The Strange Case of Lord Byron's Lover
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BYRON COURTS ANNABELLA MILBANKE, AUGUST 1813-DECEMBER 1814 Edited by Peter Cochran
BYRON COURTS ANNABELLA MILBANKE, AUGUST 1813-DECEMBER 1814 Edited by Peter Cochran If anyone doubts that some people, at least, have a programmed-in tendency to self-destruction, this correspondence should convince them. ———————— Few things are more disturbing (or funnier) than hearing someone being ironical, while pretending to themselves that they aren’t being ironical. The best or worst example is Macbeth, speaking of the witches: Infected be the air whereon they ride, And damned all those that trust them! … seeming unconscious of the fact that he trusts them, and is about to embark, encouraged by their words, on a further career of murder that will end in his death. “When I find ambiguities in your expression,” writes Annabella to Byron on August 6th 1814, “I am certain that they are created by myself, since you evidently desire at all times to be simple and perspicuous”. Annabella (born 1792) is vain, naïve, inexperienced, and “romantic”, but she’s also highly intelligent, and it’s impossible not to suspect that she knows his “ambiguities” are not “created by” herself, and that she recognizes in him someone who is the least “perspicuous” and most given to “ambiguities” who ever lived. The frequency with which both she and she quote Macbeth casually to one another (as well as, in Byron’s letters to Lady Melbourne, Richard III ) seems a subconscious way of signalling that they both know that nothing they’re about will come to good. “ … never yet was such extraordinary behaviour as her’s” is Lady Melbourne’s way of describing Annabella on April 30th 1814: I imagine she’d say the same about Byron. -
1 Byron: Six Poems of Separation
1 Byron: Six Poems of Separation edited by Peter Cochran If one’s marriage were to collapse in humiliating, semi-public circumstances, and if one were in part to blame for its collapse, one’s reaction would probably be to maintain a discreet and (one would hope) a dignified silence, and to hope that the thing might blow over in a year or so. Byron’s reaction was write, and publish, poetry about it while it was still collapsing. The first two of these poems were written in London – the first is to his wife, and the next about and to her friend and confidante Mrs Clermont – before he left England, on Thursday April 25th 1816. The next three were written in Switzerland after his departure, and are addressed to his half-sister Augusta. The last one is again to his wife. They show violent contrasts in style and tone (the Epistle to Augusta is Byron’s first poem in ottava rima), and strange, contrasting aspects of Byron’s nature. That he should wish them published at all is perhaps worrying. The urge to confess without necessarily repenting was, however, deep within him. Fare Thee Well! with its elaborate air of injured innocence, and its implication that Annabella’s reasons for leaving him remain incomprehensible, sorts ill with what we know of his behaviour during the disintegration of their marriage in the latter months of 1815. John Gibson Lockhart was moved, five years later, to protest: … why, then, did you, who are both a gentleman and a nobleman, act upon this the most delicate occasion, in all probability, your life was ever to present, as if you had been neither a nobleman nor a gentleman, but some mere overweeningly conceited poet? 1 Of A Sketch from Private Life , William Gifford, Byron’s “Literary Father”, wrote to Murray: It is a dreadful picture – Caravagio outdone in his own way. -
Manfred Lord Byron (1788–1824)
Manfred Lord Byron (1788–1824) Dramatis Personæ MANFRED CHAMOIS HUNTER ABBOT OF ST. MAURICE MANUEL HERMAN WITCH OF THE ALPS ARIMANES NEMESIS THE DESTINIES SPIRITS, ETC. The scene of the Drama is amongst the Higher Alps—partly in the Castle of Manfred, and partly in the Mountains. ‘There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, Than are dreamt of in your philosophy.’ Act I Scene I MANFRED alone.—Scene, a Gothic Gallery. Time, Midnight. Manfred THE LAMP must be replenish’d, but even then It will not burn so long as I must watch. My slumbers—if I slumber—are not sleep, But a continuance of enduring thought, 5 Which then I can resist not: in my heart There is a vigil, and these eyes but close To look within; and yet I live, and bear The aspect and the form of breathing men. But grief should be the instructor of the wise; 10 Sorrow is knowledge: they who know the most Must mourn the deepest o’er the fatal truth, The Tree of Knowledge is not that of Life. Philosophy and science, and the springs Of wonder, and the wisdom of the world, 15 I have essay’d, and in my mind there is A power to make these subject to itself— But they avail not: I have done men good, And I have met with good even among men— But this avail’d not: I have had my foes, 20 And none have baffled, many fallen before me— But this avail’d not:—Good, or evil, life, Powers, passions, all I see in other beings, Have been to me as rain unto the sands, Since that all—nameless hour. -
