FEPS COVID RESPONSE PAPERS October 2020 | #9

THE RE-SHAPING OF THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE IN TIMES OF CRISES THE ITALIAN LABORATORY

Summary About the authors:

During the last decade, European party systems have experienced a profound overhaul. The emergence of new populist parties – in both and left- wing side of the , the increasing salience of new issues and the reliance on new modes of communication have radically transformed Giacomo Bottos mainstream political discourse. The Covid-19 pandemic has likewise reshuffled Editor-in-chief, Pandora Rivista all previous political priorities and compelled officeholders and party leaders to calibrate their political discourse accordingly.

Against such a background, the authors build on their recently published Eleonora Desiata book “Changing political discourse in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis: the PhD Candidate, Political Science & Sociology, Scuola Normale Superiore Pisa case of ” to outline the many reasons for which Italy can be considered a laboratory for the rest of . The southern-European country offers a unique angle to comprehend how populist parties – chiefly Salvini’s Lega and Andrea Pareschi Movimento 5 Stelle – have displayed an impressive agenda-setting power, Lecturer, University of Bologna capable of re-shaping fundamental nodes of political competition.

The authors present an appraisal of the discursive stance of Italy’s main political parties through three different lenses: i) representative institutions, ii) notions of citizenship and iii) foreign policy.

Crucially, this FEPS Covid Response Paper elucidates how the Covid-19 pandemic has profoundly disrupted the sovereignist and nationalist discourse In partnership with: of populist forces in Italy at a time when issues of health and the strengthening of the state have gained prominent importance.

The paper yields findings useful for the management of political communication by progressive forces across Europe. It offers recommendations on what Italy’s main progressive party, the Partito Democratico, should do in order to increase its ability to determine Italy’s political agenda: a better use of digital platforms, replacing neutral language with political-charged vocabulary, and the embracement of consistent frames and narratives.

The re-shaping of the political discourse in times of crises: the Italian laboratory

Giacomo Bottos Editor-in-chief, Pandora Rivista

Eleonora Desiata Ph.D. Candidate, Political Science & Sociology, Scuola Normale Superiore Pisa

Andrea Pareschi Lecturer, University of Bologna

Table of contents

1. Introduction ...... 2 2. The conundrum of democracy and institutions ...... 2 3. Contesting the boundaries of citizenship: a map ...... 1 3.1. Migration, security and citizenship ...... 1 3.2. Culture ...... 3 4. Foreign and European policy ...... 2 5. Conclusions: an agenda for European progressives in times of Covid-19 .... 5 About the authors ...... 3

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

1. Introduction For politicians, pundits and ordinary citizens the case of Italy, was conceived. There we set interested in the changing landscape of politics out to retrace the transformation of political in European countries since the Great discourse in Italy between 2013 and 2019, Recession, the case of Italy is noteworthy and considering wider changes in Italian politics – in some respects – even paradigmatic. through the lens of the communication Characterised until recent years by a streams put forward by the main parties. In population displaying widespread support for doing so, we focused on four leading parties the EU and by political elites largely mirroring ranging from the right to : Lega, Forza such Europhile leanings, Italy was hit hard by Italia, Movimento 5 Stelle and Partito the sovereign debt crisis and then greatly Democratico (PD). We first prepared the way affected by soaring migration flows in the by reviewing the complex conceptual relations . Coming on top of domestic between , nationalism and self- circumstances, these two crises played a part described ‘sovereignism’, before pointing to in breaking the mould of the Italian party long-standing historical roots that have system, paving the way for the rise of two created a fertile breeding ground for the ‘challenger’ parties – the Movimento 5 Stelle contemporary populist challengers in Italy. The (M5S) and Salvini’s rebooted Lega – which, book then features three chapters dealing with after the 2018 general , would even go broad policy domains: Democracy and on to form the first self-described populist Institutions, covering the relationship of government in a founding member of the citizens with the state, its institutions and the European communities. political class; Boundaries of Citizenship, mainly tackling welfare, immigration and There are grounds to believe that the last security; and Foreign and European Policy, decade of Italian politics provides a particularly including the European dimension and vivid example of trends that have involved international relations. many other European member states as well. The patterns of competition between political Since the end point of the evidence analysed in forces have become more blurred and less our book, marked changes have once more linear amidst greater volatility, dragging in the taken place in the Italian political system. As EU as a bone of contention in its own right and things now stand, Salvini’s Lega tops the polls giving birth to previously unseen . with a slowly declining 25 per cent of the vote, There have been profound transformations in followed by the stagnating Partito the agenda of salient issues and in the Democratico with 20 per cent, and by the resonance of political discourse, and the very Movimento 5 Stelle which has stabilised at 16 language of politics has been dramatically per cent. While the appeal of has swayed. The parties of the centre-left and the been reduced to well below 10 per cent, the centre-right, seemingly incapable of either group Fratelli d’Italia is now the buttressing their policy platforms or reframing second-largest party on the right, polling more them in persuasive ways, have faced at than 15 per cent of voting intentions. The main different times an erosion in their respective change in Italian politics since last year, public support. Last but not least, re-emerging anyway, has been the downfall of one demands for social protection have been met government and the birth of another. In by ‘challenger’ political forces – and especially August 2019, Salvini’s abrupt decision to pull by nationalist ones – with exclusionary the plug brought down the so-called ‘yellow- rearticulations of ideas on the welfare state green’ government. The surprising result of the and access to it. ensuing crisis, however, was the establishment of a new ‘yellow-red’ government, again led by It is against such a background that our book, and involving an uneasy recently published by FEPS, Changing political between the Movimento 5 Stelle and discourse in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis:

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory the Partito Democratico, together with a few fainter, a crucial place was entrusted to the minor parties. communication of the prime minister. Finally, with the pandemic bringing experts and The outbreak of Covid-19 then brought a scientific knowledge to the fore, virologists dramatic change in the situation. Once again quickly became public figures in their own Italy turned out to be a laboratory, as it was the right, although their insulation from party first European country needing to arrange a political struggles soon wore off in the strong response to the raging pandemic. For this debates between them. reason, highlighting the reaction of the Italian political system to Covid-19 is extremely This policy paper aims to pinpoint the main interesting. The discourse of nationalist and findings of the research carried out in our populist forces was profoundly disrupted by book, and also to suggest how the pandemic the crisis, especially in the lockdown phase of has influenced Italian political discourse during the pandemic. Nevertheless, a context of the recent months. Therefore, the following fragility – both in the institutions and in the three sections of the paper both summarise parties’ political culture – was clearly revealed. the outcomes of our analysis in the three The difficulties faced by political parties and by aforementioned domains and update the the institutional system in converging on a picture with reference to the aftermath of the shared view of the common interest and in Covid-19 outbreak. The concluding section developing overall strategies to counter the then draws a few significant lessons that will disease led to a centralisation of the response be of use – or so we hope – to the political in the hands of the government. At the same communication of progressive forces across time, as the political debate seemingly froze the European continent. and the role of the grew

