causes tend to include all ages of people, including infants, children, juveniles, and adults. Men and women without any evidence of violent death are expected to be found in a normal burial population. The predepositional body treatments expected in a natural death of important people include cinnabar applications, adornments, grave goods, and sometimes disarticulation of the bones. For 48 sacrificial contexts in the Maya area, Tiesler (2007) argues that there is a predominance of infants, teenagers, and young male adults. These skeletons may exhibit perimortem marks and anatomically abnormal positions of bones. Although the set of attributes described above provides important clues that can be helpful for researchers to make the distinction between natural and sacrificial death (Hurtado, et al. 2007; Palomo 2012; Palomo 2013; Tiesler 2007), it is not always possible to make generalizations. Weiss-Krejci (2005) argues that multiple disarticulated individuals and the lack of grave goods are not always related to sacrificial deaths and that no established commonly accepted criteria exist to distinguish between victims of human sacrifice and natural death. Disarticulated remains could be products of a variety of cultural practices such as body processing, storage, exhumation, collective reburials, looting, desecration, ritual use of bones, and sequential interments in collective crypts and caves, as well as rites of tomb reentry (Fitzsimmons 2009; McAnany 1995; Weiss-Krejci 2005)

I agree that making the distinction between natural and violent death can be problematic.

However, by analyzing various types of information, including articulation of the bones, age, and sex of the skeletons, burial reuse, and archaeological contexts, scholars can explore the cultural processes that may have impacted the human remains, providing insight into the cause of the death. There is ample evidence that human sacrifice did occur in ancient Mesoamerica, and its victims may have gone through different ritual processes than those from natural deaths (Tiesler

2007, Wesiss-Krejci 2011, Palomo et al. 2017). Therefore, the generalized patterns extracted from the previous studies briefly described above could be useful in the analysis of human remains if they are examined in the specific historical contexts of the different regions and periods.

Ceibal Bioarchaeological Samples

In total the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archeological Project (CPAP) uncovered 81 burials (Table

1.2) with a minimum number of 96 individuals (Palomo 2009; Palomo 2010; Palomo 2013;

Palomo 2014; Palomo 2019). In addition, previous excavations at Ceibal by the Harvard

Archeological Project (HAP) during the 1960s yielded a sample of 51 burials with a minimum number of 65 individuals (Tourtellot 1990; Wright 2006). The burials found by the Harvard

Project were enumerated from CB01 to CB51 (see Table 3.1), whereas those uncovered by the

Ceibal Project were assigned numbers from CB101 to CB177 (Table 1.2).

To complement and expand our understanding of demographic patterns at Ceibal, both skeletal series (the one excavated by Harvard and the one by the Ceibal Petexbatun project) will be combined for the following discussion on the demographic profile of the whole burial population from Ceibal. When combining the two series, there is a total of 132 burials at Ceibal with a minimum number of 161 individuals.

The Harvard Project (HAP) skeletal series dates mostly to the Late and Terminal Classic

Period. In contrast, most of the skeletons excavated by the Ceibal Petexbatun Archaeological

Project (CPAP) come from Preclassic contexts. This is partly due to the different research emphasis of the two projects. The earliest burials found in the combined sample are four possible

Preceramic individuals (Table 1.2) that date to the Early Preclassic period (around 1100 BC). For the Early Middle Preclassic (Real-Xe 3), there is a sample size of seven individuals. For the Late

Middle Preclassic (Escoba) there is a sample of 12 individuals (11 from the CPAP and 1 from

HAP see Tables 1.2 and 3.1). The sample size for the Late Middle Preclassic to Late Preclassic transition (Escoba 3/Cantutse 1) period consists of a minimum number of 15 individuals (14 from the CPAP and 1 from HAP). For the Late Preclassic (Cantutse) the sample is 10 individuals 50

(8 burials from the CPAP and 2 from the HAP). The sample sizes for the Terminal Preclassic

(Xate) and Early Classic (Junco 1) consist of a minimum number of nine individuals (six from the CPAP and 3 from the HAP). For the Early Classic (Junco 2/4) the sample is 11 individuals

(all burials from CPAP). For the Late Classic (Tepijelote), there is a sample of a minimum number of 44 individuals (22 come from the CPAP and 22 from the HAP). For the Terminal

Classic (Bayal) there is a sample of a minimum number of 49 individuals (13 individuals from the CPAP and 36 from the HAP). Thus, the total sample from both projects is 132 burials with a minimum number of 161 individuals.

Biographic Profile, Demographic Trends, and Sample Biases at Ceibal

The osteological results indicate that there is a predominance of male adults in most of the periods except for the Xate and Junco phases (Figure 3.1). The results also show that there is a peak of infants during the Escoba 1/2, and Escoba 3 - Cantuse 1 transition (Figure 3.2). These demographic trends are probably created due to a combination of mortuary and excavation biases. For example, the effect of mortuary bias can be seen during the Late Middle Preclassic

(Escoba) and the Late Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic transition (Escoba 3-Cantutse 1). A series of unusual interments dating to these periods were found in the central axis of the E-Group

(Figure 3.3), contributing to the peak of male adults in Figure 3.1 and infant bias in Figure 3.2.

Extensive excavations in the central Plaza and E-Group have provided substantial data on public mortuary rituals during the Preclassic period at Ceibal (Inomata 2014, Palomo et al. 2017).

However, mortuary practices in residential areas during the Early and Middle Preclassic period are not clear. The possibility that female osteological remains could be buried in residential

Preclassic contexts, not yet found by archaeologists cannot be discarded. 51

Another factor that may contribute to the sample bias toward male adults, is that a significant proportion of the Ceibal skeletons could not be sexed because of erosion and poor bone preservation. Also, in some periods, there is a greater number of young individuals, children, and infants, which cannot be sexed. It cannot be ruled out that female osteological remains may be among the adult remains with poor bone preservation and/or in the juvenile skeletons that could not be sexed.

For the Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic (Xate and Junco 1 phases), there is a sample of three females and three male adults. However, an interesting data point was found during the last part of the Early Classic Period (Junco 2/4), where there are five females (Figure

3.1 and Table 3.2) in the sample. This is the only period that has more female than male skeletons. The women dating to this period were recovered from residential areas, such as the structure A-2, and the East Court in Group A, and the Karinel Group (Figure 3.3).

A preponderance of male adults in the sample population also occurs in the subsequent

Late Classic period (Tepejilote phase, Figure 3.1). During this period, there is less evidence of public sacrifices in the bioarchaeological record. Most of the male adults dating to this period were recovered from residential funerary contexts (Palomo 2013, Tortellot 1990). However, even for the Classic period, when the practice of burying the dead under house floors was apparently well established, there is a need to discuss some important questions, such as: is every member of a family buried in the same domestic or monumental mausoleum? Do all people become ancestors? According to McAnany (1995:60) in the Maya worldview, not all deceased family members became ancestors, as the role of ancestors was likely reserved for leaders and other prominent members of the kin groups. It could be possible that many individuals were never 52 interred in a domestic or residential funerary context. Such practices could introduce potential gender and age biases into archaeological samples.

There is also an overabundance of male skeletons in the Terminal Classic sample. For this period, a single unusual deposit (Burial CB4), containing multiple possible sacrificial victims, contributed toward the sample bias of young and middle male adults (Tourtellot 1990,

Wright 2006).

The possibility that archaeological recovery methods may contribute to the sample bias cannot be ruled out. Fill deposits were not screened in all excavations by the Harvard

Archaeological Project. Burials reduced to dental fragments or small bones (such as vertebrae or phalanges) might not have been identified if there were no accompanying grave goods or architectural features. Most of the burials were uncovered by the Ceibal Petexbatun

Archeological project date to the Preclassic period. In contrast, most of the skeletal samples recovered by the Harvard Archeological Project date to the Classic period. The sample biases observed in the temporality of the burials recovered by both projects could also be related to the fact that the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project focused on Preclassic contexts and on excavating large platforms. On the other hand, the Harvard Archaeological Project focused on the Classic period contexts and the outlying and peripheral groups (Tourtellot 1990). The different focuses and methods of archaeological research can introduce sample biases. However, when combined, the different archaeological projects who worked at Ceibal (HAP and CPAP) conducted excavations in different groups and buildings from the site. Thus, as far as I can tell, there is no bias coming from the sampling strategy itself. The burials discussed in this research come from multiple contexts and buildings located in Group A, C, D, and in many outlying 53 groups. It does appear that I have a representative sample of individuals from different social statuses, period, and archaeological contexts.

The osteological analyses show that the quantities of skeletons belonging to the old adult category (older than 51 years) are consistently small or inexistent in all periods (Figure 3.2 and

Table 3.3). According to other demographic profiles in the Maya lowlands, old adults are also scarce in the mortuary samples (Wright 2006, Whittington 1989, Storey 1985, 1992, Tourtellot

1990). Some factors may play an important role in explaining the small proportion of old adults.

For instance, old adults who suffered severe antemortem tooth loss cannot be aged by attrition seriation, which may contribute disproportionally to the “adult” category. Biases against elderly skeletons in age estimation methods and preservation bias against old adult skeletons who had suffered from osteoporosis is also possible (Saul 1972; Wright 2006). Nevertheless, some scholars also argue that the lack of older skeletons can be connected to the high mortality observed in urban environments (Storey 1985; Storey 1992). In ancient urban centers, the living conditions could be harsh, and many individuals may have died before reaching the “old adult” category. The possibility that similar harsh living conditions may have happened at Ceibal cannot be discarded.

Sacrificial Activities and Sample Biases at Ceibal

The following section will expand on the discussion and information about cultural practices that might contribute to sample biases at Ceibal. It is crucial to discuss how a large number of possible sacrificial victims can contribute to the sample biases toward male adults and an increase in infants and children in the sample. 54

For the Early Preclassic (Preceramic) and Early Middle Preclassic (Real 3) period, there is little evidence of human sacrifice. Most of the skeletons from these periods were found with their elements in anatomical order in primary context (Palomo 2019). Besides, there are at least three newborn babies that had most of their elements in anatomical order. The remains of these babies were eroded, and it was not possible to find evidence of violent or non-natural death.

The subsequent Late Middle Preclassic (Escoba 1-2) and the Middle and Late Preclassic transition (Escoba 3 and Cantutse 1 phases) were characterized by a cycle of population growth and by an increase in sacrificial activities, possibly connected to militaristic activities in the

Maya region (Inomata 2014; Palomo et al. 2017).

For the Escoba 1/2 phase, there are 10 individuals. Seven out of the 10 individuals probably died of non-natural causes (Figure 3.3 and Table 3.4). These possible sacrificial victims were infants and male adults who were excavated in the central axis of the E-Group (Burials

153A, 153B, 153C, 153D, 153E, 154, and 158), and one more from an outlying group (Burial

CB128, Maclelland 2019 see Figure 3.3).

For the Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1 transition, there is a sample of 15 individuals who probably died of non-natural causes (Figure 3.3 and Table 3.4). Fourteen out of the 15 individuals belong to infants and male adults who were excavated in the central axis of the E-Group (Burials

CB111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 127, 140, 145A, 145B, 146A, 146B), two more were excavated from

Platform K’at under the East Court (Burials 116 and 117; Triadan et al. 2017). It is important to mention that most of these possible sacrificial victims that date to the Escoba, and Escoba

3/Cantutse 1 had a variety of grave goods, which included shell necklaces, greenstone beads, vessels, stones, and obsidian blades and cores. 55

During the Late Preclassic, at least four individuals dating to this period died of non- natural causes. Two of these come from the Group A (CB116 and 117 Triadan et al. 2014), one from the central axis of the E-Group (CB 150, Pinzon 2014), and one (CB147, Burham 2019) from an outlying residential group.

In the Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic periods (Xate and Junco phases), there was a cycle of a low population at Ceibal. No more sacrificial burials were found in Group E, but some possible sacrificial victims were now found in less public spaces. For instance, at least three children, dating to the Xate 2, Junco 1, or Junco 2 phase, were found in front of a now eroded architectural mask of Structure D-31 Sub-2 in Group D (Bazy 2012).

During the Late Classic period, Ceibal’s population grew again substantially. However, from this period there is no bioarchaeological evidence of sacrificial victims buried in the plaza or temples. The hieroglyphic inscriptions describe that during the Late Classic period (around

AD 735), Ceibal’s king Yich’aak Bahlam was captured and Ceibal was then was under the control of the Aguateca-Dos Pilas dynasty (Martin and Grube 2008). It is possible that during this period human sacrifices and bloody spectacles continued to be carried out at the plaza.

Possibly during this time Ceibal’s inhabitants may have cleaned the plazas and thus left no osteological evidence of those types of sacrifices. Another possibility is that archaeologists have not found get the place where the Ceibal residents deposit the Late Classic sacrificial victims.

For this period, only one possible sacrificial victim (burial CB29) has been found (Tourtellot

1990).

During the Terminal Classic, Ceibal had the highest population and political growth in the Pasion Region. The predominance of male adults at Ceibal during this time is probably connected to the effect of mortuary bias, which can be seen in the mass burial CB4, where one 56 single interment contributes to the high frequency of male adults observed during the last part of the Ceibal occupation (Figure 3.2 and 3.3). At least 12 possible sacrificial victims of young male adults and two females (Burials CB04-1, 4-2, 4-3, 4-4, 4-5a, 4-5b, 4-6, 4-7, 4-8, 4-9, 4-10, 2-11) were recovered from this mass burial that did not contain any grave goods (Tourtellot 1990,

Wright 2006).

In some cases, it was difficult to differentiate between a skeleton who died from natural causes from those who died from sacrificial circumstances, especially when the bones were in a bad state of preservation or when babies or juveniles did not show evidence of violent death or intentional perimortem disarticulation. However, for most of the human remains found at Ceibal, by analyzing the formation processes of the burials, the absence or presence of tomb reentry, the archaeological and historical contexts, the biographic profile, and evidence of anthropogenic cut marks, it was possible to identify different mortuary practices connected to sacrificial rituals

(non-funeral) and natural deaths.

Summary and Final Remarks

Ceibal’s population history shows that there were different cycles of population growth

(i.e. the Late Middle Preclassic, Late Preclassic, and Terminal Classic) and decline (i.e. Terminal

Preclassic and Early Classic).

Interestingly, the two periods of the highest population growth, appear to have been accompanied by increased militarism and contained the largest numbers of infants and male adult skeletons. The first of these periods occurred during the Late Middle Preclassic (Escoba) and Late Preclassic transition (Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1). During these periods, most of the possible sacrificial victims (mostly infants and male adults) were buried in the central axis of the E-Group 57 an important Preclassic public ceremonial space. The second of these periods occurred during the

Terminal Classic period (Bayal). For this period one single mass internment (also known as

Burial CB04, see Tourtellot 1990:90) found in Structure A-13 (an important public-ceremonial elite structure located in Group A) contributes to a high frequency of male adults (at least 8 male adults and two females were found in Burial CB04, see Wright 2006:215) observed during the last part of the Ceibal occupation. 58

CHAPTER 3.1 FIGURES AND TABLES Table 3.1. Biographic profile of the burials found by the Harvard Archaeological Project. This table was made based on Tourtellot (1990) and Wright’s (1996, 2006) osteological analysis. Notes for table: No=refers to the number of burials; TO = tabular oblique; TE = tabular erect; F = female; M = male; Str. = structure; No obs. = no observable. YA= young adult. MA= middle adult. OA= old adult. Ind.=individual; MNI= minimum number of individuals.

Figure 3.1. Frequencies of female and male skeletons from Ceibal. This graph is based on Table 3.2. The osteological results indicate that there is a trend toward male adults in most of the periods except for the Xate-Junco phases.

0 Preceramic Real 3 Escoba Escoba 3- Cantutse Xate-Junco Junco 2/4 Tepejilote Bayal Cantutse 1 1

Female Female? Male Male? Unknown

Table 3.2. Frequencies of female and male skeletons from Ceibal. This table is based on Tables 1.2 and 3.1. The unknown box represents the children, juvenile and eroded bones that could not be sexed.

Figure 3.2. Age frequencies from the skeletons at Ceibal. This graph is based on Tables 3.3. The osteological results indicate that there is a peak of infants during the Escoba 1/2 phase and the transition between the Escoba 3 and Cantses1 phases.

0 >54 years 35-54 years 20-35 years >19 years 12 -19 years 6 -11 years 0-5 years

Preceramic Real 3 Escoba Escoba 3-Cantutse 1 Cantutse Xate-Junco 1 Junco 2/4 Tepejilote Bayal

Table 3.3. Age frequencies from the skeletons at Ceibal. This table is based on Tables 1.2 and 3.1.

Figure 3.3. Map of Ceibal with a close-up of Group A. The yellow line on the right part of the map shows the central axis of the Ceibal’s E-Group, where the possible Preclassic sacrificial victims were found (map modified after Inomata et al. 2017a:3). 62

Figure 3.4. Frequencies of the funeral and non-funeral burials found at Ceibal. This graph is based on Table 3.4. The skeletons that probably died from natural causes are illustrated in red and white dotted patterns. The individuals that probably die from violent or sacrificial manners are illustrated in black and gray.

45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Funeral Funeral? Nonfuneral Nonfuneral?

Table 3.4. Frequencies of the funeral and non-funeral burials found at Ceibal. This table is based on Tables 1.2 and 3.1.

CHAPTER 4

MORTUARY RITUALS, GRAVE GOODS, AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY AT CEIBAL

Rituals concerning the treatment of the dead are usually not equally the same for all members of society. McAnany (1995:11) argues that in some cultures preferential treatments and grave goods were only used when “particularly important and influential members of a lineage died”. She emphasized that scholars must be aware that mortuary treatment patterns can vary within the same culture. This point leads to the following question: Can we infer an ancestor’s status and social inequalities from analyzing grave goods? Some scholars argue that worldviews and beliefs play an important role in shaping mortuary practices (Durkheim 2008[1912]; Hertz

1960; Metcalf and Huntington 1991; van Gennep 1960[1909]). Other scholars argue that there is a direct correlation between the elaborateness of grave goods, mortuary practices, social organization, and status (Binford 1971; Saxe 1971). In this view, the higher the rank that the individual had, the more grave goods and energy were likely to have been expended on the burial. Building on these ideas, Tainter (1978) argued that social status can be connected to the amount of energy expended at the funeral. This energy expenditure was connected to the labor cost of the internment facility, and the complexity of rituals recorded in the archaeological context. These ideas can be applied to the Maya area. Although there may be exceptions, ancestors and high-status individuals, such as the Maya king Pakal, tended to have a greater quantity and quality of grave goods than commoners (Fitzsimmons 2009; Martin and Grube

2008).

In the 1980s, other scholars argued that funerals were lively, contested events, where social roles could be manipulated, acquired, and discarded (Hodder 1982; Hodder 1984; Parker 64

Pearson 1982; Tilley 1984). For instance, during a mortuary ritual, an old Mayan warrior could become a venerated ancestor whereas a brave warrior (who was captured) could become a sacrificial victim stripped of his privileged status (Palomo et al. 2017). In this view, the social roles of high-status individuals or ancestors could be acquired or discarded during the mortuary rituals. Thus, social differentiation and group identity can be negotiated during mortuary rituals, which bring opportunities to manipulate the perception of the community social realities and attempts to reaffirm elite ideologies.

Following other scholars, I believe that to analyze the human remains and to reconstruct the past from them, diverse views on mortuary practices and their social implications need to be integrated into a “multidirectional approach” (Carr 1995). According to Carr (1995), a multidirectional approach can take into account the importance that social organization, social relations (Binford 1971; Saxe 1971; Tainter 1978), worldviews, beliefs (Durkheim 2008[1912];

Hertz 1960; Metcalf and Huntington 1991; van Gennep 1960[1909]), and action-focused factors

(Hodder 1982; Hodder 1984; Parker Pearson 1982, Tilley 1984) had in shaping mortuary rituals.

It is also necessary to consider how the historical context of a given time period is critical for understanding ancient burials.

The following paragraphs discuss the presence and variability of grave goods in burials of each chronological period at Ceibal. I include the burials excavated by the Harvard

Archeological Project (Tourtellot 1990) in this analysis. The burials with more elaborated grave goods will be described briefly in the following section. A more detailed description of the grave goods and osteological analysis of each burial recovered by the Ceibal Petexbatun

Archaeological Project can be found in previous publications (Palomo 2009; Palomo 2010;

Palomo 2013; Palomo 2014; Palomo 2019; Palomo, et al. 2017). A description of the grave 65 goods and osteological analysis of each burial recovered by the Harvard Archaeological Project can be found in the publications by Tourtellot (1990) and Wright (2006).

Early Preclassic Burials

Radiocarbon analysis shows at least four burials are dating to around 1100-1000 BC at

Ceibal. These burials provide important evidence of the preceramic occupation in the area.

These preceramic individuals were buried in an outlying residential group (also known as

Muknal group see Figure 3.3) not far from the Central Plaza (Burham 2019: 115). Little is known about the preceramic individuals’ social organization. The burials were found without any associated artifacts, grave goods, cist, or architectural feature (such as floor, wall, etc.).

However, the four individuals were found in a primary context, buried close to each other in the same area. It is possible that the preceramic people dug the pits through ancient humus and deposited these bodies in the marl layer. Several centuries later, the Cantutse residents of this group partially disturbed these burials during architectural modifications, covering them with a

Late Preclassic floor. Interestingly, this practice of burying the dead in the marl layer continues at Ceibal until the Late Preclassic period (Cantutse).

Early Middle Preclassic Real Burials

Despite several excavations at Ceibal, archaeologists have not found any burials dating to the Real 1 and 2 (1000-800 BC) ceramic phases. Possibly, the Real 1 and 2 people were burying their dead in areas not yet excavated outside of Group A, perhaps in the outlying groups of the site. 66

At least seven individuals were found at Ceibal that date to the Early Middle Preclassic

Real 3 (800-700 BC). Except for one individual (burial CB137), all the Real 3 burials have ceramic vessels and stones as grave goods (Figure 4.1). One of the most interesting interments of the Early Middle Preclassic is Burial CB132 from the Karinel Group (see Figure 3.3), where a minimum number of three individuals were found in a pit dug into the natural marl layer in a primary context (Figure 4.2). During the Escoba phase, these individuals were covered by the corner of a possible residential structure, Tz’unun, and then by the Platform 47-Base (MacLellan

2012: 196, 2019). Although MacLellan did not find residential structures that date to the Real 3 phase associated with Burial 132, it may have been placed in an open area near residential buildings. The three individuals were two adults and an infant. With the two adult individuals, a male and a female both between 35 and 50 years old, a total of seven complete vessels dating to the Real 3 phase were found (MacLellan 2012:193-196). In addition, skeletal remains of an infant (Individual B) were found inside one of the seven vessels, a jar. None of these individuals had evidence of cutmarks.

Another interesting interment, Burial CB136 from the Early Middle Preclassic was found in the central axis of the eastern building of the E-Group (Inomata, et al. 2017). The skeleton was a young male adult in a flexed position laying on his left side (Figure 4.3). No evidence of cut marks was found. The skeleton has four vessels as grave goods. The location of this burial and the grave goods suggest that this male adult was probably an important person in the community.

Late Middle Preclassic Escoba 1/2 Burials

During the subsequent Late Middle Preclassic (Escoba 1/2) there was an increase in burials with greater variability in grave goods at Ceibal (Figure 4.1). However, of the 10 individuals dating to these periods, only 7 had grave goods. Perhaps one of the most interesting interments of this is Burial CB153 (Figure 4.4). Dating to the Escoba 2 phase, this burial was found in the central axis of the E-Group. The burial has a minimum number of five individuals.

All of the skeletons belong to infants younger than four-years-old (see Table 1.2), who were buried in a flexed position. Although the individuals were articulated, their skeletons were not complete, as the result of possible sacrificial perimortem ritual activities (Palomo 2019; Pinzón and Inomata 2014). Four individuals were buried in a cruciform arrangement, while the fifth skeleton was buried at the center of the cruciform pattern (Figure 4.4), probably referring to the

Mesoamerican concept of the four corners and the center (Taube 2000). Regarding grave goods, the individuals in burial CB153 had stone and shell beads, animal bones, river stones, and five obsidian cores. Although the bones did not have any visible cut marks suggesting violent death

(probably due to bone erosion), the biographic profile (all infants), the burial arrangement

(cruciform pattern), the grave goods and the location of the burial (public area, the central axis of the E-Group) suggest that these infants possibly were sacrificial victims.

During the Escoba 2 phase, there is also evidence that some individuals were still buried in pits dug in the marl layer near residential groups located outside Group A. An example of this type of mortuary practice is Burial CB126, which was excavated by Burham in the Muknal

Group where the skeleton was buried in a hole dug in the marl layer (Burham 2012:166). The individual was in an extended position with its hands-on his lower limbs legs. The grave goods 68 include shells, animal bones, lithics (including blades and small fragments of obsidian and chert), and a Tierra Mojada plate (Burham 2012:167).

Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic Transition Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 Burials

There are 15 individuals dating to this period. Fourteen of these burials were found in sacrificial contexts. These skeletons are infants or male adults who were excavated from the central axis of the E-Group (CB111, CB112, CB114, CB140, CB115, CB145A and B, CB146A and B, CB154, CB127), two more burials were excavated in front of a possible elite residential structure in the East Court (CB116 and CB117 see map on Figure 3.3). The possible sacrificial victims have a variety of grave goods which include shell necklaces, greenstone beads, vessels, stones, obsidian blades, and cores. The possible sacrificial victims were buried with necklaces made of shells, obsidian cores, or blades as grave goods (Figure 4.1).

During this period there is an increase of evidence of sacrificial activities in the central axis of the E-Group (Table 1.2 and Figure 3.4). For example, four possible sacrificial victims

(CB111, CB112, CB113, and CB114) were found near post holes located in the central axis of the Ceibal E-Group (Figure 4.5). The pattern of post holes suggest that some of these victims may have been executed in scaffold sacrifice rituals (Figures 4.6) in a manner like those depicted in the Classic-period iconography (Inomata 2014; Palomo, et al. 2017; Taube 1988).

The greatest quantity of grave goods for this period was found in Burial CB104, a non- sacrificial individual who was buried in the northern part of the Central Plaza in Group A. The skeleton was a male middle adult placed in a flexed position on his left side, and his hands were found in front of his mouth. This skeleton was also dated to the Escoba 1/ Cantutse 3 transition.

A large Xexcay Fluted plate was found covering the cranium (Figure 4.7). A white rock, a 69 worked shell shaped like an inkpot, four unworked shells, 13 obsidian blades, and an obsidian core were also found around the cranium and his right arm (Inomata, et al. 2009).

Late Preclassic Cantutse 2/3 Burial

During the following Cantutse 2 and 3 phases, there is evidence of a male adult skeleton

(Burial CB169) that might represent an emerging elite. This burial was also found in the central axis of the E-Group in the Central Plaza. Burial CB169 contained a young male adult who was fully articulated in an extended dorsal position with his hands on his chest and a Flor Creme vessel on his head. The chest and arms of this individual were covered with a red pigment. The application of red pigment (possibly cinnabar) was not common at Ceibal. Only two burials had red pigment in this sample, and Burial CB169 is one of them.

Social Inequality During the Middle and Late Preclassic Period at Ceibal

By looking at the grave goods assemblage, mortuary rituals, and energy spent on the interments important points of inquiry arise. Notably, are the Middle and Late Preclassic individuals in these burials’ members of the Ceibal elite? Is it possible to infer social inequalities from analyzing grave goods? None of the Preclassic contained pieces of jade, quantities of ceramic vessels, or figurines which could indicate Preclassic elite tombs at Ceibal. This contrasts with other Late Middle and Late Preclassic burials found in Chiapa de Corzo, La Venta, Cuello, and Copan, in which many artifacts of jade and greenstone were present with the possible elite burials (Davis-Salazar 2007; Drucker, et al. 1959; Hammond 1999; Lowe 2012). The archaeological investigations indicate that there is no evidence of the existence of divine kings or dynastic elites during the Middle and Late Preclassic at Ceibal. Nevertheless, it is important to 70 mention, that 13 caches containing many greenstone axes at Ceibal that date to the Middle

Preclassic (Inomata and Triadan 2016). The existence of such well-made exotic artifacts and public structures such, as the E -Group, supports the possibility that there may have been important individuals, perhaps emerging elites, who had exoteric knowledge on conducting complex rituals with caches in the E -Group. Possible emerging elites were found in three burials that date from the Middle Preclassic to the Late Preclassic periods (Burials CB136, CB104, and

CB169). By looking at the location of these burials (in public structures), energy spent on the interments, the grave goods, and the articulation of the skeletons, I argue that these individuals might represent emerging elites or important members for their community who probably died of natural causes. Based on the variability in grave goods, it is possible to suggest that at Ceibal during these periods there was some type of social inequality and social differentiation in terms of access to certain grave goods (including shell neckless, obsidian blades/cores, and greenstone beads) and mortuary treatments (such as the application of red pigments and the internment in public structures in contrast to those individuals buried in the marl layer).

Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic Period Xate-Junco Burials

For these periods a total of 18 burials with a minimum number of 20 individuals were recovered. From these, there are around 14 individuals found in funeral context, of which five individuals were buried without any grave goods. The funerary grave goods for these periods were mostly ceramic vessels (Figure 4.8)

No more sacrificial burials in public spaces (like the ones found on the E-Group with shell beads and obsidian artifacts) were found during this period. In contrast, during this time at least six sacrificial victims were found in temples as opposed to plazas. For instance, three 71 burials dating to the Xate 2, Junco 1, or Junco 2 phase, were buried in front of a now eroded architectural mask of Structure D-31 Sub-2 in Group D (Bazy 2012). Two of these individuals were inside bowls placed in a lip-to-lip position.

During the Junco 2/3 phases, there is evidence of two women’s burials, CB107 (Figure

4.9) and CB109A, who were found in an elite building on the East Court (Triadan 2009:21). The

Xate-Junco sample shows fewer grave good variability with a stronger tendency for the placement of ceramic vessels as funerary artifacts (Figure 4.2).

Late Classic Period Tepijelote Burials

During the Late Classic period, grave goods did not show considerable changes from the

Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic patterns. Of the 44 burials recovered from this period, 22 had artifacts consisting mostly of ceramic vessels (Figure 4.8).

Perhaps one of the most interesting interment for this period is Burial CB134. This skeleton was found in Court B of Group D, buried in an extended dorsal position inside an elite residential complex. This burial had a great variety of grave goods such as two figurines whistles, and eight ceramic vessels (Ponciano 2012). Burial 134 is the burial with the highest quantity of grave goods dating to the Late Classic period (Figure 4.8). Other Late Classic burials that were found in the elite residential structures on Group D include Burials CB133 and CB139, these individuals had 2 and 3 vessels as grave goods per burial respectively.

Terminal Classic Period Bayal Burials

A total of 29 burials with a minimum number of 49 individuals were recovered from

Terminal Classic contexts (Table 1.2 and 3.1). Most of the burials were associated with 72 architectural and residential features. Ceramic vessels were the most common grave goods used by Ceibal residents during this period (Figure 4.8).

Despite the general lack of mortuary variability among the Terminal Classic period interments, some burials stand out. For example, the Burials CB01 and CB108 that were found buried on structures located on the East Court in Group A of Ceibal (see Figure 3.3). Burial

CB01 (also known by Harvard scholars as Burial 1, Tourtellot 1990:87) contained six vessels, three jade beads, two shells earspools, 11 bone beads, and two red stone beads. On the other hand, Burial CB108 was deposited in a round cist near burial CB01. Burial CB108 had a minimum number of two individuals. One skeleton (CB108A) belongs to a child that was probably dismembered and did not have any grave goods. However, the other burial (CB108B) was fully articulated in a flexed, seated position (Figure 4.10). The offering of this Individual

108B included one shell and four vessels that were very similar to the ones found in burial CB01 by the Harvard scholars. Burial CB108B and Burial CB1 share many things in common. Both individuals are females, both were found in a flexed and seated position covered by capstones, and both contained similar ceramic vessels as grave goods. Although the grave good assemblage of Burials CB01 and CB108, is not as sumptuous as those found in other Maya sites elite burials

(see Martin and Grube 2008), the bioarchaeological context within these burials supports the idea that Ceibal did have elite interments (Tourtellot 1990:87-88).

Conclusion: Grave Goods and Social Inequality at Ceibal

The Middle Preclassic interments of female and child skeletons found in burials CB132 and CB110 (see Table 1.2), indicate that during the Real 3 phase women and children had access to similar grave goods to those found with the male skeleton burials, consisting mostly of 73 ceramic vessels. During the Late Preclassic, there is evidence of possible emerging elites, two male adult skeletons (Burials CB104, and CB169) buried in the open spaces of Group A. From this period there are no female or children’s remains found in elite funerary contexts.

Nevertheless, this situation changes in subsequent periods. During the Early Classic periods, there is evidence of two women burials CB107 and CB109A who were found in an elite building on the East Court (Triadan 2009:21). The data also show that the elite funerary rituals were not only always restricted to adult skeletons. Evidence of elite children burials was also found during the Late Classic period. For example, Burial 134 is a child found in Group D an elite residential group (see Figure 3.3), this burial had the highest frequencies (eight ceramic vessels and two figurines see Figure 4.8) of grave goods for the Late Classic period. Another example of possible elite members was Burial CB105, this burial had a child who was buried in the East Court. This skeleton was covered by a red pigment and had three ceramic vessels as grave goods. On the other hand, possible elite female burials were also found dating to the Terminal Classic. The female Burials CB1 and CB108B, both found on the East Court have the highest frequency of grave goods for the Terminal Classic (see Figure 4.8 and 4.10).

The local hieroglyphic texts suggest that at Ceibal there were rulers and members of the elite throughout its written history (Martin and Grube 2008; Vega 2009). However, Ceibal's kings have been difficult to find in excavations. In the Mayan area, many rulers have been documented. Archaeologists have been able to identify some of the tombs of these kings by the amounts of funeral offerings and hieroglyphic texts (Martin and Grube 2008). Currently, no burial has been excavated at Ceibal containing pieces of jade, dozens of vessels, figurines, or hieroglyphic texts that would indicate a royal tomb at Ceibal. Most of Ceibal burials had one or two offerings such as ceramic vessels, shells, or obsidian artifacts (Figures 4.1 and 4.8). These 74 frequencies in grave goods support Willey and Tourtellot’s findings regarding Ceibal’s burials’ social status. Willey (1990:233) argues that most of the burials recovered by the Harvard

Archeological Project were, not burials of the highest status elite, but those of individuals in the

“middle-status socioeconomic range”. Also, Tourtellot (1990:133) argued that in general at

Ceibal most burial grave goods consist of one or two ceramic vessels per burial and that artifacts such as jade are rare in the burial sample.

Some scholars have argued that the lack of elite individuals in the current Ceibal data set was caused by the excavation strategy employed by the Harvard Archaeological Project (Gerry

1993). Tourtellot (1990) pointed out that one of the reasons why the Harvard Archeological

Project did not find elite burials during their excavations was that their emphasis was in

“architectural clearing rather than deep trenching” (Tourtellot 1990:85). Additionally, the loose fills in some large structures made it difficult for them to conduct deep excavations in search of elite tombs. In the case of the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project, archaeologists focused on excavating Preclassic platforms buried deep in the ground. Thus, when combining both bioarchaeological samples from Ceibal (the one dug by HAP and the one by CPAP) it is possible to obtain burials from multiple contexts and buildings located in Group A, C, D, and in many outlying groups. It does appear to me that the Ceibal burials are a representative sample of individuals from different social statuses, periods, and archaeological contexts. Nevertheless, many areas are still unexplored by archaeologists such as many of the elite temples and palaces from Group A. There are likely elite tombs in those unexcavated temples.

Figure 4.1. Grave goods in burials from the Middle and Late Preclassic periods. The graph includes the burials that did not have any associated artifacts. The graph was made based on the table from appendix B.1.

Figure 4.2. Burial 132 had a minimum number of three individuals, two adults (female and male) and a newborn. Real 3 burial from the Karinel Group. Photo by Inomata. 77

Figure 4.3. Burial 136. Young Male adult dating to the Real 3 phase. The burial was found in the central axis of the E-Group. Photo by Inomata. 78

Figure 4.4. Burial CB153 has a minimum number of five children. The burial dates to the Escoba 2 phase and was found in the central axis of the E-Group. Photo by Pinzon.

Figure 4.5. Burials CB111, CB112, CB113, and CB114. The burials belong to two male adults and two children. The burials date to the Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 transitional period and were found in the central axis of the E-Group. Possible post holes were found near the burials. Photo by Inomata.

Burial 112

Burial 111

Burial 113 Burial 114

Burial 113 Burial 114 80

Figure 4.6. Polychrome ceramic vessel painting depicting sacrificial victims executed in a scaffold during sacrifice rituals. Classic- period vessel Kerr 2781. The picture was taken from the Maya Vase Data Base a digital archive of rollout photographs created by Justin Kerr (http://research.mayavase.com/kerrmaya.html).

81 Figure 4.7. Burial CB104. A male adult skeleton that dates to the Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 transitional phases. The burial was found in the central axis of the E-Group. Photo by Inomata. 82

Figure 4.8. Grave goods in burials from the Terminal Preclassic and Classic periods. The graph includes the burials that did not have any associated artifacts. The graph was made based on the table from appendix B.2.

Figure 4.9. Burial CB107. Old adult female skeleton dating to the Junco 1 phase. The burial was found in the East Court of Group A. Photo by Inomata. 84

Figure 4.10. Burial 108B. A female adult skeleton with four vessels dating to the Bayal phase. The skeleton was found in structure A15 of the East Court. Photo by Inomata. 85

CHAPTER 5

ISOTOPE ANALYSIS IN ARCHAEOLOGY:

THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS, SKELETAL SAMPLING, AND LABORATORY

PROCEDURES

Many of the chemical elements found in the soil, food, and water are incorporated into the human body through ingestion. These materials leave an isotopic print preserved in our tissues, hair, teeth, and bones, which reflects the landscape where we live and the food that we eat. The isotopic prints may be different depending on the latitude, elevation, and temperature of each landscape and on the types of plants and animals consumed during people’s life. Carbon and nitrogen isotopes have been used to explore questions about food and diet, whereas oxygen, strontium, and lead have been used to detect movements across the landscape. The following section will discuss the analytical and theoretical foundations used for the isotopic analysis. It will then provide a detailed overview of the laboratory procedures used to conduct the isotopic analysis on the skeletons from Ceibal.

Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Standards

The carbon and nitrogen isotopic compositions are measured as a ratio between two isotopes relative to a standard of known composition. Scholars agree (Ambrose 1993, Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991) that the isotopic ratio (δ) is expressed in per mil (‰) and is calculated using the following formula.

δ={(Rsample/Rstandard)- 1} x 1000 86

In this equation, R represents the ratio of the heavier to the lighter isotope, for instance,

13C/12C or 14N/15N. For carbon isotopes, the recognized standard is PeeDee Belemnite (PDB), which comes from a Belemnitella fossil found in limestone from South Carolina. In contrast, for the nitrogen, the isotopic ratio of atmospheric N2 (AIR) is used as a standard (Ambrose 1993,

Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991).

Carbon, Plants, and Foods

Three biochemical pathways regulate the quantities of carbon isotopes that are incorporated into different plant species (C3, C4, and CAM plants). For instance, most trees and shrubs, such as beans, squash, and avocado, use the C3 photosynthetic pathway. This group of plant species photosynthesizes by attaching carbon dioxide from the atmosphere onto an organic compound in a single carbon fixation step. This reaction is initiated by an enzyme known as ribulose bisphosphate carboxylase (O’Leary 1988:331), the product of this reaction is a three- carbon molecule compound that enters a biochemical pathway leading to sugar formation. As a result of this process the C3 plants incorporated into their tissue δ13C values between -22‰ and -

35‰.

Whereas many tropical kinds of grass, such as the maize in Mesoamerica or sugar in other parts of the world use the C4 photosynthetic pathway. This group of plants has two carbon fixation steps for attaching carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. During the first step, the reaction is initiated by an enzyme known as phosphoenolpyruvate carboxylase. The product of this reaction is a four-carbon organic acid which subsequently is moved to the interior of the leaf to be broken down. During this process, the carbon dioxide molecule is realized within specialized cells known as kranz-type bundle sheath cells (O’Leary 1988:331). Within these 87 cells, the carbon bidioxide molecule is fixed a second time. As a result of these processes the C4 plants have incorporate δ13C values into their tissue between -10‰ and -15‰ (Cerling, et al.

1999; Wright, et al. 2010). Thus, the δ13C is significantly higher for consumers of C4 plants

(maize in the case of Mesoamerica) than for C3 plant-eaters. There is a third photosynthetic pathway, called crassulacean acid metabolism (CAM plants). Unlike the C3 and C4 plants that have daylight photosynthesis, the CAM plants photosynthesis occurs at night, when is dark.

During the day the stomata of the CAM plants remain closed which allows them to minimize water loss and to survive in dry environments or places with water stress. Plants that use this photosynthetic pathway (various species of cacti and succulent) have δ13C values that can range between C3 and C4 values but overlap more substantially with C4 values (O'Leary 1988; Smith and Epstein 1971). Thus, the δ13C values in human remains could be influenced by the proportions of CAM plants consumed during life, making it difficult to differentiate between the consumption of C4 and C3 plants. However, in the case of Mesoamerica, based on preserved the evidence of Preclassic maize cobs, isotopic diet studies, and maize iconographic depictions

(Kennett et al. 2017, Kennett et al. 2020, Taube 2000) most scholars assume that the use of CAM plants was not significant in comparison to that of maize.

The isotopic composition of a plant is preserved in the tissue of the person or animal that consumes them. The isotopic signature of the plant is transferred to animals with some fractionation between trophic levels. For carbon, some scholars argue that the trophic level effects on diet collagen fractionation are between 3-5‰ (DeNiro 1987, Krueger and Sullivan

1984, Schoeninger 1985, Schwarcz et al. 1985, Wright 2006).

Nitrogen, Terrestrial Meat, Freshwater, and Marine Foods

Through nitrogen isotopes, it is possible to analyze the trophic level of the consumer and to differentiate the consumption of terrestrial and marine food contributions to an organism’s diet

(DeNiro and Epstein 1981; Schoeninger et al. 1983). The isotopic analysis shows that stable isotope ratios of nitrogen increased with ascending positions in the tropic system (Minagawa and

Wada 1984; Schoeninger and DeNiro 1984). It is expected that humans with high meat consumption will have higher δ15N values than those with diets with low meat consumption.

However, dissolved nitrates in seawater contribute to high levels of nitrogen in marine organisms. In communities who have a diet consisting mostly of freshwater or marine foods, it is expected that consumers have bone collagen values enriched by approximately 3-4‰ in δ15N above that of the diet (DeNiro and Epstein 1981; Schoeninger and DeNiro 1984; Richards and

Hedges 1999). Thus, individuals who consume a substantial quantity of marine foods (including fish, sea mammals, and sea plants), will show enriched levels of both carbon and nitrogen (for instance around δ13C -12‰ and δ15N 12). In this case, the high levels of carbon do not come from the maize or C4 plants consumption but rather from consuming higher proportions of freshwater and marine foods that are enriched in carbon (Richards and Hedges 1999:720). In contrast, populations who consume smaller quantities of marine foods and great quantities of terrestrial meat and C3 plants, are expected to have lower carbon and nitrogen values (around

δ13C -21‰ and δ15N 7‰) (Richards and Hedges 1999).

Dietary Patterns at Ceibal

Important insights about the Preclassic ancient Maya Mesoamerica dietary practices come from the neighboring sites located in the north of Belize such as Lamanai, Cuello, and 89

K’axob. In these places during the Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic period (1000 – 75 BC), people had access to moderate quantities of maize (with δ13C values from -15‰ to -11‰) along with meat and freshwater resources ( δ15N values between 8.2‰ to 13‰ see Henderson 2013;

Tykot et al 1996; White and Schwarcz 1989). Table 5.1 shows the isotopic composition of selected flora and fauna available in the Maya area. Some of these plants and animals were consumed during Pre-Hispanic times (Sharpe 2016, Wright 2006, Wright et al. 2010). On the other hand, previous isotopic analysis on the Ceibal burials excavated by the HAP shows that the

Late Preclassic and Classic individuals from Ceibal also ate maize (with δ13C values from -13‰ to -7‰) along with meat and freshwater resources (δ15N values between 7‰ to 11‰ see Wright

2006:138). Thus, I expect that if the individuals excavated by CPAP ate maize along with meat and freshwater resources, the skeletons will have enriched collagen δ13C values raging from around -13‰ to -7‰ and nitrogen δ15N values ranging from 7‰ to 13‰.

Oxygen Isotopes

Oxygen atoms are found in water and food and are transmitted to humans and animals through ingestion. For almost four decades oxygen isotope analysis has been used in bioarchaeological studies in Mesoamerica to study migration questions. Many publications have made significant contributions to expand our understanding of oxygen isotopic baselines in the area (Price et al. 2010; Price et al. 2014; Price et al. 2018; Price et al. 2008; Suzuki et al. 2018;

Wassenaar et al. 2009; White et al. 2002; White et al. 2007; White et al. 1998; Wright 2012;

Wright 2013; Wright and Schwarcz 1998).

By analyzing patterns of δ 18O from large geographic regions, scholars have been able to identify skeletons that were born in a different climatic area from where they were buried (Price 90 et al. 2010; White et al. 2000; White et al. 2002; White et al. 2001; White et al. 1998; Wright

2012). The analysis of oxygen isotopes together with other isotopes such as strontium and lead has the potential to narrow down the place of origin of ancient people in Mesoamerica to small geographic regions (Price et al. 2010; Sharpe et al. 2016; White et al. 2007; Wright 2012; Wright

2013).

The bone has an organic and inorganic mineral component. The great majority of the organic component if form by collagen which is a protein. Embedded in the collagen, there is the inorganic component of the bone part formed by small crystals made from hydroxyapatite, a form of calcium phosphate whose composition chemical formula is expressed as

Ca10(PO4)6(OH)2. The phosphate and carbonate ions found in small amounts in the hydroxyapatite contain oxygen isotopes. Thus, when conducting the isotopic analysis, scholars can target oxygen either of both phosphate and carbonates. Phosphate oxygen ratios are typically reported relative to the VSMOW (Vienna Standard Mean Ocean Water) standard. In contrast, carbonate oxygen ratios are reported relative to the PBD (Pee Dee Belemnite) carbonate standard. The variation in oxygen isotope ratios in the environment is very small and is also expressed in delta (δ) units, like those of carbon and nitrogen. The formula for calculating the

δ18O is analogous to that for carbon and nitrogen delta values. This research focused on carbonate oxygen analysis from tooth enamel, which forms during childhood and gives us information about the early years of an individual life. Values in carbonate analysis are generally negative and range from 0 to -10‰ PDB in humans from Mesoamerica (Price et al. 2018; Price et al. 2008).

The fractionation of oxygen isotopes in rainwater is connected to the hydrologic cycle that produces water evaporation and condensation. When the ocean water evaporates, it travels 91 inland in the form of clouds (vapor) and rain. During this process, oxygen isotopes change becoming lighter or heavier. Thus, the oxygen isotopic values vary according to local temperature, levels of precipitation, distance from the ocean, elevation, and the size of the body of water, such as the ocean, lakes, or rivers (Lachniet and Patterson 2009). Nevertheless, there are potential problems with the application of oxygen isotopes to address questions of human migration. For instance, discerning micro-regions using only oxygen isotopes is often difficult because of the homogeneity of the oxygen isotopes in the Maya lowlands. For instance, the

Palenque area in Mexico, and the sites from Honduras, and Belize who all are located relatively far from each other can have overlapping or similar oxygen values (Price et al. 2014: 40). In contrast, sometimes it is possible to find different oxygen values between individuals born in the same region. Thus, the variability of δ18O ratios of water from within a region (Scherer, et al.

2014) and cultural practices, such as boiling water or breastfeeding (Wright and Schwarcz 1998), may affect oxygen isotope ratios making it difficult to distinguish the place of origin of an individual when using only the oxygen isotopes.

Strontium Isotopes

Soils and rocks have different concentrations of strontium. Plants draw these strontium isotopes from the soils, which later are transmitted to animals and humans that eat those plants.

Strontium isotopes are not measurably fractionated like lighter elements such as 13C, 15N, and

18O isotopes. Strontium isotopes are analyzed based on 86Sr, which is a stable isotope, and 87Sr which is a radiogenic element. A stable isotope does not change in abundance over time, in contrast to a radiogenic element that is steadily decaying and can transmute into other elements.

In the case of the 87Sr, the radiogenic nature is derived from rubidium (87Rb) through beta decay. 92

Thus, the abundance of 87Sr varies in rocks that have differing rubidium content and age; for example, recent volcanic rocks such as those in the Valley of Guatemala (Kaminlajuyu, 0.7052) or Mexico City (Teotihuacan 0.7046) have a lower radiogenic strontium ratio (87Sr/86Sr). This contrasts with older metamorphic and sedimentary rocks, which have higher values. For example, the values for limestones in the Maya lowlands vary between 0.7070 and 0.7100

(Hodell et al. 2004; Price et al. 2008).