Don Juan Study Guide
Don Juan Study Guide © 2017 eNotes.com, Inc. or its Licensors. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, Web distribution or information storage retrieval systems without the written permission of the publisher. Summary Don Juan is a unique approach to the already popular legend of the philandering womanizer immortalized in literary and operatic works. Byron’s Don Juan, the name comically anglicized to rhyme with “new one” and “true one,” is a passive character, in many ways a victim of predatory women, and more of a picaresque hero in his unwitting roguishness. Not only is he not the seductive, ruthless Don Juan of legend, he is also not a Byronic hero. That role falls more to the narrator of the comic epic, the two characters being more clearly distinguished than in Byron’s Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage. In Beppo: A Venetian Story, Byron discovered the appropriateness of ottava rima to his own particular style and literary needs. This Italian stanzaic form had been exploited in the burlesque tales of Luigi Pulci, Francesco Berni, and Giovanni Battista Casti, but it was John Hookham Frere’s (1817-1818) that revealed to Byron the seriocomic potential for this flexible form in the satirical piece he was planning. The colloquial, conversational style of ottava rima worked well with both the narrative line of Byron’s mock epic and the serious digressions in which Byron rails against tyranny, hypocrisy, cant, sexual repression, and literary mercenaries. -
Byron's Prophecy of Dante and Its Form, Terza Rima
1 BYRON’S PROPHECY OF DANTE AND ITS FORM, TERZA RIMA ROSEMARIE ROWLEY IRISH BYRON SOCIETY In 1819, on his way to Ravenna to see Teresa Guiccioli, Byron stopped by the Certosa cemetery, where he came upon two epitaphs: “Martini Luigi Implora pace” and “Lucrezia Pinine Implora eterna quiete”. They moved him deeply: “it appears to me that these two and three words comprise and compress all that can be said on the subject – and then in Italian they are absolute Music.”1 It was at the beginning of his love affair with Teresa Guiccioli, and the culmination of his love for Italy. From the wild dissipation of Venice and its carnival comedies, Byron was psychologically prepared to go deeper into the Italian soul, and having met Teresa briefly, at one of Contessa Albrizzi’s conversazioni in Venice, and spoken to her at length two days later at the Contessa Benzoni’s salon: on April 2nd or 3rd, 1819, the two declared their love for one another, for they had loved with “these mysterious sympathies (which) shake the soul too much and frighten one,” as recalled by Teresa in her posthumously published account and as described by Byron’s biographer.2 He found himself engaging completely with Teresa and her culture, physically, emotionally, spiritually and intellectually, all qualities which were bound up in this convent girl who could recite by heart any part of the Divina Commedia . She was no less struck by him, and extracted a promise from him that he would visit her at her home at Ravenna. -
WHY WE NEED a NEW TEXT of BEPPO Peter Cochran
WHY WE NEED A NEW TEXT OF BEPPO Peter Cochran In asking for a return to Byron’s Beppo manuscripts, I do not wish to raise the issue of authorial intention. Motive is forever cloudy, perhaps even stormy, and anyone who writes regularly knows that one’s real motive for writing is often quite different from what observers take it to be, or from what, after the event, one realises oneself it was. The still harder question of whether or not a writer may be said to possess an “intention”, or even what the word implies, is likewise not my concern. I am, however, concerned about the way what authors write is transmitted, whatever their intention, and whatever “intention” may be. Again, anyone who does write and gets published knows that the way censors, editors, sub-editors, and keyboard operators work is not always a process of friendly collaboration, but can itself be motivated by other considerations – of ideology, for example, or of politeness (or impoliteness). The strange new problems engendered in our time by electronic storage, editing and retrieval are things with which Byron didn’t have to trouble himself – though if only he’d had faxes and e-mail, how much easier his lines of communication with Murray and Hunt might have been, and how much more authoritative our texts of his work! He did have two problems, however, which modern communications still might not have solved: Murray’s greed, and Murray’s editorial coterie’s caution. These two mutually incompatible factors affected – and continue to affect – the text of Beppo; but as the poem’s manuscripts survive, they may still be countered. -