2. The conundrum of democracy and institutions

The first chapter of our book focused on the common citizens against elites is often a key attitudes towards representative democracy feature of the political discourse delivered by and institutions shown by Italy’s main political movements that tend to present themselves forces between 2013 and 2019. The as outsiders and anti-establishment. For the conception of democracy is indeed a privileged Movimento 5 Stelle, criticism of the political battlefield between ‘established’ parties and class was really a founding issue. Historically, in movements keen to employ narratives and the discourse constructed by the party, discourse considered as ‘populist’. Our analysis representation of the political class is framed took into account the attitude of political mainly through the concept of ‘caste’. The forces towards several aspects related to these underlying idea is that politicians do not really forces’ conception of democracy and carry out the task of representing the institutions – aspects such as people and the electorate or of acting in the best interest of political class, the and the the people, but instead systematically behave funding of politics, and also institutions and in the interest of their own profit, aiming to their reform. collect benefits and advantages for themselves. Political parties are the main In the conception of the Movimento 5 Stelle, a target of the disapproval voiced by the M5S, negative consideration of parties and which expresses skepticism towards political collective organisations should first of all be ideas and ideological cleavages. Behind the underlined. The role of elites is frequently a harsh criticism of the party system made by core argument within the narrative of populist M5S is the underlying idea that political parties and/or nationalist forces. Pitting people or are not necessary for democracy. Indeed, public funding to the parties is categorically

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory excluded. The attempt of the M5S to reduce figures, Salvini presents himself and his party the costs of politics is related to the idea that as embodying common sense. He uses a this could help bring politics closer to the discursive strategy aimed at presenting needs and to the sentiment of common specific and very radical political ideas as people. Furthermore, it is quite evident that something acceptable and close to the the critique of the Movimento 5 Stelle is not sentiment of the people. limited to the parties, but also involves the institutional system itself. In the view of the The Lega’s sovereignism is far more centred on M5S, institutions are partly seen as a means countering alleged internal and external used by the parties to safeguard their power. threats to national sovereignty itself, than on With regard to the role of the parliament, the the concrete functioning mechanisms and narrative of the M5S is quite ambivalent. On decision-making processes within the state the one hand, the parliament is theoretically and the democratic system (which remain valued as the place where the will of the ‘behind the scenes’). Party-related and people can be expressed by the M5S institutional issues are considered far from the representatives. On the other hand, the real problems of the people. Indeed, the Lega parliament’s role is considered to be lost, since does not stress the issue of party funding very the parties have emptied it of its functions and significantly in its narrative – most likely powers. According to one of the core ideas of because the party itself is quite vulnerable on the M5S, members of the parliament should this. The core of Salvini’s narrative is a strong not ‘represent’ the electorate but be free to claim to ‘recover sovereignty’, but this claim is play their role according to their own played mostly against external targets, like the judgment. They should therefore be EU or migrants. According to Salvini’s vision, considered as ‘employees’ of the citizens, thus the state should on the one hand defend the emphasising the binding commitment to their citizen from internal and external threats mandate received from the electorate. It (crime and an “invasion” of migrants). On the should be noted that, according to the Italian other hand, however, the of the state Constitution (Article 67), members of should be limited as much as possible. For the parliament have no mandate constraints. Lega, the task of politics is to solve a minimal set of alleged ‘problems of the people’, and to For Salvini’s Lega, ‘the people’ are considered limit any other intervention by the state in as a community defined on a national basis. citizens’ lives. Any discussion on the political This community of people should be defended and institutional process that could enable from the multiple threats coming from outside such solutions remains vague. For this reason, (immigration) and from on top (European and there is little or no interest in safeguarding supranational elites). The Lega’s critique of the institutional equilibria and the balance of supranational establishment is linked to the powers. Indeed, this was clearly visible in the global-national identity cleavage. behaviour of Salvini as interior minister. His Furthermore, there is disapproval of national disrespect for the limits of competences politicians insofar as they are allegedly related to a specific role, his repeated and detached from their community, being pro- unrepentant legally borderline behaviour, and European and promoting globalisation, his lack of institutional attitude and gravitas immigration, global citizenship, and are all signs of a conception of institutions as a cosmopolitan values. Immigration has a key simple means to be used in order to fulfil an role in this narrative as it is seen as a part of a alleged will of the people. project of people replacement, in line with a typical extreme-right narrative framework. For the Popolo della Libertà – which was re- Furthermore, certain experts and intellectuals established by as Forza Italia who oppose the Lega’s ideas and projects are in late 2013 – ‘the people’ are composed of often targets of criticism along with politicians. common people, ordinary men and women, In opposition to these allegedly ‘anti-national’ consumers, producers, family members and