In the human body, strontium enters the bone and enamel hydroxyapatite due to substitution for calcium. When strontium is incorporated into bodily tissues, there is little biological fractionation. As a result, the strontium values found in the bones and teeth reflect the

87Sr/86Sr of the areas where food was consumed (Bentley 2006; Ericson 1985).

To identified between local and non-local individuals, I did an interquartile range (IQR) analysis and a Q-Q plot for the oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopes using the SPSS software.

Through the Q-Q plots and the interquartile range (IQR), it is possible to examine the distribution of the total sample and to identify the outliers. When using this method, the sample is divided into quartiles (Q1, Q2, and Q3). Were Q1 represents the 25th percentile, Q2 the 50th percentile, and Q3 the 75th percentile of the sample. The interquartile range (IQR) is the result of

Q3 – Q1. This method identified as an outlier any data smaller than the Q1-1.5(IQR) and any value larger than the Q3+1.5(IQR). Thus, an outlier can be defined mathematically as unusual observations that do not seem to belong to a pattern of variability produced by the other observations (Johnson and Wichern 2007). Lightfoot and O’connell (2016) argued that the IQR and Q-Q plots method is appropriate to apply in archaeological isotopic studies because this method has robust valid statistical assumptions and is less sensitive to outliers. This method has been used successfully in the Maya Area to analyze migration patterns (Hoffmeister 2019, Trask 93

2018, Wright 2012, 2005, Wright and Bachand 2009). After identifying any outlier, the isotopic values for any possible migrant was further compared to published isotopic data for the Maya region to evaluate the potential place of origins (Price et al. 2010; Price et al. 2018; Sharpe et al.

2018; Sharpe et al. 2016; Suzuki et al. 2018; White et al. 2007; Wright 2012; Wright et al. 2010).

Lead Isotopes

Lead is a heavy stable isotope that has not been used for analyzing ancient human mobility in the Maya area, although it has been successfully used in other regions of the world

(Arberg et al. 1998; Valentine et al. 2008). Similar, to strontium, lead isotope ratios are characteristic of the local rocks and soils and can be extracted from enamel and bone apatite found in the human skeleton. Using limestone samples, basalt, volcanic ash, terrestrial snail shells, and mammal remains, Sharpe and colleagues (Sharpe et al. 2016:7) created a lead baseline of isotopic signatures for the Maya lowlands. In this study, this baseline has been used to analyze the movements of humans and animals across the landscape in ancient Mesoamerica.

This research is the first to examine lead isotope sourcing on ancient human remains in

Mesoamerica. Comparing if the lead results from this research match the baseline created by

Sharpe and colleagues (Sharpe et al. 2016) is crucial for expanding our knowledge about ancient migrations and to differentiate lead isotope signatures in the Maya lowlands.

In the human body, lead enters the hydroxyapatite of bones and dental enamel due to substitution for calcium. When lead is incorporated into bodily tissues, there is little biological fractionation. As a result, the lead values found in the teeth reflect the Pb of the areas where food was consumed. However, lead can enter the human body when people inhale contaminated air and dust. Lead can also enter the body through the ingestion of contaminated water due to 94 factories’ waste or the use of lead pipes (Aberg et al. 1998). However, this is not a problem in the

Maya area, the ancient Mesoamerica bones were not exposed to those high levels of lead pollution (Sharpe 2016).

Lead has one non-radiogenic isotope, 204Pb, and three isotopes produced by radiogenic decay, 206Pb, 207Pb, and 208Pb. On one hand, 206Pb and 207Pb are products of uranium 238U and

235U decay respectively. In contrast, the 208Pb radiogenic nature is a product of thorium (232Th) decay. The abundance of these four lead isotopes vary depending on the geographic region, de age of the bedrock, and anthropogenic factors. The lead ratios are standardized against the 206Pb using the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NITS) Standard Reference Material

(SRM 981).

When scholars conduct lead analysis in rocks or in human remains coming from the old world archaeological contexts (Arberg et al. 1998; Valentine et al. 2008) they often can obtain four different lead isotopes: 208Pb, 207Pb, 206Pb, and 204Pb. Nevertheless, in the case of the Ceibal sample, the 204Pb measurement was not possible to obtain. Thus, this research focused only on three lead isotopes: 208Pb, 207Pb, and 206Pb. However, in 2016 Ashely Sharpe was able to obtain

204Pb measurements from the animal bones she analyzed from Ceibal and other Maya sites

(Sharpe 2016). For her analysis, Sharpe used an MC-ICP-MS (Multi-collector Inductively

Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometer) to measure all the Pb isotopes. In contrast, the laboratories from the University of Arizona were this research was conducted used a TIMS (Thermal ionization mass spectrometry) and an ICP-MS to measure the strontium and lead. According to

Sharpe (Personal communication July 2020), possibly the use of different mass spectrometers during the analysis (in this case when using TIMS) makes it difficult to measure the 204Pb values.

Tooth Enamel and Bone Collagen Isotope Analyses

The different skeletal elements of the human body such and teeth and bone offer a window to explore different aspects of human life such as diet and migration. Human skeletons are formed by a mineral phase and by an organic collagen phase. Nitrogen can only be found in the collagen, which is found in the bones, dentine, and cementum, not in enamel. That is to say, tooth enamel does not contain nitrogen isotopes. In contrast, oxygen, carbon, strontium, and lead can be extracted from tooth enamel and bone hydroxyapatite.

There are certain advantages and potential problems in using tooth enamel and bone collagen for analyzing strontium and lead. For example, the compact size and the chemical composition of tooth enamel are less prone to diagenesis. In contrast, the collagen found in the bone spongy tissues can be affected faster by soil erosion, roots, or water, potentially changing its original isotopic values of strontium and lead (Dudás et al. 2016). Nevertheless, the isotopes from carbon and nitrogen isotopes found in collagen are less prone to diagenesis processes than the strontium and lead. Previous isotopic research conducted in many sites of the Maya region

(including Ceibal) were successful in finding well preserved and uncontaminated carbon and nitrogen isotopes (Gerry 1997; Wright 2006). Another point to consider is that the tooth enamel will preserve the isotope conditions in the body at the time of formation, and will not remodel during life. In contrast, the bone changes over time, because bone tissue is constantly being replaced.

Thus, examining tooth enamel will give information about the earlier years of an individual, whereas bone will provide information for the last years before the person died.

Multi-isotopic analysis of both collagen and enamel has been used successfully to examine migration and diet in ancient individuals (Lamb et al. 2014). As mentioned, for this research, to 96 examine all the isotopes discussed above (C, N, O, Sr, and Pb), tooth enamel and long bone collagen were analyzed.

Skeletal Sampling: Enamel and Bone Collagen

To examine migrations and dietary patterns of people living at and around Ceibal, I sampled two elements of the human skeleton, when possible: 1. teeth (dental enamel) and; 2. a section of bone (i.e., femur, ribs, or cranium). The dental enamel will preserve the isotope conditions in the body at the time of formation and will not remodel during life or be affected by postmortem changes. When possible, I selected an upper first molar (M1) and a third molar (M3) for analyzing the conditions during the childhood of the people from Ceibal. Enamel mineralizes in the upper M1 starting at approximately six months after birth and completes around age four, providing an early childhood signal for about the first four years of life. The third molar (M3) begins to calcify at ~age nine and the enamel crown will be completed at ~age 13 (Ubelaker

1989). By analyzing oxygen, strontium, lead, or carbon in M3 and M1, it was possible to examine if individuals moved across different areas and if their diet changed during the first four to 13 years of life. Not all Ceibal skeletons are well preserved, and many of the skeletons are incomplete (e.g. sacrificial or beheaded individuals). In those cases, any available teeth or bones were sampled. In the case of newborn babies and children, any available milk teeth were sampled. The deciduous teeth begin to mineralize during the first five months in utero. So, those teeth might reflect the isotopic signature of the mother. It is known that values of 13C and 15N enrich in nursing infant mammals as a result of consuming maternal milk (Fogel et al. 1989;

Katzenberg et al. 1996, Jenkins et al. 2001). 97

Unlike tooth enamel, bone continuously remodels following the initial mineralization.

The rate at which a bone remodels varies according to the type of bone tissue (cortical or trabecular), time of life, activity, and health of the individual (Sealy and Armstrong 1995). For instance, dense cortical (hard) bones such as the femur, have a relatively slow turnover rate.

Isotopic values for bioapatite and collagen in femurs are thought to represent an average of at least ten years before death in adults. In young adults (18 to 25 years old) femur samples included bone material produced during adolescence (Hedges et al. 2007). In contrast, trabecular

(spongy) bone such as the ribs is more active and will turnover at a faster rate (Hill and Orth

1998). Rib trabecular bone is thought to regenerate approximately every 2 to 5 years (Cox and

Sealy 1997). In the case of Ceibal, ribs were sampled only if they were well preserved. In most of the cases, a femur fragment was sampled, which is expected to provide isotopic insights about diet and migration during the last ten years of the life of an individual.

Many of the burials at Ceibal had severe bone erosion and did not yield carbon or nitrogen collagen data. Nevertheless, many of these burials did have teeth. By analyzing carbon isotopes in tooth enamel, it was possible to expand the sample and to include in this study all those skeletons who did not yield collagen. On the other hand, it is known that the carbon isotopes found in the bone collagen and those found in the hydroxyapatite reflect different aspects of an individual’s diet. After conducting laboratory experiments, scholars agree that the carbon in bone collagen isotope values is biased toward the proteins consumed during an individual’s life. While the carbon found in bone and enamel hydroxyapatite reflects the whole diet (that includes carbohydrates, lipids, and proteins) rather than just protein (Ambrose and Norr

1993; Froehle et al. 2010; Howland et al. 2003; Kellner and Schoeninger 2007; Somerville et al.

2013; Tieszen and Fagre 1993). Because bone collagen carbon isotope values are biased toward 98 the dominant protein source, it can lead to underestimating the consumption of C3 plants that have low protein content (Kusaka et.al. 2015:301). Thus, by combining both collagen and hydroxyapatite carbon isotope analysis is possible to expand and have a better understanding of the dietary practices, including the protein and whole diet consumption.

Dentine Collagen Analysis

Additional analysis of carbon and nitrogen on tooth dentin was conducted, along with the radiocarbon dating of those samples, in collaboration with Douglas Kennett of Pennsylvania

State University (who later moved to University of California Santa Barbara).

During this collaboration, the Ceibal Petexbatun Archaeological Project sent some dentine fragments to the Pennsylvania State University. The University of Pennsylvania scholars were able to extract collagen from those dentine samples for radiocarbon dating and isotopes to assess ancient diet (carbon and nitrogen). I will include, the results of these analyses in my discussion about the chronology and diet of Ceibal burials. It is known that dentine is not subject to remodeling (Lamb et al. 2014; Nanci 2003). The dentine calcifies at different rates depending on the tooth (Ubelaker 1989). For example, the dentine in the permanent teeth start to calcify in the incisors around 3 years (± 12 months) and will finish this process around 9 years. The last adult teeth to begin and complete the root dentine calcification are the third molars, which start their calcification process around 8 years (± 12 months) and finish around 18 years old. Thus, depending on the tooth associated with the dentine, it could provide information about the childhood or teenage years of an individual’s life. In contrast, the collagen extracted from long bones provides information about the last 10 years of life. By combining collagen analysis from 99 bone, enamel, and dentine, scholars can obtain information about the diet during the early days of and individual’s life and the last years before death.

Bone Collagen: Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Analysis

Collagen extraction was carried out at the Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Laboratory at the University of Arizona. The collagen extraction was conducted by me under the direction of

Rebecca Watson and Dr. Gregory Hodgins. Each sample was extracted with a diamond-coated rotary wheel and cleaned of exogenous sediments and materials adhering to the surface with a milling bit. The sample was then crushed into a powder, obtaining a grain size between 0.5 and

1.0 mm and washed with acid-base-acid (ultrapure water, .5 M HCl, .1 M NaOH, and .01 M

HCl). The protocol for this research follows a modified version derived from Law and Hedges

(1989). Like Law and Hedges method, we used a semi-automated system for the ABA steps with the same concentrations of chemicals. However, the equipment from the Environmental Isotope

Laboratory of the University of Arizona some differences. For example, during the analysis, we used a non-conical flow and a peristaltic 12 channel pump made by a company called Ismatec.

The flow adapters use teflon tubing and porex frits and are made from a company called Kontes.

Another difference is the samples are removed from the glass cells after ABA pretreatment and gelatinized at 70 ℃ at pH3 in test tubes. Another difference is that in place of the compressed air and cation exchange resin purification steps, the collagen is filtered into borosilicate scintillation vials using autovials (0.45μm glass microfiber filter) and then lyophilized.

Finally, δ13C and δ15N from bone collagen were measured at the Environmental Isotope

Laboratory of the University of Arizona on a continuous-flow gas-ratio mass spectrometer 100

(Finnigan Delta PlusXL) coupled to an elemental analyzer (Costech). The samples were combusted in the elemental analyzer (Environmental Isotope Laboratory 2019).

Tooth Enamel: Carbon and Oxygen Isotope Analysis

The extraction and cleaning procedures of teeth for oxygen and carbon analysis were also conducted at the University of Arizona in the Environmental Isotope Laboratory. The enamel sampling and pretreatments were conducted by me under the direction of Dr. David Dettman and

Dr. Jay Quade. The enamel microsampling was performed using a binocular microscope with a

0.9 mm diamond-tipped drill bit. When possible, a Dremel tool was used to cut a chunk of enamel. Careful drilling and visual inspection of the enamel powder was conducted to ensure that the dentin was excluded from the sample. The samples were collected close to a cusp, including the mid-crown, and close to the cervical margin. Depending on the teeth preservation, on some occasions, the enamel was sampled from the buccal or labial section of the teeth. On some occasions, the enamel was ground using an agate mortar and pestle. After drilling or grinding, the enamel was soaked in 0.1 NaOCl, for around 45 minutes. During this process, the sample was agitated occasionally. By the agitation process it is possible to get rid of air bubbles, and dry parts, making sure that all the dentine is fully soaked in the NaOCl solution. Finally, the

18 sample was rinsed with δH2O and slowly dried in an Oaklon Stable Temp machine. The δ O and δ 13C of carbonates were measured using an automated carbonate preparation device (KIEL-

III) coupled to a gas-ratio mass spectrometer (Finnigan MAT 252). Powdered samples were reacted with dehydrated phosphoric acid under vacuum at 70°C (Environmental Isotope

Laboratory 2019).

101

Strontium and Lead Isotope Analysis

Analyses of the isotopic compositions of Sr and Pb in tooth enamel took place in the Ruiz

Research Laboratory in the Department of Geosciences at the University of Arizona. The strontium and lead sampling and analysis were conducted by Dr. Jason Kirk in collaboration with me. For the lead analysis, I took separate enamel samples from those for carbon and oxygen. Approximately 10 to 50 mg of enamel were sampled. For those samples, I used chunks of the cusp, including the mid-crown, and the cervical margin. The enamel was sampled from the buccal or labial section, depending on the preservation and teeth morphology.

The laboratory methodology used in this research follows the protocols from an internal unpublished manuscript (Kick et al. 2019) that will be briefly discussed below. The sample was ultrasonicated in deionized water to remove surface dirt. The samples were also pretreated with both dilute sodium hypochlorite and acetic acid during ultrasonication. They were then rinsed multiple times with MQ water and again ultrasonicated. The MQ (Milli-Q) water is a type of water that has been purified using an ion-exchange cartridge. The digestion, as well as Sr and Pb purification, was conducted in a class 1 micro-environment within a class 1000 clean lab.

Samples were digested with twice-distilled concentrated nitric acid (HNO3) at approximately

120°C for 24 hours. Strontium and lead were then purified using ion-exchange columns containing SrSpec resin (Eichrom). After separation, strontium was loaded onto degassed tantalum (Ta) filaments with phosphoric acid and tantalum gel to enhance ionization and stability. Mass spectrometry on strontium and lead was performed with a VG Sector 54 multicollector thermal ionization mass spectrometer in dynamic collection mode. The lead was brought up in 3ml of twice-distilled 2% nitric and spiked with an appropriate quantity of Tl for mass bias corrections, run on a Thermo Scientific Isoprobe MC-ICPMS (Multicollector- 102

Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometer), and a TIMS (Thermal ionization mass spectrometry).

103

Table 5.1 Isotopic data of selected food items available in the Maya Area.

δ13C δ15N Bibliographic Species Common Name (‰PDB) (‰AIR) C:N Reference Zea mays Maize, yellow -11.02 6.1 - Wright et al. 2010:165 Zea mays Maize, yellow -11.00 3.5 - Wright et al. 2010:165 Opuntania sp. Nopal cactus -10.01 - - Wright 2006:95 Theobroma cacao Cacao -34.14 3.69 2.6 Wright 2006:96 Brosimum alicastrum Ramon -28.98 - - Wright 2006:95 Phaseolus vulgaris Beans -27.12 - - Wright 2006:95 Annona sp. Anona fruit -27.70 - - Wright 2006:95 Capsicum sp. Chili peper -30.10 - - Wright 2006:95 Bixa orellana Achiote -23.60 - - Wright et al. 2010:165 Persea americana Avocado -27.20 - - Wright et al. 2010:165 Sechium edule Güiskil -24.90 - - Wright et al. 2010:165 Crotelaria vitellina Chipilín -28.70 - - Wright et al. 2010:165 Odocoileus virginianus White-tail deer -21.50 3.2 2.7 Wright et al. 2010:165 Odocoileus virginianus White-tail deer -20.90 6.6 3 Sharpe 2016:355 Crysemys sp. ? Turtle -11.10 9.3 3 Wright et al. 2010:165 Meleagris gallopavo Wild turkey -9.68 6.33 3.3 Sharpe 2016:356 Meleagris ocellata Ocelated turkey -17.76 8.63 3.2 Sharpe 2016:357 Canis lupus familiaris Dog A -11.50 7 3.2 Sharpe 2016:353

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CHAPTER 6

RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

After discussing the archaeological background (Chapter 2), the sample size (Chapters 3 and 4), and isotopic methods (Chapter 5) in the following paragraphs, I will discuss and expand on some of these issues to explore six hypotheses that are tie to specific periods. The six hypotheses discuss different aspects of social inequality and political centralization, three of them are connected to the diet analysis, while the other three to migration study. The hypotheses discussed below were developed based on previous archaeological, osteological, and isotopic investigations in the area.

Diet, Social Inequality, and Political Centralization

To examine how were social inequality and political centralization reflected in dietary practices? I will conduct and a stable isotopic study using carbon and nitrogen isotopes targeted to the following hypotheses.

Hypothesis 1.1: Maize was Consumed by the People who Lived near the Ceibal Area before the

Adoption of Ceramics and the Spread of Sedentary Life around 1100 BC.

Important insights about the ancient diet in the Maya lowlands come from 14 burials that date from around 7500 to 2600 BC, the skeletons were excavated from the rock shelters of the

Maya Mountains of Belize (Kennnett et al. 2020). These individuals have δ13C collagen values raging between -21.6‰ and -20.3‰. These carbon isotopic values are important because it shows that these individuals had a C3 plant diet (bean, squash, avocado, ramon, among others see Table 5.1) with minimal or no C4 (maize) or CAM plant consumption. 105

However, dating between 2600 to1800 BC, Kennett and colleges found ten more individuals who show a slightly δ13C isotopic enrichment ranging between -20.9‰ and -13.7‰.

These authors argued that the enrichment was produced by a slight increase in the C4 plant consumption and is connected to a transitional maize diet (Kennnett et al. 2020). On the other hand, the δ15N values found on all these individuals excavated from the Belizean rock shelters show that the protein consumption ranged from 6‰ to 10‰ and did not change significantly through time (Kennett et al. 2020:6). Dating to around 1800 BC to 1000 AD, Kennett and colleagues found 23 more burials with δ13C collagen values that range between -13.5‰ and -

8.2‰. According to these authors, the enrichment of carbon isotopes observed after this period is connected to an increase of maize in the diet (Kennett et al. 2020:6).

Evidence of preserved maize and pollen found in different regions of Mesoamerica support the idea that some individuals consumed moderate amounts of maize before the adoption of ceramics and the spread of sedentary life. For example, there is DNA evidence that maize alleles were modified probably as a result of domestication sometime around 3400–3000 BC in the Teohucan Valley, located in the Mexican highlands (Vallebueno-Estrada et al. 2016, Ramos-

Madrigal et al. 2016). On the other hand, in the Mirador region, there is lake sediment data that shows that forest disturbance coincides with the appearance of maize pollen around 2600 BC

(Anderson and Wahl 2016; Wahl et al. 2006, 2007, 2014, 2016). Evidence of maize dating from around 2000 BC was also found at El Gigante Rock shelter in Honduras. The maize found in El

Gigante Rock shelter data indicates that an enlargement of the maize cobs, probably as a result of domestication was underway by 2000 BC (Kennett et al. 2017). In the Pasion River region in the

Laguna Tamarindito (near the Ceibal area), there is lake sediment data of maize pollen and deforestation dating between 2000-1000 BC (Dunning et al. 1997). Around the same time, 106 evidence of forest disturbance was also found in lakes from northern Peten (Anselmetti et al.

2007, Vaughan et al. 1985, Wahl et al. 2006, 2007, 2013). The presence of maize pollen in these contexts indicates that around 2000 BC or earlier the Maya lowlands were occupied by small mobile groups who consumed maize and probably subsisted through horticulture, fishing, hunting, and gathering (Pohl et al. 1996). Some scholars have argued that at the beginnings domesticated maize was of little dietary importance and that it became popular in Mesoamerica because of the sugar content of stalk juice, which was import in social gatherings, and public activities (Smalley and Blake 2003).

On the other hand, around 1100 BC iconographic representations of maize deities started to appear in many sites of Chiapas, the Mexican Basin, the Gulf Coast, and the Pacific Coast

(Clark and Pye 2000, Taube 2000, Niederberger 2000). In the Soconusco area (located in the

Pacific Coast) some scholars argue based on the isotopic and macrobotanical data that there is evidence of an increase in the use of maize after 1000 BC (Blake et al. 1992, Rosenwing et al.

2015). Besides, in the Maya area, there is isotopic data from sites located in the north of Belize such as Lamanai, Cuello, and K’axob, that indicate that after the adoptions of ceramics in the

Maya area, during the Middle Preclassic to Late Preclassic periods (1000 – 75 BC), people had access to moderate quantities of maize (with δ13C values from -15‰ to -11‰). Although maize seems to start becoming a popular staple in the diet, the protein data with δ15N values from 8.2‰ to 13‰ indicate that meat and aquatic resources were an important part of the Preclassic Maya diet (Henderson 2013; Tykot et al 1996; White and Schwarcz 1989).

The δ13C values observed in the Preclassic sites of North of Belize (Lamanai, Cuello, and

K’axob from -15‰ to -11‰) overlap with the values of carbon observed in those individuals with transitional maize (20.9‰ to -13.7‰) and a staple maize (-13.5‰ and -8.2‰) diets found 107 in the Belizean Maya rock shelters (Kennett et al. 2020). If the Preceramic individuals found at

Ceibal eat maize, I expect that all the skeletons will have enriched collagen δ13C values raging from around -14‰ to -11‰, like those observed in the Preclassic Belizean sites.

Hypothesis 1.2. There was a Significant Increase of Maize Consumption at Ceibal during the

Classic Period. The Increase in Maize Consumption was Accompanied by a Decrease in the

Consumption of Meat and Freshwater Resources.

Isotopic studies that show that during the Early and Late Classic period (175 BC-AD

850) there are populations in the Maya area with δ13C values that range from -12‰ to -8‰, indicating that at many centers such as Uaxactun, Holmul, Altar, Ceibal, Dos Pilas, Barton

Ramie, Baking Pot, and Copan people were increasing the proportion of maize in the diet

(Henderson 2013; Tykot et al 1996; White and Schwarcz 1989). To test the hypothesis that there was a significant increase of maize consumption overtime at Ceibal, I will conduct an ANOVA analysis between the Preclassic and Classic samples from Ceibal.

Although for most of the Maya sites the Classic Period was characterized by an increase in maize consumption, the isotopic data indicate that this trend in maize consumption was not universal across Mesoamerica. For example, in some sites such as Lamanai (Belize) and

Kaminaljuyu (Guatemala), the isotopic data indicate a decline of maize consumption from the

Preclassic to the Classic periods (White and Schwarcz 1989; White 1986; Wright et al. 2010). In contrast, in other places such as Pacbitun (Belize) and Copan (Honduras), there was an increase in maize consumption from the Preclassic to the Late Classic Periods (Reed 1994; Reed 1999;

White, et al. 1993). 108

On the other hand, regarding the consumption of meat and freshwater resources. The

δ15N values reported at Ceibal (8.5‰ to 11‰) from those burials excavated by the HAP project show that the Preclassic individuals also ate a moderate amount of meat and aquatic resources

(Wrigth 2006). However, during the Terminal Classic period, some of the skeletons from Ceibal have lower δ15N values raging from 7‰ to 11‰. According to Wright, there was a decline in the meat and aquatic resources during the Terminal Classic period at Ceibal (Wright 1996;

Wright 2006).