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory homeowners. Citizenship is mainly defined not to build a new legitimisation for the political in relation to politics or political participation, class by increasing the efficiency of the political but rather to economic activity and the private process. sphere. The issue of common sense is very relevant for Silvio Berlusconi’s parties, as well Generally speaking, the Partito Democratico as for the Lega. Meanwhile, Berlusconi’s defends the parties as the main channel of attitude towards the political class and anti- political participation and as an important political narratives, like that of the Movimento element of a democratic system, even though 5 Stelle, is complex, swinging between an anti- a reform of how they function is regarded as establishment and pro-establishment attitude. necessary to increase internal democracy. In The main line of criticism of the party system fact, the issue of participation has always been raised by the Popolo della Libertà/Forza Italia an important topic in the narrative of the is about the system’s fragmentation and Partito Democratico. In particular, the PD has ineffectiveness. Indeed, Berlusconi claims to consistently claimed to be the political force have struggled to create a two-party system in giving more room to party democracy and real order to counter the instability of governments participation. This is enacted through the tool and the leverage of small parties, as he of primary , even if these elections are considers these to be the main problems of the the subject of discussion and sometimes of Italian political system. The main source of criticism. Although the narrative of the Partito funding for Forza Italia and the Popolo della Democratico emphasises the importance of Libertà has always been Berlusconi’s personal the party system for political participation and wealth. Pledges about the “abolition of public democracy, the functioning of the party is funding to parties” and the “halving of the nevertheless a matter of internal debate. The costs related to politics” feature in the 2013 PD could be seen, on the one hand, as the main electoral programme of the Popolo della defender of the time-honoured role of parties Libertà, although the inclusion of such issues in and of their importance in making democracy the programme was probably aimed at work. On the other haand, however, since the countering the Movimento 5 Stelle narrative. foundation of the PD this tendency has coexisted with a different one – a tendency With regard to the Partito Democratico, it is that has focused on stressing the need to find not easy to ascertain a clear position on the new and different forms of political above-mentioned issues related to democracy participation, and that has believed traditional and institutions, and this is for different party mechanisms to be mostly outdated. This reasons. One the one hand, there are different latter set of ideas was strongly supported by tendencies within the party; on the other even before his spell as party hand, positions change over the time frame leader. Indeed, Renzi’s main catchphrase in considered. For the PD, citizenship at the this regard was the “scrapping” of the “old” national level is generally seen as compatible ruling class of the party. He thus introduced a with multiple levels of identity: local, narrative based on an old/new cleavage, European, global. The Partito Democratico’s disintermediation, disruption, a light party discourse on the political class is different from organisation, and a rejection of the traditional that of the other parties, given that it does not ways of selection and internal dialectic. He also feature any general attack on the political class sketched a different vision of the people – a or on the elite. The PD’s communication narrative which divided the Italian people exhibits a clear awareness both of the deep between those who are hard-working, who are delegitimisation incurred by the political class, willing to embrace change, and those who and of the need to develop a strategy to want to block the renewal of the country. counter the attacks from the other political Renzi’s narrative sometimes used tones which forces and rebuild a connection between partly recall those of the populist critique. This citizens and the political elite. For the PD, was also reflected in a partly different institutional reforms are thus considered a tool approach to institutional reforms. While the

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory reforms were seen as a tool to strengthen the sometimes even actively promoted by them. political system, the discourse used to justify Over the seven-year time frame, the debate on them partly included anti-political arguments. the crisis of the political system appears to Conversely, other representatives of the PD have been significantly influenced by the called for a reorganisation of the party in a agenda-setting of the anti-political forces. more classical way. However, there are some arguably crucial elements that are completely missing from the The issue of institutional reforms assumed a discussion that took place: a comprehensive central position in the 2013-18 legislature for a vision of how to regenerate and better variety of reasons. This was partly because, for regulate the party system; and a serious a political system faced with the rise of the debate on the funding of politics, on Movimento 5 Stelle, institutional reforms were mechanisms to train the ruling class, on think largely seen as a means to reframe the citizen- tanks and other structures necessary to institutions relationship, improving the produce a political culture, and on the lack of effectiveness of the state in providing answers support for democratic institutions and a to the needs of citizens. The reforms were democratic culture in the country. thus, to some extent, considered a suitable answer to the anti-political challenge. At the An offshoot of the party discussions and same time, the tone of the discussion on such processes that did take place, however, was reforms was sometimes affected by the anti- the creation of a government formed by a political atmosphere itself, borrowing some of coalition of two forces which do not believe in its slogans and proposals. Particularly the ‘democracy of the parties’, and which significant was the debate on the abolition of became successful through disintermediation reimbursement for electoral spending, as well and distrust towards institutions. The as the tones of the discussion on the wide- Movimento 5 Stelle and the Lega, albeit for ranging institutional reform which led to the different reasons, have little interest in 2016 constitutional referendum. Especially respecting or safeguarding institutional under the leadership of Renzi, the PD was mechanisms or representative democracy. particularly keen to use anti-political patterns, This was particularly evident in the chain of such as the demarcation between ‘new’ and events that led to the formation of the so- ‘old’, corresponding to ‘yes’ or ‘no’. The called ‘Government of Change’ in 2018. The position of the Popolo della Libertà/Forza Italia agreement between the two forces was not was meanwhile ambiguous. While on the one defined as a political . Instead, the hand Berlusconi expressed the will to be part government was based on a ‘government of a common design for a new shared contract’ signed between their two ‘political framework of rules, he and his customary leaders’, and . discourse were not alien to the anti-political Furthermore, the choice to install a non- culture. All in all, the attempt of the PD and partisan prime minister expressly portrayed as Popolo della Libertà/Forza Italia to tackle the the ‘people’s lawyer’ was highly significant populist challenge was carried out with a because it showed an intention to deny that mixed strategy of contrast and inclusion of the government was a result of political many of the proposals made by the mediation – which is deprecated. The model Movimento 5 Stelle. was instead one of private bargaining.

Looking at the entire 2013-19 time frame Salvini’s Lega played a key role in the Conte I, considered in our book, the existing ‘yellow-green’ government, gradually institutional and party system can be seen overshadowing the discourse of the M5S, ultimately to have had few or no defenders, in especially by doubling down on the issue of the face of an anti-establishment push that immigration. Using his position as interior was sometimes hardly contained by political minister and his propaganda ability, Matteo forces, sometimes accompanied by them, and Salvini managed to gain dominance within the

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory government, vis-à-vis the centre-left coalition, lockdown, debate on the extraordinary powers and partly also at the European level in the taken up by the government in order to gathering of sovereignist parties. His address the pandemic was intense. While the consensus continued to grow until summer Partito Democratico supported the effort of 2019, when he suddenly decided to bring the government to counter the pandemic, it down the government, calling for “full powers” also sometimes criticised the self-referential and demanding new elections. His attempt attitude of the very popular prime minister, failed, however, leading to the formation of a which did not involve parties in the decision- new government by the Movimento 5 Stelle making process. Forza Italia and also the Lega and Partito Democratico. This new coalition strongly criticised the alleged self-reference of was not formed on the basis of real and strong the government, accusing it of not involving political convergence, but rather in order to parliament and the opposition in its decisions. prevent Salvini from taking over the Curiously, Salvini – who had called for “full government. The new government was powers” in the summer of 2019 – now chaired by the same prime minister as the criticised the government for centralising previous one, Giuseppe Conte. powers and limiting freedom.

Given that the new government was not built Generally speaking, in the first phase of the on a clear political deal, Conte came to play a Covid-19 emergency, the sovereignist and crucial role as the link between the two nationalist discourses were significantly political forces, and his strong role became disrupted. Even if attempts were made to link even more important after the beginning of the threat from the pandemic to China, to the Covid-19 outbreak. The emergency health specific foreign countries or to migrants, the situation raised a need to protect citizens, and global character of the issue was evident – as a new role for the state thus came to the fore was the requirement for the state to be with the onset of the pandemic. This was an strengthened in order to counter the emergency role, related to the executive pandemic. This requirement was focused on power, implementing extraordinary measures the issue of health (and the public sector) and and even suspending constitutional rights was not related to the typical pillars of populist because of the state of emergency. The discourse. Things may nevertheless change in demand for protection was detached from the ‘phase 2’ or in prospective further stages of the habitual democratic participation and pandemic. The profound social and economic parliamentary discussion – during the crisis fuelled by the lockdown could lead to lockdown it was not even possible to organise mass social discontent, which is indeed likely demonstrations or mobilisations, so public to be exploited by populist and nationalist debate was carried out entirely through the forces. media and on the internet. This was a disruptive situation for all political forces. Salvini’s Lega faced difficulties in reshaping his political discourse because the new threat posed by Covid-19 – and the new kind of security citizens asked for – were profoundly different from the idea of security against the external enemies (migrants, supranational elites) previously identified by the Lega. Furthermore, when confronted with the Covid- 19 emergency, the classical anti-political discourse of the Movimento 5 Stelle also lost part of its significance. With the role of the parliament significantly overshadowed by the emergency health situation during the

3. Contesting the boundaries 3.1. Migration, security and citizenship of citizenship: a map The discursive construction of the debate on In order to make sense of the populist migration, and especially on irregular migrants discourse on migration and citizenship, our landing on Italian shores, develops along the book considers the weight of the sociopolitical horizontal cleavage that separates foreigners elements of cleavage that shape the ‘bounded from natives, and is closely linked to the community’ of citizens as voiced by populist question of welfare. Almost inseparable from discourse. the debate on migration, the question of security grew to become one of the most Drawing from our empirical analysis, two pivotal subjects of the Italian political debate dimensions seem especially relevant: between 2013 and 2018. • an external dimension, pitting those who Throughout the 2013-19 time frame, the belong in the national community against political discourse of the Lega was pervaded by everyone who is not a member (migrants, the rhetoric of ‘invasion’ and of the foreign political and economic powers, ‘overloading’ of Italian cities, neighbourhoods supranational institutions); and even preschool classes. A violent process of crowding out the local natives is depicted, • an internal dimension, within the national which intersects with the costs of social community, characterised by the provisions in what we have labelled a true interaction of multiple divides (socio- ‘welfare trade-off’, in which social provisions economic milieux, North and South, older are framed as a zero-sum game and the ‘racist’ and younger generations, the people and label is reversed to designate the the elite). discrimination against Italian citizens, who are Populist discourse combines the external and deemed to be deprived of their socio- internal dimensions (outside vs. inside the economic rights. The ‘ first’ slogan nation) with both horizontal and vertical (employed with different nuances by Forza oppositions, building a multi-dimensional Italia and also the M5S) was reiterated configuration of identity. For example, in the constantly, and applied to a wide range of discourse of the Lega and the Movimento 5 issues – from welfare to marketable goods and Stelle ‘the people’ are ‘sovereign’ with regard trade. to both non-citizens and to some categories of The Lega’s narrative also entailed persistent citizens. At this intersection, the community references to the climate of insecurity, micro- that populists claim to represent is the subset criminality and violence that the presence of of native, common people. One of the main migrants allegedly spawns in Italian local findings in our book is that, while boundaries communities. This was achieved through a are built in a fairly similar manner by the two crude and violent imagery based on news main populist parties (the Lega and the stories involving foreign nationals, who are Movimento 5 Stelle), for what concerns the portrayed as endangering the Italian culture ‘world outside the nation’, cleavages within and way of life, the security of citizens and the nation are interpreted in rather different especially the security of fragile social ways. categories who are unable to defend Our book thus devised the main themes that, themselves. for the discourse of the political parties in In the discourse of the Movimento 5 Stelle question, were likely to have the potential to over the same period, socio-economic shape this process of constructing citizen indicators were part of the argument on the identity. Interestingly, several of these topics structural impossibility for Italy to welcome and sub-topics have become increasingly incoming migrants. The controversy was salient over the past few months since the shifted away from migrants themselves outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. (removing the need to express a specific position on the matter) onto cooperatives and The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory accommodation facilities allegedly benefitting immigration, closely linked to security. The from the ‘immigration business’ (which, by degree of efficacy of each adversary in contrast, could be straightforwardly reducing the number of migrant landings condemned by the M5S). therefore became the terrain of political Furthermore, for the Movimento 5 Stelle, opposition (especially against Matteo Salvini). security constitutes a relevant political topic, A more inclusive shift in discourse appears to but it was articulated through a very different have occurred with the leadership of Nicola lens from that of the Lega. The central Zingaretti, yet no univocal party discourse can arguments of the M5S discourse on this be retraced for the PD on migration, and the subject appeared to be about making inconclusiveness of the analysis increases as infrastructure and buildings safe, protection we include additional textual units from from natural calamities such as floods and different prominent party figures. earthquakes, the need for secure working places and the right to a healthy living As far as security is concerned over the 2013- environment. 19-time frame, the PD attempted to catch up with its populist adversaries who had been For Forza Italia meanwhile, the regulation of raising the question for some time – but it immigration is necessary to avoid riots and nevertheless did so by trying to incorporate public disorder. In party discourse, the the topic into a left-wing perspective. Under distinction was also repeatedly made between Matteo Renzi’s leadership, this was embodied migrants fleeing war or persecution and by the “for €1 invested in culture, €1 invested economic migrants. Again, the socio-economic in security” slogan, and by PD Interior Minister dimension appeared to come into play, and ’s narrative of security as a right, the argument was clear: Italy is not provided of which citizens – and especially the with the economic well-being and economically and socially fragile – are often development that would be required in order deprived, and which a leftist party has the duty to offer a future to anyone other than its to defend. citizens. With the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, In Forza Italia’s discourse, the security theme migration has ceased to be among the most was mainly (if not exclusively) developed in frequently evoked subjects in the Italian reference to the question of immigration and political discourse. Nonetheless, it remains was linked to three main discursive lines: strongly present in the Lega’s discourse, where health risks, street crime and terrorism. The it is alternately integrated either into security- subject of security was raised especially as a related social media posts covering criminal means of underlining the inability of news stories, or into the welfare trade-off incumbent governments and the lax stance of logic. Incidents involving foreign nationals or the Left on the matter of immigration. migrants are systematically reported in order to compare the treatment of non-natives to the harassment of Italian ‘decent citizens’ The Partito Democratico’s position on these (such as shopkeepers fined by the authorities). questions meanwhile appeared more In April 2020, the Conte II government nuanced. The party started in 2013 by firmly declared that, due to Covid-19, Italy was no criticising the ‘exclusively securitarian’ longer a safe haven for migrants. Contrary to approach propounded by the Right, and what had happened during Salvini’s time as instead introduced elements of humanity, minister, this statement generated little to no stressing the need for proper integration. public debate, probably due to the Under Renzi’s leadership, a stronger effort was extraordinary health emergency that was made to escalate the matter to the EU level, underway. and this included the issue of solidarity contributions. A stronger effort was also made to propose a different PD narrative on