To examine these changes in the dietary patterns, I will conduct an ANOVA analysis between the Preclassic (Preceramic, Real, Escoba, and Cantutse) and Classic (Xate, Junco,

Tepejilote, and Bayal) samples from Ceibal. To confirm this hypothesis, I am expecting to find a statistically increase of maize consumption at Ceibal during the Classic Period. The shift in maize consumption correlates with a statistically significant decrease in the consumption of meat and freshwater resources.

Hypothesis 1.3. No Clear Correlation between Social Inequality and Diet at Ceibal.

Through the analysis of elite and lower status burials, I will examine the possibility of an increase in elite dietary privilege over time as reflected in carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios. On one hand, certain isotopic studies seem to support the notion that there were elite individuals in the Maya area who had more nutrient-dense dietary practices, consisting of greater amounts of animal protein (Pohl 1990; Reed 1994; White and Schwarcz 1989; White, et al. 1993). On the other hand, other scholars have shown that each site has different dietary practices and that the pattern of elites eating greater amounts of animal protein may not be universal, and that in some 109 occasions, elite and lower status individuals can have similar diets (Chase, et al. 2001; Gerry

1993, Wright 2006).

To explore this hypothesis, I will conduct an ANOVA and IQR statistical analysis comparing the diet of the possible elite burials from Groups A and D with other lower status skeletons often found in the outlying residential groups. I will also compare the diet between local and non-local individuals. To support this hypothesis, I am expecting not to find any significant difference between burials from individuals from different social statuses. A non- statistically significant result will support the idea that regardless of its place of origin elites and lower status individuals have access to similar foods (Chase, et al. 2001:116; Gerry 1993:63), and that there was no clear correlation between social inequality and diet at Ceibal.

Migration, Social Inequality, and Political Centralization

To examine how were changes in social inequality and political centralization associated with those in migrations and external relations? I will conduct and a stable isotopic study using oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopes targeted to the following hypotheses.

Hypothesis 2.1. Preclassic Migrations from the Olmec Area at Ceibal.

Isidro, Chiapa de Corzo, and the Olmec site of La Venta (Clark and Hansen 2001; Inomata

2012). These findings suggest that Ceibal’s inhabitants might have interactions with groups from 110 the Pacific Coast, Southern Gulf Coast, and Chiapas during the Preclassic period (Inomata et al

2012).

To identified non-local individuals, I will conduct and interquartile range (IQR) statistical analysis. The details of the IQR analysis are explained in Chapters 5 and 7. Based on the IQR analysis I suggest a local strontium range for the Ceibal area of 0.70755. Similar values were reported by other authors for the Ceibal area in previous investigations (for instance 0.70749 see

Sharpe et al. 2018, and 0.7075 see Price et al. 2014). If Ceibal had migrants from sites with

Olmec influence, I am expecting to find outlying individuals reflecting similar strontium values than those regions with the Olmec influence such as the Pacific Coast (Ojo de Agua or Izapa

0.7047), Southern Gulf Coast (La Venta 0.7081, San Lorenzo 0.7083), or Chiapas (Chiapa de

Corzo 0.7083 see Price et al. 2014). For this hypothesis, I will use the Preceramic (1100 BC) and

Real 3 (800-700 BC) burials. I choose these burials because they date close to those sites with

Olmec influence.

Hypothesis 2.2. In the Late Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic Periods (Escoba and Cantutse

Phases), there are more Hostile External Relations at Ceibal due to the Intensification of Warfare in the Maya area. The Hostile External Relations might be Reflected in an Increase of Non-local

Sacrificial Victims at Ceibal.

In many centers of the Maya area mass and single disarticulated skeletons began to appear during the Late Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic period in public ceremonial spaces such as plazas and structures. For instance, at Ceibal, around 20 dismembered individuals including male adults and children (five from the Escoba 2 phase, and 15 from the Escoba 3-

Cantutse 1 transition) were found in the Central Plaza (Palomo 2013; Palomo 2019; Palomo, et 111 al. 2017). At Cuello in Belize, several interments, including two mass burials with more than 50 disarticulated skeletons, were found (Hammond 1999; Robin and Hammond 1991). Other sites with evidence of mass burials that date to this period include Altun Ha (Pendergast, et al. 1979),

Los Mangales (Sharer and Sedat 1987), the several sites in the Northwest Yucatan (Serafin, et al.

2014), Kaminaljuyu (López 1993; Velásquez 1993), Chalchuapa (Fowler 1984), Andres

Semetabaj (Shook et al 1979), La Libertad (Clark et al. 1994) and Chiapa de Corzo (Clark 2016).

The increasing trend in sacrificial burials supports the idea that during the end of the

Middle Preclassic and the Late Preclassic, there was an increase of warfare in many of the

Mayan centers (Inomata 2014).

This hypothesis expects an increase of non-local sacrificial victims at Ceibal dating for the Late Middle and Late Preclassic periods. To test this hypothesis, I examined the strontium isotopic composition of the possible sacrificial victims found at Ceibal dating to the Escoba 1/2 and Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 phases. If Ceibal engaged in hostile external relations with other sites of the Maya area, I am expecting to find male skeletons with outlying strontium values like those observed other sites Maya lowlands (that have values between 0.7077 to 0.7081 see Price et. al.

2014, Sharpe et al. 2016, Wright 2005, and 2012).

Hypothesis 2.3. There was an Increase of Migrants from the Maya Lowlands during the Classic

Period at Ceibal.

During the Late Classic period, Ceibal became a vibrant center and was characterized by population growth and an increase in construction activities. However, significant social changes marked the end of the Classic period. Many centers in the southern Maya lowlands were abandoned because of a combination of factors that include, warfare events, droughts, and over- 112 exploitation of the natural resources (Barrientos and Demarest 2007; Coe 2011; Demarest, et al.

1997; Hodell, et al. 2001; Hodell, et al. 1995). Nevertheless, during the Terminal Classic Ceibal was revived as one of the most powerful cities in the region. A new king, who was probably named Aj Bolon Ha’btal Wat’ul K’atel, came to Ceibal in AD 829. He erected magnificent stelae associated with a ceremony held in AD 849. The epigraphic studies suggest that the emergence of this new king was “supervise” (or connected) by a foreign King from the Maya site of Ucanal, located in the southeast Peten near the border with Belize (Martin and Grube 2008: 227).

The hieroglyphic inscriptions and iconographic depictions in stone monuments at Ceibal support the idea that at the end of the Terminal Classic, the site had closer interactions with contemporary non-Maya groups from Mexico (Houston and Inomata 2009; Kowalski 1998;

Martin and Grube 2008). For years the Mesoamerican scholars have been arguing whether if the

Ceibal Classic period population growth was a result of local migrations from nearby sites

(Wright 1994) or if resulted from non-locals coming from distant Mexican places. During the

1960s and 1970s, Sabloff and Willey (Sabloff 1973; Sabloff and Willey 1967) proposed a foreign invasion theory that by A.D. 830, Non-Classic Maya groups likely coming from Mexico invaded Ceibal and Altar de Sacrificios. However, none of the recent bioarcheological studies

(Cucina 2013, Cucina et al. 2015, Scherer 2007, Wright 1994, 2006) show evidence of migrants from Central Mexico at Ceibal, thus many scholars think that such invasions are unlikely at

Ceibal.

On the other hand, the Ceibal skeletal sample excavated by the Harvard Archaeological

Project in the 1960s has been subject to many bioarchaeological studies. The first of these studies was made by Austin (1978). By analyzing dental traits in 45 individuals uncovered from Ceibal

(Saul 1972; Tourtellot 1990), Austin (1978) argues that there was a greater diversity of dental 113 traits among individuals from Ceibal, suggesting that there was less genetic continuity at this settlement between early populations (14 burials dating from 600 BC to AD 810) and the

Terminal Classic individuals (30 burials dating to the Bayal phase from AD 810-950). This observation concurs with the most recent findings by Scherer (2007), which, through the analysis of dental metrics, suggests that there was an external gene flow at Ceibal during the Classic period. A similar finding was made by Cucina and colleagues (Cucina 2013; Cucina, et al. 2015) who by analyzing dental traits from many burials of the northern and central Maya lowlands, argue that samples from inland sites of the Maya lowlands, such as Calakmul, Altar de

Sacrificios, Ceibal, and Dzibanche, had dental morphological traits that clustered together. They suggest less gene flow with coastal and northern groups, such as Noh Bec, Kohunlich, Xcambo,

Jaina, Mayapan, and Chichen Itza, whose dental traits clustered far from the Pasion region. On the other hand, Wrobel (2003) also analyzed dental traits from the Ceibal skeletal sample and compared them to the osteological samples from the other four Maya sites located northern

Belize (Chau Xiix, Altun Ha, Lamanai, and Barton Ramie). Wrobel argued that Ceibal dental traits cluster far from those Northern Belizean sites, and suggested there was no clear evidence of gene flow between Ceibal and the northern Belize sites. These bioarchaeological investigations imply that if there were migrants at Ceibal, their origins are probably not in the northern Maya lowlands sites located near the ocean (Cucina, et al. 2015) or in northern Belize (Wrobel 2003).

To identify outlying individuals, as mentioned before I conducted an interquartile range

(IQR) statistical analysis of the oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopes. To support the hypothesis of an increase of migrants from the Maya lowlands at Ceibal, I am expecting to find an increase of non-local individuals dating to the Classic period with isotopic signatures that resemble other inland places of the southern Maya lowlands (with strontium values between 0.7077- 0.7083) 114 such as the Usumacinta region, the Peten area, Chiapas, southern Belize, and inland Campeche

115

CHAPTER 7

CARBON AND NITROGEN ISOTOPIC ANALYSIS ON BURIALS FROM CEIBAL

This study was based on 123 samples from bone collagen that belong to a minimum number of 94 individuals (Tables 7.1 and 7.2). Out of the 94 individuals, 71 were excavated by the Ceibal Petexbatun Archaeological Project and sampled and analyzed by me for this research

(Palomo 2009; Palomo 2010; Palomo 2014; Palomo 2019; Palomo et al. 2017). Another 23 skeletons were excavated by the Harvard Archaeological Project and analyzed independently by

Lori Wright (1994, 2006) and John Gerry (Gerry 1996, Gerry and Krueger 1997). Tables 7.1 and 7.2 show the carbon and nitrogen collagen values for each sampled individual.

This section also discusses the carbon isotope analysis from tooth enamel. For the enamel isotopic study, I sampled 125 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 72 individuals. All these burials were recovered by the Ceibal Petexbatun Archaeological Project. Appendix A shows the isotopic enamel data for each sampled individual.

Early Preclassic Period: Preceramic

From the Preceramic sample, only three out of the four individuals yielded collagen.

Table 7.3 shows the mean and standard deviation collagen carbon values of each all the sampled individuals divided by period. The collagen carbon analysis of Preceramic individuals has values of δ13C between -12.1‰ and -10.05‰ with a mean of -12.1‰ and a standard deviation of 0.98.

For the enamel analysis, there is a sample of five teeth that belong to three of the Preceramic individuals. Table 7.4 and Figure 7.2 illustrate that these individuals have enamel δ13C values between -7.56‰ and -4.83‰ (with a mean of -5.88‰ and a standard deviation of 1.05). Both enamel and collagen carbon results fall in the range expected for populations consuming 116 moderate amounts of maize in the Maya area (Price et al. 2014; Tykot et al. 1996; Wright et al.

2010). Table 7.5 and Figure 7.3 show that the preceramic individuals have δ15N values between

10.5‰ and 12.1‰ with a mean of 11.18‰ and/or a standard deviation of 0.61. These values indicate that these people were consuming moderate meat and aquatic resources.

For two of the Preceramic male adult skeletons (Burials CB162 and CB172), I obtained samples of dentine as well as long bone (Figure 7.3). In the case of Burial CB172, the dentine data observed as an outlier in Figure 7.1 suggests that in his earlier years of life this individual consumed moderate quantities of maize (δ13C -10.5‰) along with aquatic resources and meat

(δ15N 10.5‰). Interestingly during his adulthood, represented by δ13C of -12.9‰ and δ15N of

11.4‰, the data show that this male individual was eating slightly smaller quantities of maize and higher amounts of meat than in his childhood. In the case of the other male adult (Burial

CB162), both, the dentine and bone collagen analysis show that this person was eating moderate amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources in his early and last years of life (Figure

7.3). This individual died at a young age, probably a few years after his dentine finished the calcification process. This may be why his dentine and long bones had similar isotopic values.

The bone and enamel carbon analysis support the hypothesis that maize was consumed by people who lived near the Ceibal area before the adoption of ceramics around 1100 BC

(Hypothesis 1.1see Chater 6). The amounts of maize consumption observed in the Ceibal

Preceramic individuals (that range between -12.1‰ and -10.05‰) are similar to the diet of some of those early burials found in the rock shelters in Belize with a staple maize diet (that range between -13.5‰ and -8.2‰ see Kennett et al. 2020:5-6) and those sites from North Belize (with

δ13C values from -15‰ to -11‰ see Henderson 2013; Tykot et al 1996; White and Schwarcz

1989). On the other hand, the nitrogen isotopic composition shows that the Ceibal Preceramic 117 individuals (10.5‰ and 12.1‰) ate moderates amounts of meat and aquatic resources, similarly than some of those individuals from north Belize (who have δ15N values between 8.2‰ to 13‰).

In contrast, to those Archaic individuals from the Belize cave system and the Soconusco region who ate slightly fewer proteins (with δ15N values between 10.5‰ and above 6‰ (see Blake et al. 1992 and Kennett et al. 2020:5)

Some scholars have argued that there was an increase in maize use in many regions of

Mesoamerica (such as the Sonoconusco, Mexico, and the Maya Area) after 1000 cal BC

(Rosenwing et al. 2015). However, the current carbon isotopic data shows that people living in the Ceibal area were consuming moderate amounts of maize before 1000 BC. Besides, other lines of evidence such as the presence of some individuals with enrichment carbon by 1900 BC in the rock shelters from North Belize (Kennett et al. 2020), the maize pollen, and deforestation in Peten (Anselmetti et al. 2007, Dunning et al. 1997, Vaughan et al. 1985, Wahl et al. 2006,

2007), together with evidence of preserved maize cobs (Kennett et al. 2017) supports the idea that around 2000 to 1000 BC the Maya lowlands were occupied by mobile groups who consumed moderate amounts of maize.

Early Middle Preclassic Period: Real 3

For this period seven collagen samples belong to a minimum number of five individuals.

Figure 7.4 illustrates that two samples come from dentine, and the five samples were taken from the long bone. These individuals have δ13C collagen values between -14.0‰ and -12.0‰ with a mean of -13.31‰ and a standard deviation of 0.94 (see Table 7.3 and Figure 7.1). For the enamel analysis, there is a sample of seven teeth from four individuals. Table 7.4 and Figure 7.2 shows that these individuals have carbon enamel values between δ13C -10.06‰ and -6.21‰ (with a 118 mean of -7.64‰ and a standard deviation of 1.34). These carbon values indicate that some of the

Real 3 individuals were consuming slightly less maize than the Early Preclassic Preceramic individuals (see Figures 7.1 and 7.2). Interestingly, regarding the δ15N consumption with values between 10.5‰ and 12.1‰, a mean of 11.47‰, and a standard deviation of 1.06. Table 7.5 and figure 7.3, the data shows that both populations seem to be eating similar amounts of aquatic and terrestrial resources. However, it is important to mention that both, the Preceramic and Real 3 samples, are relatively small, thus the possibility of sampling errors cannot be discarded. The statistical analysis show that slightly decrease in the carbon values from the Preceramic phase to the Real 3 was not significant (student’s t-test: t(9)=1.81, p= .103 for collagen δ13C, and t(10)=2.44, p= .574 for enamel δ13C). The analysis also indicates that during the Real 3 phase, there was not a significant change in the nitrogen values (student’s t-test: t(9)= -.614, p= .555), which indicates that wild resources continued to be an important part of the people who lived around Ceibal at that time. This data suggest that the reliance on maize did not increase at Ceibal after the adoptions of ceramics and during the construction of the E-Group.

Some of these Early Middle Preclassic Real 3 individuals (Burial CB132A, B, and C) were found interred in the bedrock located in an outlying group know as the Karinel group (see

Figure 3.3). Other Real 3 individuals were found buried in architectural features such as the E-

Group (CB136) and a possible residential structure in front of A-24 (CB110), both located in the

Group A. All these burials have several vessels as grave goods. Nevertheless, regardless of their archaeological context or the amounts of grave goods, the IQR statistical analysis, and the box plots shows that all the Real 3 individuals had access to similar amounts of maize (see box plots from Figures 7.1 and 7.2), and except for burial CB136 (see Figure 7.3) all of them were eating 119 moderates amounts of meat and aquatic resources. There is no evidence of social differentiation in terms of diet during this period.

Some scholars have argued that maize production played an important role in the initial increase in sedentism and ceramic production (Clark et al. 2007:37, Lesure and Wake 2011:69).

However, the isotopic analysis from the Real 3 burials does not support this idea. The fact that the Real 3 individuals did not increase the proportion of maize in their diet after the adoption of ceramics suggests that Ceibal residents had access to other foods such as meat, wild plants, and freshwater resources. We cannot discard the possibility that during this period, maize was of little dietary importance for some individuals, and perhaps it was consumed because of its sugar content of stalk juice, which was import in social gatherings (Smalley and Blake 2003). Either way, the Real 3 dietary patterns show that during the Middle Preclassic the transition from a C3 diet to staple maize (C4) diet was still occurring in a slowly and not homogeneous manner. That is to say, not all people simultaneously increased their consumption of maize in their diet after sedentarization and the adoption of ceramics. The transition to a maize diet was a slow and asymmetric process in the Ceibal area.

Late Middle Preclassic: Escoba 1 and 2

For this period 10 collagen samples belong to a minimum number of nine individuals. As observed in Table 7.3 and Figure 7.1, These individuals have carbon values between δ13C -

13.8‰ and -9.8‰ with a mean of -10.95‰ and a standard deviation of 1.22. For the enamel analysis, I sample 13 teeth that belonged to seven individuals. Table 7.4 and Figure 7.2 show the

δ13C tooth enamel sample that has values between -3.49‰ to -0.64‰, with a mean of -5.64‰ and a standard deviation of 1.34. These carbon analyses indicate that during the Escoba 1 and 2 120 phase, people were consuming moderate quantities of maize. The statistical analysis (Table 7.3 and 7.4) of carbon isotopes shows that the diet of the Escoba population is closer to the

Preceramic diet (not statistically significant collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=20.15, p= .770, enamel

δ13C ANOVA, F=17.44, p= 1.0). Nevertheless, the Escoba diet is significantly different when compared to the Real 3 individuals (collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=3.26, p= .033, enamel δ13C

ANOVA, F=3.67, p= .019). These numbers show that the Escoba population was eating more maize than the Real 3 individuals (Figure 7.1 and 7.2).

Table 7.5 and Figure 7.3 show that data regarding the δ15N isotope composition, with values between 12.2‰ and 9.9‰, with a mean of 10.98‰, and a standard deviation of 0.93. The statistical analysis indicates that there is no significant change in the nitrogen values (collagen

δ15N ANOVA, F=4.79, p= .996). Thus, this data indicates that meat and aquatic resources continue to be an important part of the Late Middle Preclassic.

During the Escoba 1 and 2 phases, some individuals were found in funereal (Burials

CB126 and CB160) and others in sacrificial contexts (Burials CB153, CB158, and CB 128).

Figure 7.1 shows that burial CB158 has outlying bone collagen carbon values. This skeleton belongs to a newborn baby, his carbon values might be connected to the mother’s diet.

Nevertheless, regardless of these individuals died from natural causes or sacrificial activities, the

IQR statistical analysis and the box plots from Figures 7.2, 7.3, and 7.5 shows that all the individuals dating to the Escoba 1 and 2 phases had access to similar amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. These data suggest that during this period there was no clear correlation between diet and social inequality, or that people were not very socially distinct from each other.

121

Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic Transition: Escoba 3/Cantutse 1

For these phases, there are 18 samples from a minimum number of 13 individuals (Table

7.1). Table 7.3 and Figure 7.1 show that these individuals have carbon values between δ13C -

14.6‰ to -9.8‰ with a mean of -12.15‰ and a standard deviation of 1.94. For the enamel analysis, there is a sample of 18 teeth that belong to 13 individuals. Table 7.4 and Figure 7.2 show that the enamel has δ13C values that range between -7.90‰ to -1.63‰ with a mean of -

6.63‰ and a standard deviation of 1.51. The carbon isotopic statistical analysis indicates that there is not any significant difference among the Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 population and the previous Preceramic, Real 3, and Escoba population individuals (collagen δ13C ANOVA,

F=2.15, p= 1.25, enamel δ13C ANOVA, F=14.44, p= .815). Table 7.5 shows that regarding the

δ15N values there is a range between of 12.5‰ and 8.2‰ with a mean of 10.41‰ and a standard deviation of 1.34. The nitrogen data was not statistically significant (collagen δ15N ANOVA,

F=4.79, p= .954), indicating that meet and aquatic resources were still an important part of the

Ceibal residents’ diet.

Two individuals who were found in Group A have low collagen carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios (Figure 7.1). These are Burials CB104 (δ13C -9.3‰ and δ15N 8.2‰) and

CB111 (δ13C -8.4‰ and δ15N 7.5‰), both skeletons were analyzed in 2013 by Dr. Hodgins and colleagues (Hodgins et al 2019). In 2019, I analyzed for a second time Burials CB104 and

CB111. Although the isotopic analysis was made in the same laboratory and methodology, the lab work was conducted by different scholars (Deetmant 2019, personal communication). During this process, Burial CB111 did not yield collagen. Nevertheless, Burial CB104 yielded collagen values of δ13C -11.7‰ and δ15N 9.4‰, these results are closer to the isotopic results of the 122 contemporary burials. Thus, in this case, I will use the most recent isotopic analysis and count as possible outlier the previous 2013 results of Burial CB104.

From the 13 sampled individuals dating to the Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 phase, only one individual (Burial CB104) was found in a funerary context. The other 12 contemporaneous individuals were possibly sacrificial victims (Palomo et al 2017, Palomo 2009). Burial CB104 is the burial with a greater quantity of grave goods for the all Preclassic period at Ceibal.

Nevertheless, with values of δ13C -11.7‰ and δ15N 9.4‰, the data indicates that regardless of its social status or place of origin this individual (CB 104) was eating slightly more maize and less meat and aquatic resources than the possible contemporaneous sacrificial victims.

The carbon and nitrogen values of the 12 possible sacrificial victims dating to the Escoba

3/ Cantutse 1 phase overlaps with the values from those individuals dating to the previous

Preceramic, Real 3, and Escoba phases (Figure 7.6). Thus, the presence of sacrificial victims seems not to affect or change the dietary patterns observed in Figures 7.1, 7.2, and 7.3. In other words, regardless of these individuals died from natural causes or sacrificial activities, the isotopic analysis indicates that all of the Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1 individuals had access to similar amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources.

Late Preclassic Period: Cantutse 2/3

For this period there are seven samples from a minimum number of six individuals (Table

7.1). Figure 7.1 and Table 7.3 show that these individuals have collagen values between δ13C -

12.2‰ to -8.4‰ with a mean of -9.97‰ and a standard deviation of 1.38. For the enamel analysis, there is a sample of eight teeth that belong to a minimum number of five individuals.

Table 7.4 and Figure 7.2 show that these individuals have carbon values between δ13C -4.00‰ 123 and -6.49‰ (with a mean of -3.67‰ and a standard deviation of 2.35). This data indicates moderate consumption of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. The carbon in both collagen and enamel indicates that during the Cantutse phase there was an increase in maize consumption only significant (collagen δ13C ANOVA 12.13, p=.001, enamel δ13C ANOVA

11.58, p=.000) for the Real 3 and Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 sample comparison.

The δ15N values are depicted in Table 7.5 and Figure 7.3, and range between 12.9‰ and

7.6‰ with a mean of 10.48‰ and a standard deviation of 1.78. This data indicates moderate consumption of meat and aquatic resources. The nitrogen data shows no significant changes in terms of protein consumption (collagen δ15N ANOVA, F=4.79, p= 1.0), indicating that the meat and aquatic resources continue to be an important part of the diet of the Cantutse 2/3 population at Ceibal.