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

Since the beginning of the pandemic, the accounts for the debates on citizenship notion of security has come to include a much acquisition and the diverging positions of the wider array of concerns, especially related to main parties on this subject over the last few the area of health and social protection. The years, but it is worth noting here that a new fear of what is unknown, different, and debate took place near the end of the first foreign, has therefore at times added up in the Covid-19 lockdown, and this concerned the public sentiment to a more domestic fear – the government’s proposal for an amnesty for fear of the virus and by extension the fear of irregular domestic and agricultural workers. every person. The message now conveyed by For the Lega, this proposal equated to the Lega is that any recovery from the rewarding irregular immigrants and would not economic distress caused by the pandemic help in any way to mitigate the effects of the needs to go through more security, more economic standstill triggered by the pandemic. discipline, ‘more unkindness’, ‘zero tolerance’ Here once again, the social counterpart of for criminals, and particularly for foreigners those deemed ‘outside the nation’ (in this and threats to national borders. The work of case, irregular workers) was common native law enforcement is also regularly praised. The citizens, and especially vulnerable ones, such government on the other hand is deemed as the unemployed. absent, incapable of addressing the pressing issues of the country in this time of hardship, and is deemed to be ‘abusing the patience of decent citizens’. The questions of national 3.2. Culture boundaries, security and pandemic somehow As the configuration of identity built by merge in the discursive offensive that Lega and populist discourse is multi-dimensional, our Fratelli d’Italia have launched against the book tried to explore the elements that, within threat to national health allegedly posed by the same national community, bind certain migrants, who allegedly could carry and groups of individuals together and divide transmit the virus. Other political forces have, others. Culture, here meaning the combination by contrast, condemned the threat to public of shared values and ways of life, is a key safety allegedly posed by the national element in this respect. demonstration called by the Lega, Forza Italia and Fratelli d’Italia on 2 June, where leaders In the discourse of both the Lega and the M5S, and activists of the three parties appeared the narrative resonates of a political ruling physically close to one another, in clear class removed from the problems of common violation of social distancing protocols. people and occupied with matters of little to no relevance. Our book therefore also The question of national boundaries addresses the use of the ‘common man’ trope meanwhile crosses the discourse of the entire (and of the ‘common sense’ trope, distinctively spectrum of political parties with respect to employed by the Lega). production, trade, and tourism. However, while the Movimento 5 Stelle encourages the A cleavage clearly emerges from the analysis of support of goods ‘made in Italy’, the ‘Italians the M5S discursive units (although this first’ slogan keeps being deployed in the vast cleavage also largely applies to the Lega) and majority of Salvini’s social media posts, almost this concerns the aspect of education, as an ever-relevant mantra, and is employed as competence and expertise. A strong conflict is the benchmark for drawing the boundaries of alleged to exist between the common citizen those people who should in fact receive help (represented by the party when it speaks) and from the government. ‘big professors and technocrats’, who are deemed part of a larger corrupt system of The two matters of migration and security are disinformation and manipulation that is built furthermore deeply intertwined with the to deceive ‘common citizens’. question of citizenship and rights. Our book

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

The Lega’s discourse sees a strong vertical people having lost their jobs, and for the conflict between the ‘common man’ and the waiving of restrictions for business owners. elite. However, the latter does not equal the Within the government, the Movimento 5 political class or a privileged older generation Stelle puts forward a timid discourse based on as it does for the Movimento 5 Stelle. Rather, the actions taken by the executive in response it is combined with an ideological element and to the Covid-19 emergency, but largely is consequently embodied by ‘radical chic’ eclipsed by the omnipresence of Conte. A intellectuals and generally left-wing educated similar pattern can be observed for the Partito individuals. Democratico, whose communication presents a merely descriptive representation of the When Italy started to be confronted with the socio-economic reality. Among the most ravaging spread of Covid-19, the long- blatant cases of this political discourse was the established dichotomy between mainstream PD’s portrayal of a news story concerning a and non-mainstream information resurfaced young woman who, having lost her father due harshly. All in all, each political force to Covid-19, dropped out of university to take attempted to present its version of scientific over her late father’s business as a news expertise as opposed to the versions divulged vendor. In a contested Facebook post, the by its political adversaries, which were party told the girl’s story and only commented ascribed either to ‘fake news’ that was on it by describing her choice as “beautiful and deployed to manipulate the electorate, or to a empathetic”. The absence of both diagnostic governmental conspiracy to keep citizens and prognostic frames in the communication unaware of the real treatments and to of the Partito Democratico, namely the speculate on their misery. Salvini thus absence of in-depth interpretations of the repeatedly shares alleged success stories and social reality and of the consequent updates on the plasma treatment for Covid-19, presentation of a clear-cut political vision, has ‘despite the skepticism and even blatant been made particularly evident by the hostility of some TV scientists’. On a similar extraordinary Covid-19 situation. note, the Lega keeps opposing the ‘arrogance’ and ‘inadequacy’ of ‘intellectuals’ and ‘schoolmarms’ in the government.

This underlying theme of a ‘cultural divide’ between the people and the elite remains closely linked to the question of political representation, and during the Covid-19 lockdown has become particularly intertwined with how the different political forces frame the role they believe the state should play.