Figure 7.7 shows that there is one possible outlier for this period. Burial CB164 an adult female has values of δ13C -8.4‰ and δ15N 7.5‰, which are lower in comparison to the other

Cantutse individuals. The dating of Burial 164 is problematic and it could be possible that this individual dates to the Bayal phase. Interestingly, the diet of this individual is closer to the observed in the Bayal population than the Cantutse phase.

From this period, there is one individual (Burial 169) that might represent an emerging elite. Burial CB169 was found in a funerary context buried in the central axis of the E-Group.

This individual is the only burial dating to the Preclassic covered partially with red pigment

(probably cinnabar). The strontium and lead analysis indicate that this individual might be non- local. The collagen data from the dentine and long bone data indicates that regardless of its social status or place of origin, this individual (CB 169) was eating similar amounts of meat and aquatic resources and slightly more maize than most of the rest of the Cantutse sample. Besides, the IQR 124 statistical analysis and the box plots from Figures 7.1, 7.2, and 7.3, also support the idea all the

Cantutse 2 and 3 individuals had access to the similar foods and that there is evidence of dietary privilege.

Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic: Xate 1/3 and Junco 1 Phases

For these phases, there are 10 collagen samples from a minimum number of 8 individuals

(Table 7.2). Table 7.3 and Figure 7.1 show that these individuals have carbon values between

δ13C -11.1‰ to -8.4‰ with a mean of -9.59‰ and a standard deviation of 0.84. In addition, for the enamel, there is a sample of 10 teeth that belong to five individuals. Table 7.4 and Figure 7.2 show that this individual had enamel values between δ13C -11.02‰ and -0.21‰ with a mean of -

4.12‰ and standard deviation of 2.73, the data support the idea that during these phases there was a shift toward more maize consumption. However, the shift was only significant (collagen

δ13C ANOVA 12.13, p=.001, enamel δ13C ANOVA 11.58, p=.000) for the Real 3 and Escoba

3/Cantutse 1 sample comparison.

Table 7.5 and Figure 7.3 show that the δ15N values for this period range between 12.2‰ and 8.4‰ (with a mean of 10.10‰ and a standard deviation of 1.37). This nitrogen values show that these individuals were eating similar amounts (not significant, collagen δ15N ANOVA,

F=4.79, p= .999) of meat and aquatic resources that the previous Preceramic, Real 3, Escoba 1/2,

Escoba 3/Cantutse 1, and Cantutse.

In Figure 7.8 the trend in δ13C towards maize for the Xate and Junco phases is clear (all the individuals fall between -11.1‰ and -8.6), whereas the δ15N shows more variability. There are four burials (Burials CB18, CB168, CB125, and CB138) with δ15N values above 11‰ suggesting that these individuals had access to higher amounts of meat and aquatic resources that 125 the rest of the population that cluster below 10‰ δ15N (Burials CB22, CB30, CB107, and AN1).

The four individuals with values above δ15N 11‰ belong to three infants (0 to 5-years old) and one adult who was found buried outside the Group A. The three infants were recovered from the

Karinel Group (Burials CB168, CB138, and CB125), and an adult female from Group D (CB18).

The enrichment of nitrogen in the infant’s skeletons might be connected to the maternal diet.

However, although Figure 7.8 shows that some skeletons have different nitrogen isotopic content. The box plots and the IQR statistical analysis from Figures 7.1 and 7.3 suggest that there are no outliers and all the individuals had access to a similar diet. The data shows that the individuals who were found in elite residential contexts (such as Burial CB107 a non-local from the East Court, burial AN1 a non-local from Anonal, burial CB18 from Group D, and burials

CB22 and CB30 from the structure C-24 ) were consuming similar amounts of maize, meat, and aquatic resources (See Figure 7.8) than the other contemporary burials found in a lower status context like those from the Karinel group (burials CB168, CB125, and CB138).

Early Classic: Junco 2/4

For these phases, there are eight samples from a minimum number of eight individuals

(Table 7.2). Table 7.3 and Figure 7.1 show that these individuals have carbon values between

δ13C -10.2‰ to -7.6‰ with a mean of -8.76‰ and a standard deviation of 0.73. For the enamel carbon sample, there is a sample of 14 teeth that belong to seven individuals. Table 7.4 and

Figure 7.1 show that the enamel has values between δ13C -11.02‰ and -0.21‰ with a mean of -

3.01‰ and standard deviation of 1.24. The data support the idea that during these periods there was a shift toward more maize consumption (Figures 7.9). The shift was statistically significant for the Preceramic, Real 3, Escoba, and Escoba 3-Cantuse 1 (collagen δ13C ANOVA 20.50, 126 p=.000, enamel δ13C ANOVA 17.44, p=.000). Table 7.5 and Figure 7.3 shows the δ15N values for these individuals that range between 10.9‰ and 7.9‰, with a mean of 8.86‰ and a standard deviation of 1.36. The nitrogen values show that most of these individuals ate lower quantities of meat and aquatic resources. The decrease in meat and aquatic resources was significant (collagen

δ15N ANOVA F= 4.18 p=.001) for all the previous phases comparison.

The carbon and nitrogen isotope changes observed during these periods support the hypothesis that there was a significant increase of maize consumption at Ceibal during Early

Classic. The data also shows that the increase in maize consumption was accompanied by a decrease in the consumption of meat and freshwater resources (see Hypothesis 1.2 in Chapter 6).

In Figure 7.9 the trend towards increasing maize intake for the Junco phase is clear; all eight individuals fall between δ13C -10.2‰ and -7.6‰, whereas seven individuals cluster between

δ15N 9.3‰ and 7.5‰ (CB109, CB141, CB167, CB124A and B, Cache 158A and B). There is only one burial with (CB165) a female found in the Karinel Group that shows δ15N values above10‰. This data shows that this female had access to slightly higher amounts of meat and aquatic resources that the rest of the skeletons that have δ15N below 10‰. The carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from the Junco 1/2 individuals suggests that during the Early

Classic these individuals were consuming higher amounts of maize along with fewer amounts of meat and aquatic resources when compared to the previous periods.

During the Early Classic (Junco2/4), some individuals were found in funerary residential contexts such as the East Court (Burial CB109), Structure A-2 (CB124A, and B), and Karinel

Group (CB165). The other four individuals come from sacrificial contexts in the Karinel Group

(CB167) and Group D (CB141 and Cache 158 A&B). However, the IQR and the box plot statistical analysis from Figures 7.1, 7.2, and 7.3 show that regardless if these individuals come 127 from a funeral or sacrificial context, the isotopic analysis indicates that all of these individuals had access to similar amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources.

Late Classic Period: Tepejilote

For this period there are 27 collagen samples from a minimum number of 25 individuals

(Table 7.2). Table 7.3 and Figure 7.1 show that these individuals have carbon values between

δ13C -13.1‰ to -6.6‰ with a mean of -9.04‰ and a standard deviation of 1.47. For the enamel carbon isotope ratio, there is a sample of 23 teeth that belonged to 15 different individuals. Table

7.4 and Figure 7.2 show that the enamel of δ13C show that these individuals have values between

-9.19‰ and -0.27‰ with a mean of -2.69‰ and a standard deviation of 2.05. The statistical analysis demonstrates that during this period the diet was not significantly (collagen δ13C

ANOVA 20.15, p=.812, enamel δ13C ANOVA 17.44, p=1.0) different from Xate and Junco phases (Figure 7.1 and 7.2).

Regarding protein consumption, with δ15N values between 12.0‰ and 8.3‰ (with a mean of 9.85‰ and a standard deviation of 1.1, the data shows that all the Tepejilote individuals had access to moderate amounts of meat and aquatic resources (Figure 7.3). However, in Figure

7.10 the values of δ15N show high variability. The individuals seem to cluster in two different groups. One group of is formed by 12 individuals (Burials CB7, CB36, CB41, CB105, CB118,

CB119, CB120, CB121, CB122, CB142, CB143, CB157) with values δ15N between 10‰ to

12‰, these values suggest that these individuals had access to slightly higher amounts of meat and aquatic resources that the other half of the population that has values δ15N between 8.3‰ to

10‰ (13 Burials; CB9, CB23, CB25, CB29, CB40, CB106, CB123, CB131, CB133, CB149,

CB163, CB171, and AN5). 128

The Tepejilote individuals come from different archaeological contexts such as East

Court (CB105 and CB106), Structure A 2 (CB120, CB121, and CB122), Group A patio (CB7,

CB119), Group D (CB118, CB29, and CB133), and outlying groups (CB36, CB41, CB142,

CB143, CB157, CB23, CB25, CB40, CB131, CB149, CB163, CB171, and AN5). Interestingly, the excavations recovered fewer sacrificial burials during this period. At least three possible sacrificial victims (Burials CB29, CB131, CB163) were found in the outlying groups that were sampled. However, besides these differences, the box plots and IQR analysis from Figure 7.1,

7.2, and 7.3 show that except for burial CB171, all the Tepejilote individuals had access to similar amounts of maize, meat, and aquatic resources and that there is no clear evidence of elite dietary privilege.

The only one outlier for this period, Burial 171that belongs to a female adult who was found buried in the Platform 97 located in the outlying areas of Ceibal. This burial did not have any grave good and probably does not represent an elite burial (especially like thus from Group

A with many vessels as grave goods or covered by red pigment). This female skeleton has δ13C and δ15N values that show that she was eating less maize that the rest of the Tepejilote sample

(see Figure 7.1, 7.2, and 7.10) along with similar amounts of meat and aquatic resources. On the other hand, the strontium analysis (See Chapter 8) shows that this female has also outlying strontium isotopic values, suggesting that she had a non-local origin. The isotopic composition of

Burial CB171 indicates that on some occasions the non-locals have different dietary practices concerning the maize intake.

129

Terminal Classic Period: Bayal

For this period there are 22 samples from a minimum number of 20 individuals (Table

7.2). Table 7.3 and Figure 7.1 show that these individuals have carbon values between δ13C -

11.84‰ and -6.6‰ with a mean of -8.97‰ and a standard deviation of 0.93. For the carbon enamel analysis, there is a sample of 21 teeth that belong to 10 different individuals. Table 7.4 and Figure 7.2 show that these individuals have enamel δ13C values between -3.50‰ and -0.21‰ with a mean of -2.38‰ and standard deviation of 1.04). The carbon analysis indicates that Bayal individuals had access to high amounts of maize.

Regarding the δ15N consumption, Table 7.5 and Figure 7.3 show that these individuals had values between 12.5‰ and 8.2‰ with a mean of 9.32‰ and a standard deviation of 1.27, the data indicate that all the sampled individuals of the Bayal population had access to moderate amounts of meat and aquatic resources.

The carbon and nitrogen statistical analysis of the Bayal population shows that there are no significant changes in maize and protein consumption when compared to the Xate, Junco, and

Tepejilote samples (collagen δ13C ANOVA 20.15, p=.762, enamel δ13C ANOVA 17.44, p=0.55)

(Figure 7.11). Except for one outlier (CB108A), the nitrogen values appear generally low (most of them cluster between 10‰ and 8‰). On the other hand, the carbon cluster between -11‰ and

-7‰. This data supports the idea that maize consumption did not increase when the Terminal

Classic (Bayal) population grew again after the arrival of Ajaw B’ot (see discussion in Chapter

2). As mentioned in previous chapters, from the Terminal Classic we have a large quantity of possible sacrificial burials, and at least five of them (CB4-3, CB4a, CB4b, CB4c, and CB108A) were sampled for collagen analysis. The box plots from Figures 7.1, 7.2, and 7.3 shows that most of the skeletons found in these sacrificial contexts (except for Burial CB108A) were consuming 130 similar amounts of meat and aquatic resources in comparison to the contemporary burials found in the funeral context. However, CB108A has outlying values of nitrogen in his dentine collagen

(Figure 7.3 and 7.11), suggesting that this individual was eating high amounts of meat and aquatic resources. Burial CB108A belongs to a young skeleton who was found in a sacrificial context next to a possible female elite burial (CB108B). Interestingly, the carbon data shows that the young skeleton from Burial CB108A consumed similar amounts of maize (ranging between -

10‰ to -8‰) than the rest fo the Bayal individuals.

For this period, at least three females skeletons (CB108B, CB15, and CB26) were sampled for collagen analysis. One of these skeletons, a non-local female adult CB108B was recovered in an elite residential context from Group A (see Chapters 4 and 8). However, the box plots and IQR statistical analysis from Figures 7.1, 7.2, and 7.3 suggest that regardless of its social status, place of origin, or gender, this female was eating the similar amounts of maize, meat, and aquatic resources than the rest of the males and females skeletons from the Bayal phase.

Final Remarks: Diet and Social Inequality

The carbon isotopic data shows that maize was consumed by the people who lived near the Ceibal area before the adoption of ceramics and the spread of sedentary life around 1100 BC

(hypothesis 1.1). Many lines of evidence suggest that before 1100BC, mobile groups who consumed maize were not only present in the Ceibal area, but also other regions of the Maya lowlands. For instance, lake sediment data (that show forest disturbance and maize pollen), preserved maize cobs, and isotopic studies suggest that from around 2000 BC to1000 BC the

Maya lowlands were occupied by mobile groups who consumed moderates amounts of maize 131

(Anselmetti et al. 2007, Dunning et al. 1997, Kennett et al. 2017, Kennett et al, 2020, Vaughan et al. 1985, Wahl et al. 2006, 2007, 2013).

The carbon and nitrogen isotope isotopic composition indicate that during the Real 3 phase, the Ceibal residents did not increase the maize consumption after the adoption of ceramics and the construction of the E-Group. Although the Real 3 skeletons were eating similar amounts of meat and aquatic resources that the Preceramic individuals, the data shows that some Real 3 individuals (CB132B, CB136, and CB110) were consuming slightly lower amounts of maize in comparison to the Ceibal Preceramic individuals. These data do not support the idea that agriculture and the intensification of maize intake played an important role in the initial increase in sedentism and ceramics at Ceibal. Besides, in a similar manner than the Preceramic skeletons, many of the Escoba and Cantutse individuals continue to consume moderate amounts of maize, along with meat and aquatic resources. These data support the idea that not all the people increased their maize intake after sedentarization and the adoption of ceramics. It seems that the transition to a maize diet was a slow and asymmetric process in the Ceibal area.

The carbon isotopic composition shows that the shift to a more maize-based diet started in the Xate-Junco 1 phase (Figure 7.2). Interestingly this change in diet occurred around AD150

-300, the same time that Ceibal had collapse characterized by population decline. An important change during this period (Xate 1) was the establishment of Group D on a defensive hill.

Possibly these changes occurred by the intensification of warfare in the region (Inomata et. al.

2017). The carbon isotopic composition indicates that a significant increase in maize consumption also occurs during the Junco 2/3 phase (Figure 7.1). The graph in Figure 7.12 combines only the results from the individuals that yielded values for carbon for both collagen and enamel. The data from Figure 7.12 shows that starting in the Xate/Junco 1 and more clearly 132 during Junco 2/3 there was a significant shift toward an increase of maize consumption at Ceibal.

The high intake of maize continues during Tepejilote and Bayal phases without changing significantly when compared to the previous Xate and Junco phases. The data shows that the maize consumption did not increase during population growth observed in the Tepejilote and

Bayal phases. On the other hand, the nitrogen data also indicate that during the Junco 2/4 phase, there was a significant shift in the form of a decrease in the consumption of meat and aquatic resources (Figure 7.1). The decline in nitrogen continued Late Classic (Tepejilote) reaching its lowest means during the Terminal Classic (Bayal) period. This trend observed in the nitrogen concurs with the previous investigation in the Pasion area that indicates that during the Terminal

Classic period there was a decline in the meat and aquatic resources at Ceibal (Wright 1996;

Wright 2006).

The diet isotopic data seems to support the hypothesis that at Ceibal there was not an increase in elite dietary privilege over time as reflected in carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios

(Hypothesis 1.3 see Chapter 6). However, in Chapter 9, after identifying the non-locals (Chapter

8) I will conduct an ANOVA statistical analysis to further explore diet and social inequality differences between those local and non-local individuals found in elite and lower status archeological contexts.

133

Table 7.1. Sampled skeletons with carbon and nitrogen values from Ceibal, dating from the Early Preclassic to the Late Preclassic periods.

134

Table 7.2. Sampled skeletons with carbon and nitrogen values from Ceibal, dating from the Terminal Preclassic and Classic Period

135

Table 7.3. Mean and standard deviation from bone collagen δ13C by phase.

Figure 7.1. Box plots showing the bone collagen carbon composition by phase. The central lines in each box indicates the median, box margin indicate the 50th percentile, bar indicate the 95th percentile, and the dots represent outlying values.

136

Table 7.4. Mean and standard deviation from tooth enamel by ceramic phase.

Figure 7.2. Box plots showing the carbon isotope composition of tooth enamel and ceramic phase. The central lines in each box indicates the median, box margin indicate the 50th percentile, bar indicate the 95th percentile, and the dots represent outlying values.

137

Table 7.5. Mean and standard deviation from bone collagen δ15N by phase.

Figure 7.3. Box plots showing the bone collagen nitrogen composition by phase. The central lines in each box indicates the median, box margin indicate the 50th percentile, bar indicate the 95th percentile, and the dots represent outlying values.

138

Figure 7.4. Preceramic bone collagen carbon and nitrogen isotope composition from Ceibal. The Preceramic skeletons are identified to burial.

Early Preclassic 14.0 13.0 CB174 CB162 12.0

CB172_d 11.0 CB162_d 10.0

N ‰(ATM)

CB172 Preceramic 15

δ 9.0

8.0 7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 δ13C ‰(PDB)

Figure 7.5. Real 3 bone collage carbon and nitrogen isotope composition from Ceibal. The Real 3 skeletons are identified to burial.

Early Preclassic and Early Middle Preclassic 14.0

CB110 CB132A_d 13.0 CB132B CB174 12.0 CB132A CB132C_d CB136_d CB162 CB172_d 11.0

CB172 CB162_d 10.0 Preceramic

N N ‰(ATM) 15

δ Real CB136 9.0 8.0

7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 δ13C ‰(PDB) 139

Figure 7.6. Escoba 1/2 bone collage carbon and nitrogen isotope composition from Ceibal. The Escoba 1/2 skeletons are identified to burial.

Late Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic 14.0 CB153C CB153D 13.0 CB126

CB153B CB153E 12.0

CB160 11.0 CB128 Preceramic CB126 10.0

N N ‰(ATM) CB158 Real

15 δ 9.0 Escoba CB153A 8.0

7.0 -16.0 -15.0 -14.0 -13.0 -12.0 -11.0 -10.0 -9.0 -8.0 -7.0 -6.0 δ13C ‰(PDB)

Figure 7.7. Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 bone collagen carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal. The Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 skeletons are identified to burial.

Late Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic 14.0 CB116_d CB146B 13.0 CB117 CB146A CB117 12.0 CB145A CB145B CB115_d 11.0 Preceramic CB116 CB127 10.0 Real N N ‰(ATM) CB113 CB140_d

15 CB115 δ CB150 Escoba 9.0 Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 CB104 CB112 CB112_d 8.0 CB111 7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 δ13C ‰(PDB) 140

Figure 7.8. Cantutse 2/3 bone collage carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal. The Cantutse 2/3 skeletons are identified to burial.

Late Middle Preclassic and Late Preclassic 14.0

CB147 13.0

12.0 CB169_d Preceramic CB175 11.0 CB169 Real 10.0

N N ‰(ATM) Escoba

15 δ CB176 9.0 Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 CB164 Cantutse 8.0

7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 δ13C ‰(PDB)

Figure 7.9. Xate-Junco 1 bone carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal. The Xate- Junco 1 skeletons are identified to burial.

Early Preclassic to Early Classic

14.0

13.0 CB125 CB168 12.0 CB18 CB138 Preceramic 11.0 Real AN1 CB30 Escoba

N N ‰(ATM) 10.0

15 Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 δ CB107 CB22 AN1 9.0 Cantutse Xate-Junco 1 8.0 CB107

7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 δ13C ‰(PDB) 141

Figure 7.10. Junco 2/4 Collagen carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis from Ceibal. The Junco 2/4 skeletons are identified to burial.

Early Preclassic to Early Classic

14.0

13.0

12.0 Preceramic Real 11.0 CB165 Escoba

N N ‰(ATM) 10.0 C158B CB141 Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 15 CB124B δ Cantutse CB124A 9.0 Xate-Junco 1 CB109 C158A 8.0 Junco 2-4

CB167 7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 δ13C ‰(PDB)

Figure 7.11. Tepejilote carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal. The Tepejilote skeletons are identified to burial.

Early Preclassic to Terminal Classic 14.0

CB142 CB121 13.0 CB105 CB41 12.0 Preceramic CB157 Real CB7 CB36 11.0 CB119 CB118 Escoba CB133 CB120 CB131 Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 N N ‰(ATM) CB29 10.0 15 CB143 δ CB40 Cantutse CB23 CB121 CB171 Xate-Junco 1 CB25 CB122 CB149 9.0 CB123 Junco 2/4 CB106 CB9 8.0 Tepejilote AN5 CB163 CB149

7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0

δ13C ‰(PDB) 142

Figure 7.12. Bayal carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from Ceibal. The Bayal skeletons are identified to burial.

Early Preclassic to Terminal Classic 14.0 CB108A_d 13.0

12.0 Preceramic Real CB4b Escoba CB16 11.0 CB108A Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 CB4a CB4c

N N ‰(ATM) 10.0 Cantutse 15

δ CB166 CB102 CB129 Xate-Junco 1 CB161 CB14 CB166 9.0 Junco 2/4 CB39 CB102 CB26 Tepejilote CB15 CB20 8.0 CB34 Bayal CB108B CB2 CB156 CB4-3 7.0 -16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0

δ13C ‰(PDB)

Figure 7.13. Carbon isotopic results from enamel and collagen. This graph combines the carbon results from the individuals that have both collagen and enamel isotopic data.

δ13C ‰(PDB)

-16.0 -14.0 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 0.0

Preceramic -2.0 Real 3

-4.0 Escoba Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 -6.0 Cantutse 2 o 3

Dentine Xate/Junco 1 -8.0 Junco 2/4 Tepejilote -10.0 Bayal

-12.0 Collagen 143

CHAPTER 8

FOREIGN GROUPS AND LOCAL COMMUNITY: OXYGEN, STRONTIUM AND LEAD

ANALYSIS AT CEIBAL

By analyzing the oxygen, strontium, and lead contained in the tooth enamel it was possible to obtain isotopic signatures that help to identified non-local individuals at Ceibal. As mentioned in Chapter 5, when possible, I took a sample from the first (M1) and third (M3) molars, which reflect the deposition of isotopes in childhood, from approximately six months

(M1) after birth and after age 13 (M3) and thus may provide information on whether some individuals who died at Ceibal spent their childhood elsewhere. In this section, I discuss the isotopic composition of the local and non-local individuals and the possible place of origin of those skeletons that have outlying isotopic values.

To identified between local and non-local individuals, using the SPSS software I did an interquartile range (IQR) analysis and a Q-Q box plot for the oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopes. Through the Q-Q plots and the interquartile range (IQR), it is possible to examine the distribution of the total sample and to identify the outliers. When using this method, the sample is divided into quartiles (Q1, Q2, and Q3). Were Q1 represents the 25th percentile, Q2 the 50th percentile, and Q3 the 75th percentile of the sample. The interquartile range (IQR) is the result of

Q3 – Q1. This method identified as an outlier any data smaller than the Q1-1.5(IQR) and any value larger than the Q3+1.5(IQR). Thus, an outlier can be defined mathematically as unusual observations that do not seem to belong to a pattern of variability produced by the other observations (Johnson and Wichern 2007). Lightfoot and O’Connell (2016) argued that the IQR 144 and Q-Q plots method is appropriate to apply in archaeological isotopic studies because this method has robust valid statistical assumptions and is less sensitive to outliers. This method has been used successfully in the Maya Area to analyze migration patterns (Hoffmeister 2019, Trask

2018, Wright 2012, 2005).

During the statistical analysis, all the samples were tested for normality using histograms and Kolmogorov-Smirnoff and Shapiro-Wilk tests. After identifying any outlier, the isotopic values for any possible migrant was further compared to published isotopic data for the Maya region to evaluate the potential place of origins.

Oxygen Isotope Analysis at Ceibal

The present study originally had 132 sampled teeth, however, during the analysis, a total of nine samples had to be discarded because oxygen extraction failed for an unknown reason.

Figure 8.1 shows the results of the oxygen isotope analysis based on a sample of the enamel of

123 teeth from a minimum number of 72 individuals that date from the Early Preclassic to the

Terminal Classic period. The oxygen values for each sampled individual can be found in

Appendix A.