The opposition parties, especially the Lega and Fratelli d’Italia, blame the government’s delays and inefficiency on its incompetence, and the leaders of the two parties alternately evoke the need both for increased protection for

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

4. Foreign and European policy Our book pursues a threefold endeavour as aside from electoral manifestos. During Renzi’s regards the patterns of discourse deployed by premiership (2014-16), the ‘nothing is possible Italian political parties in the broad domain of without Europe’ posture was reframed into a international relations. First, it retraces the more ambitious stance: Italy, now ready to stances espoused by every major party from change itself and restore its external 2013 until 2019, uncovering key discursive credibility, would then be able to act in Europe themes as well as changing ingredients. as a forceful protagonist. Once this optimistic Second, it pays special attention to the specific conviction had subsided into crude frustration elements that are arguably deployed to convey at the EU by 2017 – due to recurrent budgetary populism, nationalism or sovereignism. Third, tensions and the continuing stalemate on it addresses the analogies in the discursive common approaches to migration – tropes used by the various parties over the dependence on Renzi’s personalised message 2013-19 period, casting a look at the overlaps backfired. In opposition after the 2018 general found in these parties’ respective streams of election and faced with a Eurosceptic communication. government, the PD went into the 2019 European elections as a polyphonic choir The discourse that a party assumes and united against the threat of sovereignism. promotes on an issue of foreign policy is, of course, the outcome of a constellation of The mould of the exhibited by different drivers: the party’s ideological the Movimento 5 Stelle originated in the blog outlook, its current location in government or of the party’s founder, Beppe Grillo. The early in opposition, the strategies devised by other party discourse anchored disapproval of the parties, the timing within the domestic EU in interviews with scholarly sources electoral cycle, the geopolitical fundamentals criticising the make-up. At the same of the country, and so on. While some of these time, wariness of the EU was also grounded in factors pertain to the domestic political arena, a mixture of anti-establishment others relate more directly to the international sensationalism, rants against , and context. Some of the former in particular – coarsely expressed sovereignty concerns. In such as ideology and government status – are 2014, the uneasily coalescing requests of the likely to create rifts between political parties. party included a referendum on the common Some of the latter, inasmuch as they represent currency, seen as a symbol of the wrongdoings objective or structural circumstances faced by and lack of solidarity within the EU. Later the country, should conversely prompt similar developments added novel ingredients: while position-taking. the party sought to capitalise on the rising anti- immigration tide, the voices of the M5S MEPs A part of the analysis carried out in our book elected in 2014 added policy-specific was devoted to European policy – in other dimensions to the image of European words, to party discourse on Europe, the integration, leading to a more nuanced picture and the European layer of of Europe’s opportunities alongside its flaws. governance. Despite some swings in its Deep contradictions concerning the EU pitted location on the left-right axis, the Partito constructive policy chapters against the Democratico steadfastly channelled a pro- negative ‘high politics’ chapters in the 2018 European discourse all the way through the electoral manifesto. As part of the 2013-19 time frame. The party joined an ideal Government of Change after the election itself, commitment to the European identity, and to the M5S responded with heavy flak to any a belief in the EU as part of the solution for struggle with the European level, hitting out Italy, with sets of policy proposals that were against “Eurobureaucrats” and the European actually more peripheral in its communication elites.

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

As to Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, short-term treacherous elites pursuing the interests of domestic party strategy proved to be an foreigners. Hashtags such as #stopinvasione, important driver of postures towards Europe (#stopinvasion) #bastaeuro (#nomoreeuro) in the 2013-19 time frame considered in our and #primagliitaliani (#Italiansfirst) book. In 2014, while the party was calling for spearheaded the 2018 electoral campaign, eurobonds and for common tax and foreign following which Salvini – having become the policies, it still dealt with the European interior minister – did not soften his rough election campaign with harsh communication communication on Europe, beginning instead enshrined in the motto “More Italy in Europe, a crusade against the landing of migrant ships Less Europe in Italy”. In later years, against a in Italian ports. This campaign would very soon background of intensified migration flows, reap electoral dividends for the Lega. budgetary skirmishes between the and the , and Another part of the analysis in our book terrorist attacks in European cities, the comprised topics of foreign policy such as discourse of Forza Italia oscillated between Italy’s relations with world powers, theatres of interest-based realism and expectations of crisis, other transnational threats like European solidarity. However, chastisement of terrorism or global warming, and pillars of the the incumbent government relied on a international order such as the United Nations. ‘valence politics’ perspective, in the hope of Clearly, foreign policy matters were less presenting Forza Italia as a safe pair of hands. frequent or prominent in Italian party This continued when the party, again discourse than policy matters related to the cloistered in opposition after the 2018 general European sphere. The Partito Democratico election, challenged the Government of proved the most vocal supporter of Change on the very grounds of national international cooperation and the one political sovereignty and interest. At the same time, force staunchly committed to the UN and Forza Italia sought to revive its links with the international networks. References to the European People’s Party (EPP), and to reassert agencies and goals of the United Nations were its credentials as an influential force. It thus a consistent undercurrent of its discourse, as proposed to the European right-wing and was a preference for diplomatic centre ‘a new European sovereignism’, which multilateralism towards armed conflicts. was meant to unify Europe and the West. Defence of human rights was also emphasised, although problematic ambivalence surfaced as The Lega shifted its posture around 2014. In its to how such principles fed into commitments transformation from a northern regionalist to foster cooperation with African party with government credentials to a governments – not least in relation to border national-populist force posing as an outsider, it controls. upgraded the virulence of its outbursts, moving closer to the rhetorical style of its new The Movimento 5 Stelle initially developed its leader Matteo Salvini. By 2014, the party had related foreign policy discourse through a developed a rhetoric marked by unapologetic prism heavily centred on sovereignty and ‘bad manners’, which was soon to crystallise rooted in the national interest. Consequently, into a relatively stable discursive arsenal: the party thus opposed sanctions against depictions of Europe as the ‘European Soviet , the economic penetration of China in Union’, but also as the Europe of bankers and Italy – until the memorandum of of the powers that be, a hard zero-sum view of understanding signed in 2019, when the M5S national interest, constant references to “the was in government – and any meddling from people” and to “Italian interest” in opposition the US. Opposition to the Comprehensive to “this Europe”, a national breakdown due to Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) and to the “invasion” of irregular immigrants – at the Transatlantic Trade and Investment times depicted as “ethnic cleansing” of the Partnership (TTIP) coupled left-wing native population – and due to the guilt of arguments with ‘food sovereignty’ and anti-

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory establishment sensationalism. Again, the 2018 people, in line with a trend of rising hostility to electoral manifesto juxtaposed a hard-line the shackles of international law. sovereignist posture in its Foreign Affairs chapter, which preached strict non- Overlaps between the political forces clearly interference, with multiple policy chapters at existed. The concept of an ‘invasion’ of ease with the organisations and agencies of migrants was propagated by all actors except the UN as well as with the acquis of the Partito Democratico. Sensationalist international law. messages were the preserve of the M5S and the Lega, but discursive ‘bad manners’ were Forza Italia also voiced a commitment to the also embraced by Forza Italia. Although UN and to NATO, especially through the party’s avoiding such drifts, Renzi’s Partito leader. It was, however, a commitment of Democratico fell back on Eurosceptic retorts sorts, as it called for the inclusion of Russia in during tense phases in its European the Western bloc, spurred by the interest- interactions – for example, by mocking the based realism that Berlusconi at once EU’s regulation of menial details. Domestic promoted and acknowledged in Vladimir dynamics regularly spurred all governing Putin. Otherwise, the party showed realist parties to depict Italy as newly acting in Europe pragmatism – rather than actual dedication – ‘with its head held high’ or no longer ‘hat in towards the laws and institutions of the hand’, whereas parties in opposition portrayed international community, which were mostly Italy as internationally isolated and incapable invoked to solve problems for Italy. One such of imposing itself. Moreover, amidst vows to problem was irregular immigration, whereby change ‘this Europe’, the ritually evoked but the party, while proposing a vague ‘Marshall never fleshed out tropes of ‘Europe of the Plan for Africa’, was not above decrying an peoples’ and ‘Europe of the bureaucrats’ ‘invasion’. Finally, the foreign policy posture became almost ubiquitous. Under Renzi’s that was embraced by Berlusconi around the leadership, even the Partito Democratico, 2019 European election assigned to which avoided the former trope – although the communist China the role of being the main party’s advocacy of ‘a Europe closer to the threat for Europe and the West. citizens’ may have appeared to voters just a fainter hue of it – at times performed its own The Lega consistently went further than criticism of European bureaucracy and Berlusconi’s party in adopting abrasive technocracy. language, deployed to denounce the clearance sale of the country to foreigners, to link the With regard to how this picture has changed migration influx from the Mediterranean with over recent months since the Covid-19 deadly terrorist attacks, and so on and so forth. outbreak, it is particularly evident in Italy that, Incidentally, framing the menace of while the European sphere has gained new international terrorism as an ‘us vs. them’ war significance in the context of an economy- allowed the party to condemn sanctions ravaging pandemic, a focus on the situation against Russia, depicted as a fundamental within national borders has caused other partner in the conflict. In short, the party’s foreign policy issues to all but recede. Italy has discursive bundle went as far as to deplore – at paid a high price in the pandemic – about one point – a “government of puppets 244,000 cases of infection and more than manipulated by Europe and steered for use 35,000 deaths, according to official data and consumption by terrorists who are argued to underrate the true figures welcomed with open arms”. The Lega’s 2018 considerably – and the prosperous region of manifesto contained an unrestrained espousal has been distressingly hit. After a of sovereignty and strict national interest – as two-month lockdown, with all ‘non-essential’ was fitting for a party unapologetic about economic activity suspended between 23 supporting Trump and Putin – and presented March and 4 May, the country began a ‘phase the UN as endangering the sovereignty of the 2’ marked by a gradual relaxing of restrictions.

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

With Italy’s GDP predicted to fall by about 10 merits of Giuseppe Conte, the prime minister, per cent in 2020 as compared to 2019, no and Luigi Di Maio, the minister of foreign wonder that the discourse of all political affairs. Undertones linked to the defence of parties swiftly included expectations of the Italian people and their interests, in regard economic solidarity at the European level. to ongoing negotiations at the European level, Nevertheless, each of the four political parties have surfaced especially in the words of party analysed in our book has applied its own ‘spin’ exponents such as the EP vice-president Fabio to these expectations: an overview of their Massimo Castaldo. However, the party has communication reveals significant continuity seemingly transitioned from Euroscepticism to with the past, alongside a few notable breaks ‘-alternativism’, in that it has shunned with it. every sort of sovereignty-based discourse. Hence, the M5S wants Europe to prove its The Partito Democratico has entrusted its nature as a ‘community’ rather than a mere discourse on European policy to figures such as ‘union’, and it has urged the EU not to betray David Sassoli, the president of the European the trust of a country that has entrusted Parliament (EP); Brando Benifei, the head of significant macroeconomic levers to it. the party delegation to the EP; , Furthermore, the party has regularly sought to the European commissioner for economy; and distance itself from sovereignist forces like Italian government ministers Roberto Gualtieri Salvini’s Lega. The discourse of the M5S has and Enzo Amendola. The party has given included rejection of recourse to the ESM, special salience to the topic of Europe and mainly due to concerns about conditionality, particularly the EU, portrayed more than ever yet, the Recovery Fund proposal advanced by as a crucial part of the solution for Italy’s the European Commission has been hailed as a predicament, and thus forcefully spurred to response awaited for years. In short, the party demonstrate its drive. Accordingly, signals of asserts that the Recovery Fund is proof that openness within the decision-making bodies of ‘Europe is alive and fights alongside us’. Aside the EU – regarding the arrangement or from this the controversial intention of some reworking of European instruments such as European countries not to accept tourists from that for temporary Support to mitigate Italy during the summer pushed Di Maio – who Unemployment Risks in an Emergency (SURE), once emphatically called for a “D-Day of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), European tourism” – to deplore any blacklist interventions from the European Investment based on simple interest. Bank (EIB) and the (ECB), as well as the Recovery Fund – have The party discourse of Forza Italia – in been greeted with optimism. At the same time, opposition and extremely weak – has followed when setbacks at the EU level have occurred, trends established over recent years by putting exponents of the Partito Democratico have its founder and leader, Silvio Berlusconi, in the taken pains to highlight how the stumbling limelight, together with , the blocks stemmed from the selfishness shown by former president of the EP. Since the Covid-19 some of the EU member states, such as the outbreak, the narrative deployed by Forza . In a wider sense, the party has Italia has unequivocally focused on economic emphasised the belief that ‘no country can resources. From this viewpoint the party has save itself alone’, and it has hailed the tangible urged Europe to “act as Europe”, to “do more” assistance and expressions of solidarity sent to and to show “courage” quickly, by suspending Italy from abroad. the Stability and Growth Pact and by mustering up financial instruments for €1 trillion or €2 The Movimento 5 Stelle has mainly trillion. Interestingly, positive developments in emphasised the domestic agency of the the EU-level response to the crisis have been government of which it is a part. In relation to traced to the EPP and to Berlusconi’s presence this, the party has articulated its European and as a MEP. By contrast, Forza Italia – again foreign policy discourse around the respective seeking to present itself as a responsible