Table 8.1 and the histogram from Figure 8.2 show the descriptive statistics of the oxygen isotopes who have a mean of -2.34 and a standard deviation of 0.77. The large, positive kurtosis statistic indicates a leptokurtic distribution that occurs when more individuals in the distribution have values in the tails than would be expected in a normal distribution. The Shapiro-Wilk test for normality confirms that these data do not represent a normal distribution (statistics= 0.978, df= 123, p=0.038). The graph from Figure 8.3 shows that there are three outliers, two individuals 145 have δ 18O values below -4‰ (CB144 and CB168), and one more individual that has δ 18O above

0.5‰ (CB108B). However, as will be discussed in the strontium section, the two individuals with outlying δ 18O values below -4% (CB144 and CB168) have strontium values that fall in the

Ceibal local strontium range. The possibility that these outlying oxygen values can be produced by different cultural dietary practices such as drinking different sources of water, such as fermented beverages, boiling water, or weaning (Wright and Schwarcz 1998) cannot be discarded. On the other hand, the female skeleton with outlying δ 18O ratios above 0.5‰

(CB108B) has non-local strontium values. Burials CB108B is the only individual in the sample that has both isotopes oxygen and strontium outlying values.

After removing the three outliers (CB144, CB168, and CB180B) I reexamined the statistical distribution which is shown in Table 8.1 and Figures 8.4 and 8.5. Without the three outliers the oxygen Ceibal sample has a mean of -2.33‰ and a standard deviation of 0.67. The negative kurtosis statistic indicates a normal distribution (platykurtic distribution). The Shapiro-

Wilk test for normality confirms that these data represent a normal distribution (statistics= 0.991, df= 120, p=0.658). On the other hand, the oxygen values found in the trimmed sample are those expected to be found in individuals who were born or lived in many parts of the Maya Lowlands and have and δ 18O range of -4‰ to -1‰ (see Sharpe et al 2018, Price et al. 2010:23). Wright and colleagues (et al. 2010:169), found other parts of the lowlands such as Topoxte with wider values of oxygen isotopes ratios ranging from -4‰ to 0.5‰. Figure 8.1 shows that most of the

Ceibal sampled individuals’ clusters to the expected range of oxygen for the Maya lowlands, however, this does not mean than all these individuals were born in the Ceibal local area. There are other neighboring areas (such as other sites in north Peten, Usumacinta region, Campeche, and Belize) in the Maya lowlands who share similar oxygen ratios than the ones found in the 146

Ceibal area. Figure 8.6 shows some of the different oxygen and strontium values found in

Mesoamerica. To potentially achieve a higher resolution concerning the geographic area of origin for possible non-local individuals found at Ceibal, I also carried out strontium and lead isotope analysis. The strontium analysis discussed in the following section confirms that non- local individuals can have oxygen ratios like those observed in the Ceibal local area. Thus, discerning the place of origin of ancient Maya skeletons by using oxygen isotopes alone is a difficult task.

Strontium Isotope Analysis at Ceibal

From the 132 sampled teeth, a total of 31 samples had to be discarded because they did yield strontium content. Thus, the results of the strontium isotopic analysis displayed in Figure

8.7 was based on 101 teeth from a minimum number of 70 individuals. Out of these 70 burials, seven were sampled by Krueger (1985) and excavated by the Harvard Archaeological Project

(Krueger 1985; Tourtellot 1990). Those seven individuals were also included in the analysis and are discussed in this chapter.

In the mid-1980s (e.g., Krueger 1985) and during the beginning of the 2000s stable strontium isotope ratios analysis were first conducted in Mesoamerica. Many scholars made significant contributions to expand our understanding of the strontium baseline in the region.

(Freiwald 2011; Hodell, et al. 2004; Price, et al. 2007; Price, et al. 2010; Price, et al. 2014; Price, et al. 2018; Price, et al. 2008; Price, et al. 2000; Sharpe, et al. 2018; Sharpe, et al. 2016; Suzuki, et al. 2018; White, et al. 2007; Wright 2012; Wright, et al. 2010). These previous investigations show that regions such as the Maya area of Yucatan, Guatemala, Honduras, and the central 147 highlands of Mexico differ in their strontium ratios, making it possible to identify skeletons born in those areas.

The first insight about the Ceibal local strontium signature was first proposed by Krueger

(1985) who reported a value of 0.7075 for the local area. His calculations were based on the mean of a strontium isotopic analysis of seven individuals excavated at Ceibal by the Harvard

Archaeological Project (HAP). In the early 2000s, other scholars sampled plants, soils, and water from many sites of the Maya area and find out strontium values of around 0.7075 for the Ceibal area (Price et al 2008 and Hodell et al 2004). In 2016, Sharpe proposed a value of 0.70749 for the Ceibal local area (Sharpe et al. 2019, Sharpe 2016), her local values were based on isotopic analysis from two Real-Xe limestone samples, two terrestrial snails, and enamel from a gray four-eyed opossum all from Ceibal. These previous studies are crucial to understanding the isotopic nature of the Ceibal local area and how it differentiates from other neighboring regions.

To identified outliers (potential non-locals), I conducted an IQR analysis with a Q-Q plot of the 70 individuals excavated at Ceibal that yielded strontium (these include the seven burials sample by Krueger [1985] and 63 sampled by myself). Then the results will be compared against the strontium Ceibal local values briefly describe below (Sharpe et al. 2019, Price et al 2008 and

Hodell et al 2004).

Table 8.2 contains the descriptive statistics of the strontium sample from Ceibal burials.

The complete sample has a mean of 0.7076 and a standard deviation of 0.00018 and a wide range of values ranging from 0.7070 to 0.7083. The large, positive kurtosis statistic indicates a leptokurtic distribution, that occurs when more individuals in the distribution have values in the tails than would be expected in a normal distribution. The Shapiro-Wilk test for normality 148 suggests that the histogram from Figure 8.8 does not represent a normal distribution

(statistic=0.806, df= 101, p= 0.000).

The plots from Figure 8.9 show that there is one outlier individual (CB03) who has values below 0.7074. However, there is a second group of 20 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 15 individuals who have outlying values above 0.7068 (AN1, CB132A, CB112,

CB115, CB140, CB169, CB107, Cache 158, CB171, CB149, CB121, CB29, CB157, CB143, and CB108B). Only one of the individuals has strontium and oxygen outlying values (Burial

CB108B). The other burials who have outlying strontium values have oxygen values expected for individuals who lived or where born in the Maya lowlands.

After removing the 21 teeth with outlying values, I conducted another descriptive statistical analysis of strontium isotope which is shown in Table 8.2. After trimming the outliers, there is a mean of 0.70755 and a lower standard deviation of 0.00005. Although the negative kurtosis from Table 8.2 suggests a platykurtic distribution, the Shapiro-Wilk test suggests that the histogram from the trimmed sample in Figure 8.10 has a normal distribution (statistic=0.982, df= 79, p= 0.318). The histogram from Figure 8.10 and the Q-Q plot from Figure 8.11 shows a normal distribution for the (trimmed) local sample. The IQR analysis from the trimmed sample suggests that the individuals who have values ranging from 0.70745 to 0.70768 might have a local origin. Although these values overlap with the strontium ratios reported for the Ceibal area in previous publications (Sharpe 2018 [0.70749], Prince et al. 2010, Hodell, et all. 2004

[0.7075]), the Ceibal local average also overlaps with other distant places from Mesoamerica, which raise the questions whether if migrants can be hidden in the expected normal values from

Figure 8.10 and 8.11. There are some areas such as the Chiapas (near the San Cristobal area

0.7076 or Bonampak 0.7077), Tabasco (Comalcalco area 0.7071-0.7074), and other neighboring 149 areas of the Southern Peten (such as Trinidad 0.7075 [Hodell et al. 2004; Price et al, 2010 see

Figure 8.7]) that share similar strontium values with Ceibal. Thus, the possibility that some individuals coming from these areas who have similar strontium and oxygen values than Ceibal can be hidden in the normal distribution represented in the Q-Q plot and the IQR statistical analysis cannot be ruled out.

Table 8.2 also shows the descriptive statistics of the 21 teeth that have strontium outlying values. These teeth belong to a minimum number of 16 individuals. This analysis shows that the outlaying individuals have a mean of 0.70788 and a standard deviation of 0.00025. The positive kurtosis statistic indicates a leptokurtic distribution, that occurs when more individuals in the distribution have values in the tails than would be expected in a normal distribution. The

Shapiro-Wilk test for normality confirms that these group of individuals displayed in Figure 8.12 does not have a normal distribution (statistics= 0.840, df= 21, p=0.003). Figures 8.12 and 8.13 show that there are two groups of outlying individuals. The fist formed by burial CB03, that has the lowest Sr (0.7070) values found in the sample. This is the only individual that has strontium values compatible with the southeast area of Mesoamerica that includes the Motagua valley, the

Copan area, and south Belize (near Lubaantun see Figure 8.6). The second group is formed by 15 individuals who cluster above 0.7077. These values suggest that these individuals might come from the north part of the southern lowlands, which includes parts of central Peten, upper

Usumacinta, Chiapas, and inland Campeche (Hodell et al. 2004; Price et al, 2010).

Figure 8.14 shows the box plots showing the strontium isotopic composition of the complete Ceibal sample. The graph also shows the box plot with the trimmed sample that contains all the individuals that fall in the local range. In contrast, the outliers’ box, contains all the non-local skeletons found at Ceibal. For comparison purposes, the box plots also show the 150 strontium values from seven burials found at Aguateca (Wright and Bachand 2009:33) and the values from those animal bone and soil samples that were analyzed by Sharpe (2016). The strontium isotopic composition from the Ceibal sample is similar to the values found in the neighbor site of Aguateca. Thus, based on the IQR analysis, it is possible to suggest that the individuals who have values ranging from 0.70745 to 0.70768 might have a local origin.

Lead Isotope Analysis at Ceibal

Of the 132 sampled teeth, 81 samples could not be used because they did not contain lead, probably due there is little Pb in the environment, so also not a lot in the diet. Only 51 samples contained lead and will be discussed in this section. Figure 8.15 illustrates the Pb values of 51 teeth belonged to a minimum number of 41 individuals. As mentioned in Chapter 5, when possible, I sample the first (M1) or a third molar (M3). However, some skeletons did not have a complete set of teeth, in those cases I sampled any available teeth. The lead values (208Pb/206Pb and 207Pb/206Pb) for each sampled individual can be found in Appendix A. This analysis research focused on three lead isotopes: 208Pb, 207Pb, and 206Pb. There is another fourth lead isotope

(204Pb) that is often used by other scholars (see Arberg et al. 1998; Valentine et al. 2008; Sharpe et al. 2016), nevertheless, as discussed in Chapter 4 in the case of the Ceibal sample it was not possible to obtain the 204Pb due to its unmeasurably low concentration in Ceibal human bones.

Using limestone samples, basalt, volcanic ash, terrestrial snail shells, and mammal remains Sharpe and her colleagues (2016) have for the first time created a baseline for lead isotope signatures for the Maya lowlands and other areas of Mesoamerica. Comparing the lead isotope analysis results from the Ceibal sample with this new lead baseline is crucial for expanding our understanding of ancient migration patterns. 151

Table 8.3 shows the descriptive statistical analysis of the lead sample. In 208Pb/206Pb the sample has a mean of 2.00 with and a standard deviation of 0.03079; In 207Pb/206Pb, the sample has a mean of Pb 0.8150 with a standard deviation of 0.01376. With ranges from 1.92 to 2.08 in

208Pb/206Pb and 0.77 to 0.84 in 207Pb/206Pb. The Shapiro-Wilk test suggests that that the histograms and Q-Q plots from Figures 8.16 and 8.17 have a normal distribution (statistic=0.966, df= 51, p= 1.51). The IQR analysis did not find any outliers in the lead Ceibal sample. However, thanks to the strontium statistical analysis, we know that there are burials with non-local values.

The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial in Figure 8.15. The figures show that except for one burial (CB140), all the individuals with non-local strontium values are clustered between Q2 and Q3 and have higher values than the two limestone samples from Ceibal used by Sharpe et al. (2016). Based on this pattern, I suggest there may be a narrower lead local range that is not detected by the IQR analysis. The green dashed line from

Figure 8.18 represents this possible lead local range for the Ceibal area.

However, another important question arises. Can we trust the lead isotopic analysis? The lead data is difficult to use and to trust mainly because of the lack of more baselines from

Chiapas, Tabasco, Belize, Campeche, and other parts of the Peten. The lead baseline illustrated in Figure 8.18 shows that different regions of Mesoamerica, for instance, Chiapas and Ceibal can have similar values of 208Pb, 207Pb, and 206Pb that overlap with each other, making it difficult to discern more specific regions. On the other hand, the lead isotopes can have significantly different values within the same region, for instance, the samples from the road to Tikal park, from Uaxactun Group A, and the sample from Tikal park have very different values of 208Pb,

207Pb, and 206Pb (Sharpe et al. 2016:28). These differences and similarities in the baselines make it difficult to evaluate values from areas where there is not enough data or have low 152 concentrations of lead. On the other hand, some scholars argue that post-mortem diagenetic changes can affect lead content in enamel. Thus, it is necessary to conduct more experiments with lead isotopes (Laffon et al. 2019, Kamenov et al. 2018) and to run more samples to expand the baseline for the Maya lowlands and other areas of Mesoamerica. Despite these issues, I think the lead analyses should continue to be explored in the Mesoamerica area. Lead has the potential to help us to identify non-local individuals and to complement the information obtained with previous strontium and oxygen isotopic analysis.

Cluster Analysis at Ceibal

Using the SPSS software, I constructed two dendrograms of hierarchical cluster analysis.

The cluster analysis was made using centroid methods and squared Euclidean distance. Through these dendrograms, it is possible to classify the sample by groups depending on each skeleton isotopic composition and to explore how the isotopic signals of the individuals are related to each other. Figure 8.19 shows the dendrogram that considers 79 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 51 individuals. The dendrogram from figure 8.19 was made using only the samples who yielded both strontium and oxygen isotopic values. The hierarchical cluster analysis suggests that there are two main groups in the sample. The first group (Group A) in Figure 8.19 is marked by a green dashed line and is divided into eight subgroups (A1 to A8). In this group, there are four skeletons with outlying strontium values (A5-A6) who, according to the dendrogram, seem to have more in common with the local sample than with the other non-locals from Group 2 (B1 to B5). Figure 8.20 and 8.21 shows all these different subgroups plotted in a bivariate graph. The subgroups A1, A2, A3, and A4 cluster in the local Ceibal strontium that ranges from 0.70745 to 0.70768. Although the IQR suggests an oxygen local range from +0.4‰ 153 to -4.24‰ (See figure 8.1), the graphs produced after cluster analysis (Figure 8.20 and 8.21) shows that the Ceibal oxygen isotope local range might be shorter and must range around -1.1‰ to -3.5‰, as suggested by the green dashed line in Figure 8.21. The strontium and oxygen analysis suggest a total of 35 individuals have a local isotopic signature that cluster in Groups A1 to A4. On the other hand, the cluster analysis shows that the sub-groups A5 to A8 and B1 to B5 have outlying values and might represent the non-local individuals. The outlying individuals are formed by 20 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 16 individuals.

Figure 8.22 shows the dendrogram that considers 51 teeth who yielded oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopic values. The 51 teeth belong to a minimum number of 41 individuals.

The hierarchical cluster analysis that uses oxygen, strontium, and lead suggests that there are three main groups in the sample. The first group (Group A) in Figure 8.22 is marked by a green dashed line and is divide into three subgroups (A1 to A3). In the subgroup A3, there is one skeleton with outlying strontium values (burial CB140) who according to the dendrogram seem to have more in common with the local sample than with the other non-locals from Groups B and

C (B1 to B5, C1). Figures 8.23 to 8.26 shows lead and strontium subgroups plotted in a bivariate graph.

Based on the hierarchical cluster analysis from Figure 8.22, I suggest that most of the individuals from the subgroups A1 to A3 may represent the local sample. Although the IQR suggests a lead local range from 1.90 to 2.03 (See Table 8.1), the graphs produced after cluster analysis (Figures 8.23, 8.24, 8.25, and 8.26) shows that the Ceibal lead isotope local range might be shorter and must range around 1.96 to 2, as suggested by the green dashed line in Figures

8.18, 8.24 and 8.26. The dendrogram from Figure 8.22 shows that some individuals with local strontium values (such as CB132A, CB136, CB104, CB126, CB105 among others) have a 154 similar lead isotopic composition with other individuals who have outlying strontium values (B1 to B7, and C1). The third group in (C1) is formed by one female adult skeleton (CB108B), the oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopic compositions from this skeleton differ so much from the other individuals that she has its own category. Perhaps this individual might come from the

Yaxha area (Wright 2005, Wright 2012). The dendrogram from Figures 8.19 and 8.22 show that the Ceibal sample (including local and non-locals) is not homogenous and that we cannot discard the possibility that there are more migrants in the sample than the ones detected by the IQR statistical analysis. The strontium, oxygen, and lead isotopic composition analysis suggest that out of the 41 burials, a total of 24 individuals have outlying isotopic signatures. However, as discussed earlier, the lead analysis in the Maya area has its challenges since the Mesoamerican region has not been extensively tested to establish lead baselines and lead content is low. For this reason, I will favor the results from the oxygen and strontium cluster analysis. Nevertheless, I will not discard the lead results and the possibility that there are more non-locals that the ones suggested by the strontium and oxygen IQR statistical analysis.

Final Remarks: Foreign Groups and Local Community

The Ceibal strontium isotopic composition does not support the idea that during the Early

Preclassic or Middle Preclassic period Ceibal received migrants from the Olmec area (hypothesis

2.1). None of the Preceramic or Real 3 burials show strontium isotopes ratios suggesting a Gulf

Coast, Pacific Coast, or Chiapa de Corzo origin. In contrast, the data support the idea that since the beginning, Ceibal’s residents were interacting with other groups from the southern lowlands.

The earliest strontium isotopic evidence of non-local individuals dates to the Real 3 phase. Burial

CB132C belongs to a male adult skeleton who was found in a funeral context from the outlying 155 groups. However, the lead isotopes analysis suggest that we cannot discard the possibility that migration from the southern lowlands occurred since the Preceramic phase (Burial CB172). The multi-isotopic analysis shows that three more non-local male adults (CB112, CB115, and

CB140) arrived at Ceibal during the Escoba 3 and Cantutse1 phase. However, during this period the non-locals were found in a sacrificial context buried in the central axis of Ceibal’s E-Group

(hypothesis 2.2). Possibly, these non-local male adults died as a result of the hostile external relations due to the intensification of warfare in the Maya area (Inomata 2014, Inomata et al.

2017). The hostile external relations with other Maya groups are reflected in an increase of sacrificial (local and non-local) victims during this period at Ceibal (Palomo et al. 2017).

However, a non-local adult male (CB169) dating to the subsequent Cantutse 3 phase, show that external relations with other groups were not always hostile and that sometimes the non-locals individuals had a higher status at Ceibal. This possible non-local emerging elite was partially covered by red pigment and had a bowl as a grave good. In total, the strontium and oxygen isotopic analysis show there are at least five Preclassic non-local skeletons (CB132B, CB115,

CB112, CB140, and CB169) at Ceibal. The data show that these individuals came from different regions of the southern lowlands that include Peten, Chiapas (near the Usumacinta river), southeast Tabasco, south Belize, and inland Campeche.

During the subsequent Classic period there is isotopic evidence of ten more non-local individuals also coming from the southern lowlands (see Figure 8.7). The burials date to the

Xate, Junco (CB107 and Cache 158A), Tepejilote (CB29, CB121, CB149, CB157, CB171), and

Bayal (CB03, CB108B, CB143) phases and were excavated from multiple contexts such as the

Group A, Group D, and many from the outlying residential groups. The fact that some of the non-local individuals were found in elite and other in lower status context, supports the idea that 156 migration occurred at all levels of the social hierarchy. The multi-isotopic analysis from Ceibal supports the idea (hypothesis 2.3) that there was an increase of migrants during the Classic period at Ceibal. The strontium isotopic data shows that the population growth observed during the Tepejilote and Bayal phases at Ceibal might be connected to the arrival of people from different parts of the southern lowland regions. The Ceibal data shows that there is no isotopic evidence of Non-Maya migrants coming from Mexico (Sabloff 1973; Sabloff and Willey 1967), neither evidence of people coming from the volcanic highlands from Kaminaljuyu or

Teotihuacan. In contrast, the multi-isotopic analysis supports the idea that the arrival of individuals from different social spheres and different areas of the southern lowlands such as

Peten, Usumacinta region, Chiapas, southeast Tabasco, south Belize, and inland Campeche may have helped the local community at Ceibal to forge political alliances with other non-local groups overtime. It could be possible that the close interactions and diplomatic contacts with other southern lowland groups be one reason why Ceibal saw one of the longest occupation histories in the Maya lowlands. 157

Figure 8.1. Shows the δ18O (‰PDB) values of 123 teeth that belong to 72 individuals from Ceibal. The red square was defined using the equation Q1-1.5(IQR) and Q3+1.5(IQR). Thus, any individual with values smaller than -4.24‰ and larger than -0.4‰ is identified as an outlier. The blue line represents the value of Q2 (-2.35‰). The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial. The dashed green line was made by me to show that the oxygen baseline might be shorter (around -1.1‰ to -3.5‰) than the values (in the red square) suggested by the IQR oxygen analysis.

158

Table 8.1. A) Descriptive statistics of the oxygen enamel sample based on 123 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 72 individuals.

Table 8.1. B) IQR statistical analysis from Oxygen isotopes. For this analysis, the sample was divided into quartiles (Q1, Q2, and Q3). Were Q1 represents the 25th percentile, Q2 the 50th percentile, and Q3 the 75th percentile of the sample. The interquartile range (IQR) is the result of Q3 – Q1. This method identified as an outlier any data smaller than the Q1-1.5(IQR) and any value larger than the Q3+1.5(IQR).

δ18O ‰(PDB) Q1 Q2= -2.35 Q3 Percentiles -2.8 -1.84 Outliers -4.24 IQR=0.96 -0.4 159

Figure 8.2. Distribution of average enamel δ18O values at Ceibal.

Figure 8.3. Normal Q-Q probability plots for enamel average δ18O values at Ceibal. The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial.

160

Figure 8.4. Distribution of enamel average δ18O values at Ceibal, without the three outlaying burials.

Figure 8.5. Normal Q-Q probability plots for enamel average δ 18O values at Ceibal, without the three outlaying burials from figure 8.3.

161

Figure 8.6. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotope ratios in the Maya Area. Carbonate oxygen values are in red numbers with parenthesis. In contrast, the strontium ratios are in black (Map base from Price et. al 2008, Prince et al. 2014, Wright et al 2010)

162

Figure 8.7. Graph showing the strontium ratios from the Ceibal sample. This figure shows the 87Sr/86Sr values of 101 teeth that belong to 70 individuals from Ceibal. The red square was defined using the equation Q1-1.5(IQR) and Q3+1.5(IQR). Thus, any individual with values smaller than -0.70737 and larger than -0.70772 is identified as an outlier. The blue line represents the value of Q2 (.70755). The dotted green line marks the Ceibal’s local average (.70749) proposed by Sharpe (2016, Sharpe et al. 2018). The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial. The skeletons from Cache 158A and AN1 are the only ones that had one tooth that suggests a non-local origin, and another that has strontium values that fall in the local range.

163

Table 8.2. A) Descriptive statistics of the strontium isotopes. The sample was based on 101 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 70 individuals.

Table 8.2. B) IQR statistical analysis from strontium isotopes. For this analysis, the sample was divided into quartiles (Q1, Q2, and Q3). Were Q1 represents the 25th percentile, Q2 the 50th percentile, and Q3 the 75th percentile of the sample. The interquartile range (IQR) is the result of Q3 – Q1. This method identified as an outlier any data smaller than the Q1-1.5(IQR) and any value larger than the Q3+1.5(IQR).

87Sr/86Sr Q1 Q2 =0.70755 Q3 Percentiles 0.70751 0.70759 Outliers 0.70737 IQR=0.00009 0.70772

164

Figure 8.8. Distribution of average 87Sr/86Sr ratios at Ceibal.

Figure 8.9. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average 87Sr/86Sr values at Ceibal.

165

Figure 8.10. Trimmed distribution of average 87Sr/86Sr values at Ceibal.

Figure 8.11. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average strontium values at Ceibal without the outlaying burials. 166

Figure 8.12. Distribution of average 87Sr/86Sr values from non-local individuals at Ceibal.

Figure 8.13. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average strontium values from non-local individuals at Ceibal.