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory opposition – has seized every occasion to economic responses to the negative economic depict the Italian government as not having shock caused by the pandemic, any cited done enough, and to place on it noticeably signals of openness were dismissed by asking heavier blame for Italy’s economic difficulties for “real money”, or “facts not words”. Even than on the EU. Condemning intra-EU more tellingly, such developments have been selfishness and sovereignism, Berlusconi’s has met with general statements suggesting that again emphasised the political and economic Europe is not to be trusted too much, Europe threat represented for the whole of Europe by does not donate anything, nothing from China. Europe is ever non-repayable, and the money will never come. Accordingly, when EU With regard to the Lega, no apparent commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis proposed to discontinuity exists in the way the party has make domestic reform a condition for the articulated its discourse on Europe since the Recovery Fund, the Lega described the outbreak of Covid-19. The Lega’s discourse Commission’s plan as a “Euro-scam”. To give a therefore continues to revolve around different example, the Lega’s narrative around unapologetic, principled Euroscepticism. An Italian tourists being denied entry abroad was important ingredient still consists of anti- framed along the lines that ‘if in Europe they establishment sensationalism, whereby shut their doors on the Italians, Italy will be Facebook posts in capital letters warn about perfectly fine with its world-leading beaches’. “what they will not tell you”. Over the course of EU-level negotiations concerning common

5. Conclusions: an agenda for European progressives in times of Covid-19

The results of the research carried out in our progressives appear to fall short in setting book, together with the observation of how the agenda of political discourse and in political discourse has evolved throughout the putting forward their own themes – rather, Covid-19 pandemic in yet more recent times, they tend to chase after topics imposed by yield findings that will hopefully prove others and, at best, try to frame them insightful for the management of political differently. As a consequence, they often communication by progressive forces across come off as less convincing in their Europe. narrative and leave room for their populist opponents to portray them as detached, The key issues identified by investigating removed from the pressing issues faced by Italian political discourse, and some the people in their everyday lives. recommendations on how to address these issues, can be summarised in four points. 2) Language. One tendency in the PD’s discourse over the last few years – and 1) Agenda-setting. The first main finding of especially since the end of Renzi’s divisive our research concerns the difficulty of spell as leader – has been that of shifting to Italy’s main progressive party, the Partito an increasingly neutral language. In other Democratico, in impacting the political words, the party appears to have agenda. Our analysis points to a certain progressively abandoned a politically- subalternity exhibited by the PD with charged vocabulary capable of placing the respect to themes imposed by other – party’s claims, grievances and proposals mostly populist – political forces. These on the political spectrum. The lack of clear themes range from anti-establishment identifying elements in the party’s claims to the issue of security. The

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

discourse, and of discursive frames unique translating those stances into a distinct or specific to the PD, has contributed to political vision, which can be clearly weakening the party’s overall message. conveyed and reproduced through the use Indeed, its position ‘in office’, being part of of frames. Some macro-themes stand out the incumbent government again since from the investigation of the Italian case, September 2019, has played a role in and progressives could be advised to focus moderating the Partito Democratico’s on these – particularly since Covid-19. discourse. Instead, particularly since the The process of intercepting citizen grievances, first lockdown phase of the pandemic – in the ensuing mediation of those issues through which the room for new themes was the lens of party values and goals, and the extremely limited, and in which the vast consequent elaboration of a specific political majority of political space was occupied by discourse, are all largely informed by the the figure of Prime Minister Conte and his national context for each progressive political narrative – the need for progressives to force in their respective environment. stand out through their language has Although the determination of the most become ever more pressing. appropriate and effective frames to adopt and

3) Online effectiveness. The outbreak of the promote will depend on contingent and case- Covid-19 pandemic has confronted entire specific factors, some key themes of interest societies with the need to rethink work and can be devised on which European interaction tools. As has often been pointed progressives at large might be willing to focus out, public communication, politics and their respective effort. These include:

consensus-building efforts have also been ● the progressive force’s approach to the role pervaded by the use of digital media, in of institutions and the mechanisms shaping what appears to be a rapid acceleration of the overarching functioning of democracy; already established ongoing processes. In ● its stances on citizenship, inequality and this framework, the question of the social mobility – including their ideal instruments of political discourse – criteria, their drivers and challenges, and namely, the media that are used and the concrete policies that should be put in leveraged to that end – gains an place to attain certain social goals; unprecedented centrality, compelling ● the role of the state – by further clarifying political parties to become ever more the key elements, pinpointing the party’s skilled in the use of digital platforms. ideas on what the state should be and the

4) Frames. In light of all of the considerations functions it should perform in the above, what appears crucial for the political contemporary economy and society; discourse of progressive forces is their ● Europe – whereby the progressive force ability to produce and promote frames should be able to identify viable steps, that are specific to their narrative and that suitable allies and ‘red lines’ for the future, allow the public to clearly self-identify in so that progressives are not perceived as these stances and claims. By intercepting plus royalistes que le roi; the claims and grievances of citizens, and by ● the question of national interest, in the processing those preferences and issues effort to manifestly identify its features and through the spectrum of the party’s values envisage the criteria and ways through and objectives, clear and specific which it should be pursued. communication frames can be shaped,

The Re-shaping of the Political Discourse in times of Crisis: The Italian laboratory

About the authors

Giacomo Bottos (1986) is editor-in-chief of the magazine “Pandora” and President of the think tank Tempora. He studied Philosophy at the Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa, at the University of Pisa and at the University of . Among his fields of interest are political philosophy, history of political concepts, European politics, populism and history of Italian philosophy. He is a former member of FEPS Young Academic Network.

Eleonora Desiata (1994) is a PhD candidate in Political Science & Sociology at the Scuola Normale Superiore of Florence, and a member of the COSMOS Centre on Social Movement Studies. After a BA in Diplomacy at the University of Bologna, including one year at Sciences Po Paris, she obtained an MA in Economics & Management of Government from Bocconi University. Her current research focuses on direct social activism and the political and institutional influence of self-managed ‘social centres’ in Italian city systems. Among her fields of interest are political participation and activism, social policy, political organisations. She sits on the editorial board of the magazine “Pandora”.

Andrea Pareschi (1991) holds a Ph.D. in Political Science and European Politics jointly awarded by the Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies and the universities of Siena, Pisa and Florence. His research interests include European politics, Euroscepticism, populism, mass-elite opinion congruence, British politics and . He spent visiting research periods at Paris 1 Panthéon- Sorbonne and King's College London. He sits in the editorial board of the Italian progressive magazine “Pandora” and in the local council of his hometown.