167

Figure 8.14. Box plots showing the Ceibal strontium isotopic composition. The central lines in each box indicate the median, the box margin indicates the 50th percentile, the bar indicates the 95th percentile, and the dots and asterisk represent outlying values. The complete sample represents the 70 individuals analyzed for strontium isotopes at Ceibal. The trimmed box represents the individuals who fall in the Ceibal area local strontium range (0.70745 to 0.70768). The local values were calculated by the IQR analysis and are represented by the red rectangle. The outlier box is represented by those 16 (out of the 70 individuals) skeletons who have outlaying strontium values. The Aguateca box is based on seven sampled individuals by Wright and Bachand 2009. The Ceibal baseline represents the samples analyzed by Sharpe (2016). Sharpe baseline was estimated using two Real-Xe limestone samples, two terrestrial snails, and enamel from a gray four-eyed opossum all from Ceibal. 168

Figure 8.15. Graph showing the lead (208Pb/206Pb and 207Pb/206Pb) values from the Ceibal sample. The outliers were defined using the equation Q1-1.5(IQR) and Q3+1.5(IQR). The blue line represents the value of Q2 (208Pb/206Pb 2.00, 207Pb/206Pb 0.813). The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial. A) 208Pb/206Pb

B) 207Pb/206Pb

169

Table 8.3. A) Descriptive statistics of the from lead isotopes. The sample is based on 51 teeth that belong to a minimum number of 41 individuals.

Table 8.3. B and C) IQR statistical analysis from lead isotopes. For this analysis, the sample was divided into quartiles (Q1, Q2, and Q3). Were Q1 represents the 25th percentile, Q2 the 50th percentile, and Q3 the 75th percentile of the sample. The interquartile range (IQR) is the result of Q3 – Q1. This method identified as an outlier any data smaller than the Q1-1.5(IQR) and any value larger than the Q3+1.5(IQR).

208Pb/206Pb Q1 Q2=2 Q3 207Pb/206Pb Q1 Q2=0.8135 Q3 Percentiles 1.9829 2.0331 Percentiles 0.8046 0.8249 Outliers 1.9079 IQR=0.05 2.1081 Outliers 0.7746 IQR=0.02 0.8549

170

Figure 8.16. Distribution of average of 208Pb/206Pb and 207Pb/206Pb values at Ceibal.

A) 208Pb/206Pb

B) 207Pb/206Pb

171

Figure 8.17. Normal Q-Q probability plots for average lead values at Ceibal A) 208Pb/206Pb

B) 207Pb/206Pb

172

Figure 8.18. Lead isotopic content from Ceibal enamel samples. A Green dashed line was drawn by me to show to possible lead local ranges for the Ceibal area.

173

Figure 8.19. Dendrogram is based on Sr and O isotopes. There are two main groups. Group 1 is marked by a green dashed line and is divide in eight subgroups (A1 to A8). A1 Group 2 is marked by red dashed line and divided in five subgroups (B1 to B5). The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to by a red square. A2

A7 A8 B1

B4 B5 174

Figure 8.20. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal by period. The subgroups A1 to A8, and B1 to B5 are based on the dendrogram from Figure 8.19. The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial.

Figure 8.21. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal. The individuals that fall in the local range, are represented by black circles and include the subgroups A1 to A4. In contrast, the outliers are in white circles. The red square was defined using the equation Q1- 1.5(IQR) and Q3+1.5(IQR) for the strontium and oxygen isotopes. The dashed green line was made by me to show that the oxygen baseline might be shorter (around -1.1‰ to -3.5‰) than the values (in the red square) suggested by the IQR oxygen analysis.

0.7074 0.7075 0.7076 0.7077 0.7078 0.7079 0.708 0.7081 0.7082 0.7083 0.7084 1.00

0.00

-1.00

-2.00

-3.00

-4.00

-5.00

Local Range (A1-A4) Outliers 175

Figure 8.22. Dendrogram based on Sr, O, and Pb isotopes. There are three main groups. Group 1 is marked by a green dashed line and is divide in three subgroups (A1 to A3). Group 2 is marked by red dashed line and A1 divided in seven subgroups (B1 to B7). Group 3 (C1) is formed by one individual. The skeletons that have outlying values of A2 strontium are identified by a red square.

B6 B7

C1 176

Figure 8.23. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal by period. The subgroups A1 to A8, and B1 to B5 are based on the dendrogram from Figure 8.22. The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial.

Figure 8.24. Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal. Thee subgroups A1 to A8, and B1 to B5 are based on the dendrogram from Figure 8.22. The dashed green line was made by me to show that the lead baseline might be shorter than the values suggested by the IQR oxygen analysis. The dashed green line was made by me to show that the lead baseline might be shorter than the values (in the red square) suggested by the IQR analysis.

2.08

2.06

2.04

2.02

1.98

1.96

1.94 0.7074 0.7075 0.7076 0.7077 0.7078 0.7079 0.708 0.7081 0.7082 0.7083

Local Range (A1-A2) Outliers 177

Figure 8.25 Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal by period. The subgroups A1 to A8, and B1 to B5 are based on the dendrogram from Figure 8.22. The skeletons that have outlying values of strontium are identified to burial.

Figure 8.26 Enamel oxygen and strontium isotopic content from Ceibal. The subgroups A1 to A8, and B1 to B5 are based on the dendrogram from Figure 8.22. The dashed green line was made by me to show that the lead baseline might be shorter than the values (in the red square) suggested by the IQR analysis.

1.00 0.50 0.00 1.94 1.96 1.98 2 2.02 2.04 2.06 2.08 -0.50 -1.00 -1.50 -2.00 -2.50 -3.00 -3.50 -4.00 -4.50

Local Range (A1-A3) Outliers

178

CHAPTER 9

LOCAL COMMUNITY, FOREIGN GROUPS, POLITICAL CENTRALIZATION, AND

SOCIAL INEQUALITY AT CEIBAL

To examine how political centralization and social inequality correlate with diet and migration at Ceibal, the following paragraphs discuss the different trends in dietary practices and migration patterns observed by chronological order. This chapter also discusses the hypotheses from Chapter 6. Though and ANOVA statistical analysis, I will examine if there is any difference in dietary patterns between those local, non-local, elite, and lower status skeletons.

Diet, Migration, and Social Inequality during the Preclassic Period

To examine social inequality, migration, and dietary privilege during the Preclassic period, I divided the Preclassic sample (that includes the burials dating to the Preceramic, Real 3,

Escoba 1/2, Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1, and Cantutse 2/3 phases) into four groups, depending on their archaeological context. The first group (see Table 9.1) is formed by the Preceramic individuals.

The second, formed by all those burials found in the central axis of the E-Groups (CB136,

CB104, CB169), a burial form the Group A (CB110), and from the outlying areas (CB132). The burials from this group had a great variety of grave goods. The third group included all those 15 burials found in sacrificial context on the Group A, and two burials from the outlying groups (see

Tabla 9.1). The last and fourth group included all those Preclassic burials from funeral context who might have a lower status than those possible emerging elites from the first group.

To explore if the burials found in these categories had access to different foods

(hypothesis 1.3) I conducted an ANOVA statistical analysis comparing the four groups. The 179 statistical analysis that shows (collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=1.622, p= .199, collagen δ15N

ANOVA, F=.995, p= .404) that there is no significant difference between the four groups and that all the Preclassic burials had access to similar amounts of maize, meat, and freshwater resources. This data does not support the hypothesis of emerging elite dietary privilege during the Preclassic period as reflected in carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios. To evaluate if there are any outliers between the individuals who are in the same group and between those who have a local or non-local origin (see Table 9.1), I conducted an IQR box plot statistical analysis. Figure

9.1 shows that the Preclassic skeletons have isotopic values that suggest that all have similar dietary practices. Thus, the data indicate that local, non-local, elites and lower status individuals had access to similar foods, which included a moderate amount of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. There is no evidence of elite dietary privilege during these periods at Ceibal.

Early Preclassic Preceramic Period at Ceibal

The earliest evidence of occupation at Ceibal dates to the end of the Early Preclassic.

Around 1100 BC, four Preceramic individuals were found in the Amoch Group (See Figure 3.3;

Burham 2019:218). The carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition of the Preceramic samples shows that these individuals were consuming moderate amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. This data supports the idea (hypothesis 1.1) that maize was consumed by the people who lived near the Ceibal area before the adoption of ceramics and the construction of

Ceibal’s E-Group.

Many lines of evidence suggest that before 1100BC, mobile groups who consumed maize were not only present in the Ceibal area, but also in other regions of the Maya lowlands. For instance, in the area of Honduras, there is evidence of preserved maize dating from around 2000 180

BC found in El Gigante Rock shelter, this finding shows that an enlargement of the maize cobs was on their way probably as a result of domestication (Kennett et al. 2017). Besides, in Belize, there is isotopic evidence of individuals found in rock shelters with carbon enrichment connected to an increase of maize in the diet dating by 1800 BC (Kennett et al. 2020:6). On the other hand, in the Pasion River region in the Laguna Tamarindito (near the Ceibal area), there is lake sediment data of maize pollen and deforestation dating to 2000-1000 BC (Dunning et al. 1997).

Around the same time, evidence of forest disturbance was also found in other lakes from northern Peten (Anselmetti et al. 2007, Vaughan et al. 1985 Wahl et al. 2006, 2007, 2013). The presence of maize pollen in sediment lakes from other areas of Mesoamerica such as from the norther Yucatan coast (around 1800 see Aragon-Morena et al 2012), and the Quintana Roo area

(around 1500 BC around Carrillo-Basto et al. 2010) support the idea that around 2000 to 1000

BC some regions of the southern and northern lowlands were occupied by mobile groups who consumed maize and probably subsisted through horticulture, fishing, hunting, and gathering

(Pohl et al. 1996).

As mentioned in Chapter 3, none of the Preceramic individuals found at Ceibal had grave goods and there is no evidence of residential structures. The carbon and nitrogen composition suggest that all of them seem to have access to similar amounts of food such as maize, meat, and freshwater resources. Thus, during this period there is no evidence of social inequalities in terms of diet or grave goods, and little is know about the social organization and material culture.

Who are these individuals? Where did they come from? Three of the Preceramic individuals yielded isotopic content (Burials CB162, 172, and CB174). The strontium ratios show that two of these individuals were born near the Ceibal area (0.7074). However, there are other regions in the southern lowlands that share similar strontium and oxygen isotopic rations 181 with Ceibal. The possibility that the Preceramic individuals come from other areas with similar strontium values cannot be discarded. Such areas include other southern lowlands regions such as the southern Peten (such as Trinidad 0.7074), and eastern area of Tabasco (0.7071-0.7074 see

Figure 8.6) (Freiwald and Pugh 1997; Hodell et al. 2004; Price et al. 2014; Price et al. 2018;

Sharpe et al. 2018). On the other hand, the lead data from one Preceramic individual (CB172) that did not yield strontium ratios and has high lead values suggesting that the possibility of non- locals coming to the Ceibal area before the adoption of ceramic cannot be discarded. However, the isotopic data shows that there is no evidence to believe that any of these Preceramic individuals (hypothesis 2.1 see Chapter 7) came from areas with Olmec influence such as the

Gulf Coast, Pacific Coast, and Chiapas. If migration occurs during this period, it might occur from nearby places from the southern lowlands, rather than from those farther areas with Olmec influence such as La Venta (0.7081), San Lorenzo (0.7083), Chiapa de Corzo (0.7083), and Izapa

(0.7047).

The three Preceramic Burials CB162, CB170, and CB174 had elements of the cranium

(frontal and parietals) artificially flattened. However, the skulls were eroded and it was difficult to identify the type of cranial deformation (erect or oblique). No evidence of anemia or caries was found for this period.

Middle Preclassic Real 3 Phase at Ceibal

In the Maya lowlands, sedentarization was a slow process, and probably during the

Middle Preclassic periods some people were still living a semi-mobile lifestyle (Inomata et al.

2015a; Inomata et al. 2015b; Lohse 2010). Although during the Middle Preclassic periods, there is no evidence of residential structures at Ceibal, around 1000 BC, people who lived in or 182 frequented the area built the first version of a formal ceremonial space composed by a plaza and two pyramids in an east-west arrangement. These two structures and the plaza were the earliest known example of the so-called “E-Group assemblage” (Inomata et al. 2013:468). In later periods the construction of E-Groups spread to other places of the southern lowlands. Some scholars (e.g., Aveni 2001) believe that the E-Groups were used to track the movements of celestial bodies during the different seasons of the year. The archeological investigations at

Ceibal uncovered many greenstone axes caches dating to the Real 1-3 phases (Inomata and

Triadan 2015) in the central axis of the E-Group, these findings suggest that a series of public rituals were conducted by the Ceibal Middle Preclassic community. The public rituals at Ceibal were probably attended by semi-mobile people and may have provided one of the earliest attempts of political centralization in the southern Maya lowlands (Inomata et al. 2015a; Inomata et al. 2015b; Inomata et al. 2013).

Neither the Harvard project nor the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project (CPAP) found any burials dating to the early ceramic Real 1 and 2 phases (1000-775 BC see Table 1.1) when the first versions of the E-Group were constructed. It is until the Real 3 phase (775-700

BC) that the CPAP excavated five burials dating to this phase. The burials were found in Group

A and the outlying groups (see Chapter 3). The carbon analysis indicates that during the Late

Middle Preclassic Period (Real 3) people continue to eat moderate amounts of maize, meat, and freshwater resources. However, as discussed in Chapter 7, some of the Real 3 individuals were eating slightly fewer amounts of maize in comparison to the Preceramic population. The carbon isotopic data clearly shows that after the adoption of ceramics, during the Real 3 phase the maize consumption did not increase. On the other hand, the nitrogen analysis indicates that during these early periods, the wild resources continue to be an important part of Ceibal residents’ diet. The 183

Real 3 dietary patterns suggest that during the Middle Preclassic the transition from a C3 plant to staple maize (C4) diet was still occurring. It seems that the transition to a maize diet was a slow process in the Ceibal area. This data does not support the idea that maize production played an important role in the initial increase in sedentism and ceramic production in the Ceibal area.

An important question that arises with the Real 3 burials is there a potential connection with the Olmec area (hypothesis 2.1 Chapter 7). The multi-isotopic analysis allows us to explore the place of origin of these individuals. Four of the five Real 3 individuals yielded oxygen, strontium, and lead isotopes. One of these individuals (CB132C) has outlying isotopic values

(0.7077) that suggest a non-local origin. Perhaps this individual came from the Bonampack area near the Usumacinta River, although north Peten and the Calakmul areas cannot be discarded

(see Figure 8.6). The other three burials (CB110, CB132B, and CB136) have isotopic values that fall in the Ceibal strontium local range (0.70755). On the other hand, the lead isotopic composition suggests that we cannot discard the possibility that some of these burials (who fall in the local strontium range) might have a non-local origin (such as CB136 and CB132A).

However, the isotopic results show that none of Real 3 burials had isotopic values compatible with areas of Olmec influence such as La Venta (0.7081), San Lorenzo (0.7083), Chiapa de

Corzo (0.7083), or Izapa (0.7047). If migration occurs during the Real 3 phase, it might occur from nearby places from the southern lowlands (such as Peten, the Upper Usumacinta, and southern Chiapas, and the Campeche area), rather than from those farther places from the Gulf

Coast and Pacific Coast.

Although some of the Real 3 burials were found in the bedrock of the outlying groups, and others were found in structures from Group A, all the burials had grave goods consisting mostly in several ceramic vessels. This is a different pattern to the observed in the previous 184 period. For instance, the Preceramic burials buried in the bedrock of the Amoch Group did not have grave goods, while the three Real 3 individuals (CB132A, B, and C) buried in the bedrock in the Karinel Group had several ceramics, which might indicate that these individuals had a higher social status, or were advancing in developing social stratification. Interestingly, these individuals had a higher amount of ceramics that those elite burials found in the subsequent

Classic periods (e.g. CB107, CB108B, and CB01). On the other hand, Triadan (et al. 2017) has argued that the earliest residential structures in Group A of Ceibal may have been inhabited by emergent elites, these include the A-24 Platform and the East Court. Possibly some of these emergent elites were also buried in the E-Group (e.g., Burial CB136). Regarding the health of the Real 3 individuals, some of the adults have healed periostitis infections in the long bones.

However, no evidence of anemia or caries was found. The data shows that all the Real 3 burials are similar in terms of diet, health, and grave good accessibility.

Middle Preclassic Cranial Modifications at Ceibal

Three of the Real 3 individuals (CB136, CB132A, and CB132C) had tabular erect cranial deformations (Figures 9.2 and 9.3, and Table 9.2). Many scholars believe that all the Preclassic tabular erect cranial modifications are connected to the Olmec culture. However, the cultural implications of tabular erect cranial deformations are difficult to infer partly because no human remains have survived into the archaeological record at Gulf Coast Olmec sites, such as La

Venta and San Lorenzo. The notions of cranial deformation at those sites are suggested only by iconographic representations. Thus, Ceibal offers a unique data set in this regard as it provides both types of information, the three individuals with tabular erect modification (Palomo et al. 185

2017) and one Olmec-style figurine found in the Group A (see Inomata et al. 2013) that exhibit a tabular erect shape.

After the analysis of several Preclassic cranial modifications from many sites of

Mesoamerica, Tiesler (2010) identifies nine skulls with a particular annular tabular erect deformation that she calls “Olmecoid” head shape based on their similarity to iconographic representations. In her 2010 article, Tiesler is not arguing that all the variants of the tabular erect cranial modifications are connected to the Olmec culture (see figure 9.2). In contrast, she is arguing that there is one specific type of tabular erect cranial deformation that was found in eight skeletons that belong to five archeological sites (not necessarily Olmec) that includes: one individual from Ceibal (Burial CB11 dating to the Escoba phase), two from Altar de Sacrificios, three from Chiapa de Corzo (in Chiapas), one from Dzibilchaltun, and one from Caucel (both in

Yucatan), Tiesler (2010: 292) traces the evolution of this form of cranial modification in the

Maya area up to its apparent abandonment before A.D. 250. The annular Olmecoid shape described by Tiesler (2010) is characterized by an almost complete groove visibly separating the skull into an upper and lower lobe, which was likely formed by the circumferential constriction in the upper mastoid and asterion surfaces. This shape was achieved by combining a cradleboard device and the application of horizontal constriction bands (Romano 1980; Tiesler 2010, 2012).

On the other hand, the Real 3 individuals (Burials CB132A, CB132C, and CB136) with the tabular erect cranial shape did not exhibit the horizontal grooves that Tiesler (2010) identifies in the “Olmecoid” shape. The Real 3 tabular erect modifications were probably produced using a cradleboard device but without the application of horizontal constriction bands (Tiesler personal communication 2013, Palomo et al. 2017). 186

The Real 3 tabular erect modifications show that the Olmecoid variant described by

Tiesler was not present at Ceibal during the Middle Preclassic, and that it appear later during the

Escoba phase after those Olmec sites (such as San Lorenzo and La Venta) declined and when

Ceibal was interacting with other sites from the Maya lowlands. Based on this data, I argue that the Preclassic tabular erect cranial deformations are not exclusive to the Olmec culture. In contrast, it could be possible that the cultural practice of conducting cranial tabular erect modifications was a shared tradition, developed and maintained through broad inter-regional interaction by diverse Preclassic groups from the southern lowlands, the Pacific Coast, the Gulf

Coast, and Mexican Basin.

Late Middle Preclassic Escoba (1/2) Phase at Ceibal

During the Late Middle Preclassic (Escoba 1 and 2), there is a sample of eight individuals. Five of these individuals were found on the central axis of the Ceibal E-Group

(Table 7.3). There are strong indicators that these individuals (CB153A, B, C, D, and E) represent sacrificial victims (Palomo, et al. 2017). Evidence of possible sacrificial activities in adult skeletons was also found in the outlying groups (e.g., CB128).

The carbon isotopic composition indicates that during the Escoba 1 and 2 phase, people were consuming moderate quantities of maize. The data also suggest that the Escoba skeletons found in sacrificial and funeral contexts had similar dietary practices when compared to the

Preceramic individuals (collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=1.622, p= .199, collagen δ15N ANOVA,

F=.995, p= .404). Regarding nitrogen isotopic content, the statistical analysis indicates that there is no significant change. The data indicate that meat and aquatic resources continue to be an important source of food. The data show that all of these individuals had access to similar 187 amounts of meat and freshwater resources. Thus, this data does not support the possibility of an increase in elite dietary privilege over time as reflected in carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios during this period (hypothesis 1.3). In contrast, this data supports the idea that maize intake did not increase at Ceibal after the adoption of ceramics and the spread of sedentary life.

Although, during this period we see an increase of possible sacrificial victims in Ceibal probably due to the intensification of warfare in the Maya area (Inomata 2014), There is not enough isotopic evidence to support that the victims are non-local captives from the Maya lowlands (hypothesis 2.2). In contrast, the isotopic data suggest that those children found in sacrificial context on the E-Group (CB153A, B, and E) and those burials find in funeral context

(CB126 and CB160) in the outlying groups have strontium ratios that fall in the local range of

Ceibal. Interestingly, most of these individuals including the sacrificial victims have a great variety of grave goods (See Figure 4.1 and Appendix B). However, three burials did not have any (CB160, CB158, and CB128). This data shows that social inequalities in terms to access to grave goods started to appear in the archaeological record at Ceibal during these periods.

Regarding the health of the Escoba individuals, some of the individuals have evidence of anemia

(CB126) and periostitis in the long bones (CB128). None of the Escoba individuals excavated by the CPAP had cranial modifications.

Late Preclassic Transition Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1 Phases

From the 13 sampled individuals dating to the Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1 phase, only one individual (Burial CB104) was found in a funerary context. Burial CB104 belongs to a male adult skeleton who has a greater variety of grave good for the Preclassic period at Ceibal. His strontium ratios fall in the Ceibal local range. The other 12 contemporaneous burials were found 188 in a sacrificial context (Palomo et al 2017, Palomo 2009). However, regardless of these individuals were found in sacrificial or in an emerging elite context, the statistical analysis shows that all the 13 individuals had access to the same amounts of maize, meat, and freshwater resources (not statistically significant, collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=1.622, p= .199, collagen δ15N

ANOVA, F=.995, p= .404 see also Figures 7.1, 7.2, and 7.3). The carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition show that the individuals dating to the Escoba 3/ Cantutse 1 phases had similar dietary practices than the previous Preceramic, Real 3, and Escoba 1/2 phases. The data also suggest that in periods of population growth (like during the Escoba 3- Cantutse 1 phase), the residents from the Ceibal area did not increase significantly the maize intake. This data also supports the idea that the transition to a full maize diet was a slow process in the Ceibal area.

On the other hand, the multi-isotopic analysis shows that three out of the 12 possible sacrificial victims (CB112, CB115, and CB140 see Table 8.7) had outlying strontium isotopic values suggesting a non-local origin. The presence of three non-local male adults found sacrificial victims does not contradict the idea of hostile external relations with other non-local groups from the Maya lowlands (hypothesis 2.2). The possibility that during the Escoba 1/

Canturse 3 transitional phases there were increasingly hostile external relations with other groups cannot be discarded. However, the fact that nine of the possible sacrificial victims have local strontium ranges, suggests that there were also hostile external relations occurring with other nearby communities who have similar strontium and oxygen isotopic composition with the

Ceibal local area. Probably these individuals were capture during battle or raids. The ethnohistorical sources and hieroglyphic inscriptions show that there was a ritual element attached to Mesoamerican warfare, which was often connected to captives and human sacrifice 189

(Berdan and Rieff Anawalt 1997; Chinchilla 2005; Friedel, et al. 1993; Isaac 1983; Martin and

Grube 2008; Schele and Miller 1986; Serafin, et al. 2014).

Interestingly, the increase of sacrificial victims was not only found at Ceibal, during the

Late Preclassic, mass and single disarticulated skeletons also appear in public ceremonial spaces such as plazas and structures of many centers of the Maya area (Fowler 1984; Inomata 2014;

López 1993; Pendergast et al. 1979; Serafin et al. 2014; Sharer and Sedat 1987; Shook et al.

1979; Velásquez 1993). This concurs with the appearance of defensive features such as walls and moats in some Preclassic Maya Centers (Hansen et al. 2006; Inomata and Triadan 2009;

Matheny 1983; Scarborough 1983; Webster 1978). It could be possible that during these periods of centralization and political growth, many regions of the southern lowlands, including the

Ceibal area were engaged in warfare activities (Inomata 2014).

No dental decoration was found during this period. Nevertheless, there was one local skeleton (CB116) that had a tabular erect cranial deformation. Evidence of anemia and periostitis also was found in the emerging elite burial (CB104) and some of the sacrificial burials as well.

Late Preclassic Cantutse 2/3

Five individuals were sampled for these phases. The isotopic analysis shows that during this period the Ceibal residents were consuming moderate amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. The carbon isotopic results (see Chapter 7) indicate that during the Cantutse

2/3 phases there was an increase in maize consumption only significant for the Real 3 and

Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 sample comparison. However, the nitrogen isotopic data shows no significant changes in terms of protein consumption (see Chapter 7). 190

From this period, there is one individual (Burial 169) that might represent an emerging elite. Burial CB169 was found in a funerary context buried in the central axis of the E-Group.

This individual is the only burial dating to the Preclassic covered partially with red pigment

(probably cinnabar). Burial CB169 also had the only tabular erect style cranial deformation. The multi-isotopic analysis indicates that this male adult individual has outlaying values of strontium rations compatible with a non-local origin from North Peten, Chiapas (near the Usumacinta river), or inland Campeche.

During this phase, there was a decrease of sacrificial victims buried on the E-Group.

There are two possible sacrificial victims with strontium rations that suggest a local origin, one infant was excavated from the outlying groups (Burial CB147), and one adult skeleton was found in the central axis of the E-Group (CB150). The other Cantutse burials (CB164, and a CB173) both were excavated from a funeral context of the Karinel Group. One of these burials does not have grave goods (a female adult CB164) and the other only one vessel (a male adult CB173).

The archaeological context and the mortuary treatments show that these local individuals had a lower social status than Burial CB169. However, the carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition shows the male adult from Burial CB169 had similar access to maize, meat, and freshwater resources than the Preceramic sample and the other lower status contemporaneous burials

(collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=1.622, p= .199, collagen δ15N ANOVA, F=.995, p= .404). This data supports the idea that there is no clear evidence of an increase in elite dietary privilege during the

Preclassic period at Ceibal. On the other hand, evidence of anemia (CB164) and periostitis in the endo cranium (CB169) was found in two burials. No dental decoration was found for these phases.

191

Diet, Migration, and Social Inequality during the Terminal Preclassic and Classic Period

To evaluate how political centralization and social inequality are related to dietary practices during the subsequent Terminal Preclassic and Classic periods at Ceibal, I divided the burials dating to the Xate-Junco 1, Junco 2/3, Tepejilote, and Bayal phases into different four groups, depending on their archaeological context. The first group (see Table 9.2) is formed by six individuals who have outlying strontium isotopic values and where found in an elite funeral context. The second group is formed by six skeletons that have strontium isotopic values that fall in the local range and might represent local elites. The third group includes all those burials found in funeral lowers status context. The last and fourth group included all those individuals found in a sacrificial context. To explore if the burials found in these categories had access to different foods (hypothesis 1.3) I conducted an ANOVA statistical analysis comparing the four groups. The statistical analysis shows (collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=.526, p= .666, collagen δ15N

ANOVA, F=.083, p= .969) that there is a not significant difference between the four groups. The

Box plots from Figure 9.4 show that local, non-local, elites, and lower status individuals had access to similar foods, which included a moderate amount of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. There is no evidence of elite dietary privilege during these periods at Ceibal.

Terminal Preclassic and Early Classic Periods Xate/Junco 1 phases

For these phases, there is a sample of six individuals. The carbon isotopic analysis of these individuals supports the idea that during these phases there was a shift toward an increase of maize consumption. However, the shift was only significant for the Real 3 and Escoba 3/

Cantutse 1 sample comparison (see Chapter 7). On the other hand, the nitrogen values show that 192 these individuals were eating similar amounts of meat and aquatic resources that the previous

Preceramic, Real 3, Escoba 1/2, Escoba 3/Cantutse 1, and Cantutse burials.

At the beginning of the Xate phase, construction activity in Group A of Ceibal declined and an important focus of elite activity appears to have shifted to Group D located on a steep hill.

Another major decline occurred (around AD 300) at the end of the Junco 1 phase. Despite these issues, there is evidence of migrants coming to Ceibal during this period. For instance, a non- local woman was found in a possible elite residential context in the East Court (Burial CB107 see Triadan et al. 2012). There is another burial from Anonal (AN1) that has non-local isotopic values in his third molar. However, the canine of this male adult has local isotopic ratios suggesting he might have a local origin. In contrast, his third molar isotopic values suggest that this individual spent his teenage years somewhere else in the Maya lowlands, and later when he was an adult came back to the Ceibal area. Four burials, dating to these phases did not have any grave good and were buried in the outlying groups (CB138, CB168, CB125, and AN3).

However, the carbon and nitrogen composition shows that regardless of its place of origin or social status all these individuals had access to similar food resources (collagen δ13C ANOVA,

F=.526, p= .666, collagen δ15N ANOVA, F=.083, p= .969). There is no evidence of elite dietary privilege during these periods at Ceibal.

On the other hand, the two individuals with non-local isotopic values (CB107 and AN1) have outlying strontium isotopic values that resemble other inland places of the southern lowlands (0.7077- 0.7081) such as the upper Usumacinta region, the central Peten area, southern

Belize, and inland Campeche (Price et al. 2014, Hodell et al. 2004).

For this period two individuals have cranial deformation. Burial AN1 has a tabular oblique deformation and tooth decorations. There is another child form the Karinel Group that 193 has local isotopic values (CB138) and a tabular erect deformation. Most of the grave goods for this period are ceramic vessels. However, five individuals did not have any grave good (see

Appendix B and Figure 4.8). Evidence of anemia and periostitis in the skull were found in three infants (CB168, CB138, and CB125) who have strontium values that fall in the Ceibal local range.

Early Classic Junco 2/4 Phases

For these phases, there is a sample of seven individuals. The carbon analysis supports the hypothesis that during these periods there was a shift toward more maize consumption. The shift was statistically significant for the Preceramic, Real 3, Escoba, and Escoba 3/Cantutse 1 (see

Chapter 7 for statistics). Regarding protein consumption, the nitrogen values show that most of these individuals ate fewer quantities of meat and aquatic resources. The decrease in meat and aquatic resources was significant for all the previous phases comparison (See Chapter 7).

A Late Classic text mentions an Early Classic Ceibal ruler, K’an Mo’ Bahlam, reigning around AD 415. However, soon after the reign of K’an Mo’ Bahlam, Ceibal experiences another decline, in which the entire settlement was mostly abandoned (Inomata 2012; Sabloff 1975). It seems that the shift to increase on maize intake and the consumption of fewer amounts of meat and aquatic resources occur sometime around after the Early Classic decline.

During the Early Classic periods (Junco2/4), some individuals were found in a funeral residential context in the East Court (Burial CB109) and the outlying groups (CB165 and

CB148). There were also four individuals uncovered from sacrificial contexts in the Karinel

Group (CB167) and Group D (CB141 and Cache 158 A&B). However, the carbon and nitrogen isotopic indicate that regardless if these skeletons come from a funeral or sacrificial context 194

(collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=.526, p= .666, collagen δ15N ANOVA, F=.083, p= .969), all of these individuals had access to similar amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources

(Figure 9.4).

On the other hand, the multi-isotopic analysis indicates show that during this period there is evidence of only one non-local from the southern lowlands. The non-local skeleton belongs to a child found in a sacrificial context (Cache 158A) from Group D. On the other hand, dating to this period there is only one female adult individual (a local possible sacrificial victim CB167) who had a tabular erect cranial deformation. No dental decoration was found in these phases.

Evidence of anemia and periostitis in the cranium was found in two skeletons (CB148 and

CB167). The grave goods for this period consist mostly in one or two ceramic vessels (see

Figure 4.8). Only one burial (CB148) from these phases did not any grave good. These data suggest that during these phases people were not very socially distinct from each other.

Late Classic Period Tepejilote Phase

During the Late Classic period, Ceibal became a vibrant center and was characterized by population growth and an increase in construction activities. For this period, there is a sample of

16 individuals. The carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition support the idea (Hypothesis 1.2) there was a significant increase of maize consumption at Ceibal during this period. The increase in maize consumption was accompanied by a decrease in the consumption of meat and freshwater resources (see Chapter 7). The statistical analysis indicates that all the Tepejilote individuals (including locals and non-locals, elites and lower status burials) had access to moderate amounts of meat and aquatic resources (collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=.526, p= .666, 195 collagen δ15N ANOVA, F=.083, p= .969) and that there is no clear evidence of elite dietary privilege as reflected in the carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition.

On the other hand, there is evidence of five individuals who have outlaying strontium isotopic values. Some of these non-local individuals were found in elite structures of Group D

(two adults CB29 and CB157), Group A (a young adult CB121), and others in the outlying residential groups (two male adult skeletons CB149 and CB151, and a female adult CB171 from

Platform 97). The fact that some of the non-local individuals were found in elite and other in lower status context, supports the idea that migration occurred at all levels of social hierarchy

(Inomata 2004). These data also confirm that there was an external gene flow at Ceibal during the Classic period (Austin 1965, Scherer 2007).

The isotopic evidence from Ceibal supports the idea (hypothesis 2.2) that there was an increase of migrants from the Maya lowlands during the Classic period. These non-local individuals have strontium values that range between 0.7077- 0.7083, and probably were coming from different places of the southern lowlands such as the Usumacinta region, the central Peten area, southern Belize, and inland Campeche (Freiwald 2011; Hodell, et al. 2004; Price, et al.

2007; Price, et al. 2010; Price, et al. 2014; Price, et al. 2018; Price, et al. 2008; Price, et al. 2000;

Sharpe, et al. 2018; Sharpe, et al. 2016; Suzuki, et al. 2018; White, et al. 2007; Wright 2012;

Wright, et al. 2010). The isotopic data indicate that the migrants did not come from the

Guatemalan highlands, the northern Maya lowlands sites located near the ocean (Cucina, et al.

2015), or from the Northern Belize area (Wrobel 2003).

On the other hand, there were three individuals with cranial deformations dating to the

Tepejilote phase. These include two elite individuals with strontium values that fall in the local range who had a tabular oblique deformation (CB139 and CB105), and one non-local male adult 196 with a tabular erect cranial modification (CB149). Evidence of anemia and periostitis was found in elite (CB139 and CB144) and non-elite (CB149 and CB151) burials.

Terminal Classic Bayal Phase

For this period there is a sample of 13 individuals. The carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition indicates that all the Bayal individuals (including local, non-locals, elite, and lower status) had access to high amounts of maize (collagen δ13C ANOVA, F=.526, p= .666, collagen

δ15N ANOVA, F=.083, p= .969, see Figure 9.4) and moderate amounts of meat and freshwater resources. The decrease in isotopic nitrogen composition over the Classic period concurs with the previous investigation in the Pasion area that indicates that during the Terminal Classic period there was a decline in the meat and aquatic resources at Ceibal (Wright 1994; Wright

2006).

Significant social changes marked the Terminal Classic period. Many centers in the Maya lowlands were abandoned due to a combination of factors that include, warfare events, droughts, and over-exploitation of the natural resources (Barrientos and Demarest 2007; Demarest, et al.

1997; Hodell et al. 2001; Hodell et al. 1995; Inomata 1997). However, the archaeological and epigraphic evidence suggests that Ceibal experience a political resurgence after the Classic period decline (Martin and Grube 2008). The multi-isotopic analysis shows that three out of the

13 Bayal skeletons had a non-local origin. Two of these non-local skeletons were found in the

Group A. Burial CB108B belongs to an adult female skeleton who had four vessels as grave goods and a tabular oblique cranial deformation. CB03 was a child who had a figurine-whistle as a grave good (Krueger 1985). The third skeleton with non-local strontium ratios was a male adult

(CB143) located in the outlying groups who had a vessel and dear bones as grave goods. Two of 197 these individuals (CB108B and CB143) have strontium values that range between 0.7079-

0.7081, and probably came from other inland places of the southern lowlands such as the

Usumacinta region, the north Peten area, southern Belize, and inland Campeche. However, there is only one non-local individual (CB03) in the whole sample who have strontium ratios (0.7070), compatible with the Motagua and Copan region, although the Lubaantu area is also a possibility

(see Figure 8.6).

The Bayal isotopic data shows that during this period there is no evidence of Non-Maya migrants coming from Mexico (Sabloff 1973; Sabloff and Willey 1967), neither evidence of people coming from the volcanic highlands from Kaminaljuyu or Teotihuacan. In contrast, the data suggest that by the end of the Terminal Classic period Ceibal continues to interact with other groups from the southern lowlands such as Peten, the Usumacinta region, Chiapas, southeast Tabasco, south Belize, and inland Campeche.

Migration Patterns and Cranial Modifications at Ceibal

The diverse isotopic signatures found during different periods at Ceibal indicate that instead of massive migratory waves from a single area, migration occurred in terms of small groups coming from various places of the southern lowlands. The bioarchaeological investigations show that locals and non-locals were buried and distributed in both Group A,

Group D, and the more outlying areas of Ceibal. The non-local individuals found at Ceibal included male, female adults, and some children. This trend probably indicates that immigrants may have been single adults, women, or young couples with children.

The isotopic signatures of the non-local individuals found at Ceibal indicate that there were both short and long-distance migrations from different areas of the southern lowlands. The 198 short distance migrations included many regions of nearby areas such as the southeast and the central part of Peten and south Belize. Long-distance migration originated in areas farther away such as Chiapas, Tabasco, and in-land Campeche.

The isotopic data from other important Mesoamerican centers such as Teotihuacan, in the

Mexico highlands, and the Classic Maya sites from Tikal (Wright 2012) and Copan (Price et al.

2014, Suzuki et al. 2018) show that the arrival of non-locals from different regions and social spheres could have the potential to strengthen local dynasties and contribute the population growth. Something similar might have happened at Ceibal, where the strontium and oxygen isotopic analysis suggests that 21% (15 individuals out of 70) of Ceibal skeletons spent their childhood at distant places (non-local origin). However, the lead isotopic analysis suggests that we cannot discard the possibility that there are more non-locals that the ones detected by the oxygen and strontium isotopic analysis. Most of the non-local individuals (except for CB03) had isotopic strontium values between 0.7077- 0.7081 that resemble other inland places of the

Southern Maya lowlands such as the Usumacinta region, the central Peten area, southern Belize, southeast Tabasco, and inland Campeche. The oxygen and strontium isotopic data show that migrants appear at Ceibal since the Real 3 phase. However, the lead data from one Preceramic individual (CB172) suggest that the possibility of non-locals coming to the Ceibal area before the adoption of ceramic cannot be discarded. During the Real 3 phase (CB132C), the Escoba 3/

Cantutse 1 phases (CB140, CB112, and CB 115), and Cantutse 2/3 (CB169) there is clear isotopic evidence of non-local male adults coming to Ceibal. These burials were found in funeral

(CB132C, CB169) and sacrificial contexts (CB140, CB112, and CB 115). Based on the archaeological context, it is possible to suggest some of these non-local male adults probably were emerging elite priests, warriors, or captives. The arrival of male adults from other parts of 199 the southern Maya lowlands during the Preclassic was important for developing diplomatic contacts and warfare affairs. However, during the subsequent phases starting from the Xate to the

Bayal phases there was evidence of non-local females in the sample. Three non-local females were excavated from different contexts such as Group A (CB107, CB108B), and the outlying groups (CB171). Epigraphic and archeological studies suggest that the arrival of non-local elite women was important to strengthen local dynasties and that during the Classic period many elite women were sent far from their place of origin to be married into other dynasties to forge political alliances (Martin and Grube 2008). However, during these periods there is also evidence of non-local male adults and children uncovered from the Group A (CB03 [child], CB121

[juvenile]), Group D (CB29 [male adult], Cache 158A [a juvenile skeleton]), and the outlying groups (CB143[male adult], CB149 [male adult], CB157 [adult skeleton]). The fact that the non- local population from Ceibal included men, women, adults, and children from different social spheres, suggest that the inclusion of people from different areas and status may have helped the local community at Ceibal to forge political alliances with other non-local groups.

Concerning the cranial deformation (Table 9.3), for the Preclassic period (Preceramic,

Real 3, Escoba, and Cantutse) there are six individuals with tabular erect cranial modifications.

The oxygen and strontium ratios suggest that only two of those individuals have non-local isotopic values. This data shows that local and non-locals had tabular erect cranial modifications.

On the other hand, there was only one Preclassic local individual with a tabular oblique modification. The fact that local and non-locals had a tabular erect cranial shape, support the idea that the cranial vault erect modification was a shared tradition, developed and maintained through broad inter-regional interaction by diverse Preclassic groups from the southern lowlands

(Palomo et al. 2017). 200

During the subsequent Terminal Preclassic and Classic period (Xate, Junco, Tepejilote, and Bayal phases) there are 13 individuals with a tabular oblique and seven with tabular erect cranial modification. The fact that both (erect and oblique) cranial shapes were found in the local and non-local skeletons does not support the idea that the cranial modifications were visibly marking a difference between locals and outsiders. In contrast, the Ceibal data supports the idea that the cranial vault modifications (erect and oblique) constituted a widely spread and deeply rooted tradition that was practiced in many Mesoamerican regions at all levels of society over several millennia (Romano 1974; Tiesler 2010, 2012; Weiss-Krejci and Culbert 1995).

Final Remarks

The different archaeological projects who worked at Ceibal (HAP and CPAP) conducted excavations in different groups and buildings from the site. These projects also dug Preclassic and Classic period contexts. Thus, as far as I can tell, there is no bias coming from the sampling strategy itself. The burials discussed in this research come from multiple contexts and buildings located in Group A, C, D, and in many outlying groups. It does appear that I have a representative sample of individuals from different social statuses, periods, and archaeological contexts.

The carbon and nitrogen isotopic findings of this study do not support the idea of an increase in elite dietary privilege over time as reflected in carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios. On the contrary, the data indicate that there was no clear correlation between social inequality and diet. The skeletons excavated from elite and non-elite contexts from different periods do not show any significant change in their carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition. This pattern supports the hypothesis that elites and commoners had access to similar foods (Chase, et al. 201

2001:116; Gerry 1993:63), and that there was no clear correlation between social inequality and diet at Ceibal. The carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition suggest that the elites at Ceibal did not have control over the amounts of maize, meat, and freshwater consumed by the lower status individuals. The data also shows that the idea of elite dietary privilege reflected in carbon and nitrogen isotopes values overtime is not universal in the Maya area and that each site and the archaeological area has its own dietary preferences and should be analyzed separately taking into account its own historical context.

My research indicates that the Preceramic (1100 BC) individuals buried at Ceibal consumed moderate amounts of maize along with meat and aquatic resources. No evidence of residential structures have been identified at Ceibal within this period; however, around 1000

BC, people who lived in or frequented the area built the first version of a formal ceremonial space composed of a plaza and two pyramids in an east-west arrangement. The public rituals at

Ceibal were probably attended by semi-mobile people, and they may characterize one of the earliest attempts of political centralization in the Maya lowlands. Results from the isotope study indicate that the development of the Early and Middle Preclassic community at Ceibal likely originated from external social relations involving individuals from different regions of the southern lowlands, such as Peten, Chiapas (near the Usumacinta river), and south Belize. There is no evidence of individuals coming from Preclassic sites with Olmec influence, such as La

Venta, San Lorenzo, Chiapa de Corzo, or Izapa.

The isotope analysis also indicates that after the adoption of ceramics at Ceibal (around

1000 BC) maize consumption did not increase, and terrestrial and freshwater wild resources continued to be part of Ceibal residents’ diet. The dietary patterns observed during these periods 202 could be connected to a transition from a mobile lifestyle to a more sedentary one, rather than an increase in social inequality and political centralization.

During the Escoba and Cantutse phases, the sedentary villages became larger and there was an increase in centralized polities in the Maya area. At Ceibal, the isotopic evidence suggests that non-local individuals continued to arrive and the population (both locals and non- locals) had access to moderate amounts of maize, along with meat and aquatic resources.

During these periods there was an increase (around 17 burials) in individuals found in sacrificial context. The multi-isotopic analysis shows that at least three more male adults had a non-local origin. Possibly, these non-local male adults died as a result of the hostile external relations due to the intensification of warfare in the Maya area (Inomata 2014, Inomata et al.

2017). However, the fact that most of the sacrificial skeletons have local strontium ranges, suggests that there were also hostile external relations occurring with other nearby communities from the Ceibal local area.

The subsequent Terminal Preclassic and the Classic periods (100 BC-AD 930) were characterized by the development and decline of numerous political regimes in the Maya area that were engaged in frequent warfare activities. During this time there was a significant change in the diet of Ceibal residents, consisting of greater reliance on maize and a decrease in terrestrial and freshwater protein consumption. The different dietary changes observed between the

Terminal Preclassic and Classic periods might be connected to population growth, the overexploitation of natural resources, and the intensification of corn agriculture. This research shows that during the Classic period there was an increased number of non-local individuals arriving at Ceibal from the Maya lowland and that migrations may have played a significant role in the political centralization process and social changes observed at Ceibal. Although many 203

Maya sites declined by the end of the Classic period (AD 600-800), the occupation at Ceibal survived until its final collapse around AD 930. The strontium isotopic data shows that the population growth observed during the Tepejilote and Bayal phase at Ceibal might be connected to the arrival of people from different parts of the southern lowland regions. The Ceibal data shows that there is no isotopic evidence of Non-Maya migrants coming from Mexico (Sabloff

1973; Sabloff and Willey 1967), neither evidence of people coming from the volcanic highlands from Kaminaljuyu or Teotihuacan. In contrast, the isotopic evidence indicates that throughout the entire history of occupation at Ceibal (1100 BC-AD 930) non-local individuals arrived from different areas of the southern lowlands, such as Chiapas, Peten, Tabasco, Belize, and

Campeche. This non-local population included men, women, adults, and children from different social spheres. The inclusion of people from different areas may have helped the local community at Ceibal to forge political alliances with other non-local groups. Such diplomatic contacts were crucial in political and economic affairs, and during warfare, and this may be one reason why Ceibal saw one of the longest occupation histories in the Maya lowlands.

204

Table 9.1. Carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from the Preclassic sample from Ceibal. In this table, the sample was divided into four groups according to the archaeological context of the burial.

205

Figure 9.1. Carbon (A) and nitrogen (B) composition from the Preclassic burials at Ceibal. The central lines in each box indicate the median, the box margin indicates the 50th percentile, the bar indicates the 95th percentile, and the dots represent outlying values.

B) 206

Figure 9.2. Variations of tabular erect and tabular oblique cranial deformations. The pseudo- circular tabular erect shape is the Olmecoid cranial deformation identified by Tiesler. Drawing by Palomo after Tiesler 2010: Figure 2.

Figure 9.3. The cranium from Burial CB136, exhibiting tabular erect cranial deformation. Photograph by Palomo.

207

Table 9.2. Carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition from the Classic sample from Ceibal. In this table the sample, was divided into four groups according to the archaeological context of the burial.

208

Figure 9.4. Carbon (A) and nitrogen (B) composition from the Classic period burials at Ceibal. The central lines in each box indicate the median, the box margin indicates the 50th percentile, the bar indicates the 95th percentile, and the dots and asterisk represent outlying values.

B) 209

Table 9.3. Cranial and dental modification at Ceibal. The dental decorations and alterations were analyzed using the classification system developed by Romero Molina (1986). TE= Tabular erect, TO= Tabular oblique, ?= burial that did not yield isotopic content, or have not been subjected to isotopic analysis, Local?= those individuals that have strontium ratios that fall in the local range, however, the lead content suggests that we cannot discard a non-local origin.

210

APPENDIX A: CARBON, NITROGEN, OXYGEN, STRONTIUM, AND LEAD ISOTOPIC VALUES Appendix A.1. Carbon and Oxygen Isotopic Values from the Preclassic Burials at Ceibal. The isotopic content was extracted from teeth enamel. 211

Appendix A.2. Carbon and Oxygen Isotopic Values from the Classic Period Burials at Ceibal. The isotopic content was extracted from teeth enamel.

212

Appendix A.3. Strontium and Lead Isotopic Values from the Ceibal Preclassic Burials. In the Burial column, the letter next to each burial number shows the sample tooth. M1=first molar; M3= third molar; P= Premolar; I= incisive; m= deciduous molar; i= deciduous incisive; c= deciduous canine. 213

Appendix A.4. Strontium and Lead Isotopic Values from the Ceibal Classic Period Burials. In the Burial column, the letter next to each burial number shows the sample tooth. M1=first molar; M3= third molar; P= Premolar; I= incisive; m= deciduous molar; i= deciduous incisive; c= deciduous canine.

214

APPENDIX B: GRAVE GOODS LIST FROM CEIBAL Appendix B.1. Grave Goods Found in the Preclassic Burials from Ceibal. Figure 4.1 is based on this table.

215

Appendix B.2. Grave Goods Found in the Classic Period Burials from Ceibal. Figure 4.8 is based on this table.

216

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