•Œso, We╎ll Go No More a Roving╊
Studies in English Volume 9 Article 9 1968 “So, We’ll Go No More a Roving” Robert W. Witt University of Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/ms_studies_eng Part of the Literature in English, British Isles Commons Recommended Citation Witt, Robert W. (1968) "“So, We’ll Go No More a Roving”," Studies in English: Vol. 9 , Article 9. Available at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/ms_studies_eng/vol9/iss1/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the English at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Studies in English by an authorized editor of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Witt: “So, We’ll Go No More a Roving” "SO, WE'LL GO NO MORE A ROVING" by Robert W. Witt In May, 1968, the Very Reverend Eric Abbott, Dean of West minster, agreed with a plan to place a plaque in memory of George Gordon, Lord Byron, in Poet’s Comer of Westminster Abbey. Byron, of course, had never before received such recog nition. At the time of his death in 1824 his body was refused burial in Westminster Abbey because of his flagrant immorality—his numerous affairs with women of the English aristocracy, his scandalous divorce, his period of debauchery in Venice, his association with the Countess Guiccioli, as well as rumors of homosexual relationships and even of an incestuous affair with his half-sister. These known escapades and rumors of worse were enough to condemn Byron in his day and for a long while thereafter. -
Byron's Poems to and About His Wife
1 BYRON’S POEMS TO AND ABOUT HIS WIFE Jessie Chambers’ opinion of how D.H.Lawrence, in writing of their relationship in Sons and Lovers, misrepresented and betrayed it, is well-known. It helps to see things from Lady Byron’s viewpoint if we imagine some of Jessie Chambers’ thoughts being uttered by her, reading Byron’s poetry about the break-up of their marriage at the start of 1816: In spite of myself I heard the old forced note, the need to convince himself. But I felt how sincere was his desire to be convinced.1 According to my old custom I did not contradict him but let him talk himself out. I never took his assertions about people and things seriously. They were not necessarily 2 true, but they showed the inclinations of his mood. 1: ‘ET’ Jessie Chambers, D.H.Lawrence, A Personal Record (Frank Cass & Co Ltd, 1965), p.180. 2: Ibid, p.195. 2 Lawrence was expecting me to attack him. He knew I must be hurt, and thought I should be furiously angry. What he did not understand was that the hurt went deeper than any anger. It went down to the roots of my feeling for him and altered my conception of his nature.3 Annabella, Lady Byron, has had and still has several supporters,4 but none has pinpointed exactly the way in which Byron, like his fellow Nottinghamshire writer Lawrence a century later, turned the failure of his relationship with her on its head when writing about it for posterity, and imputed all his own failings to her. -
Introduction : 'Un Paese Tutto Poetico' – Byron in Italy, Italy in Byron
1 Introduction : ‘Un paese tutto poetico’ – Byron in Italy, Italy in Byron Alan Rawes and Diego Saglia Th e connection between Byron and Italy is one of the most familiar facts about British Romanticism. 1 Th e poet’s many pronouncements about the country (where he lived between 1816 and 1823), its his- tory, culture and people, as well as about his own experiences in Italy and among Italians, are well known and part of his legend. More particularly, Byron’s debauchery in Venice and would- be heroics in Ravenna are often known even to those acquainted with the poet’s biography only in its most simplifi ed versions. In contrast, though the critical panorama has been changing in recent years, serious attention to Byron’s literary engagement with Italy has tended to be discon- tinuous. Yet he wrote much of his greatest poetry in Italy, and under its infl uence, poetry that would have a profound bearing not only on the literature but also the wider culture, history and politics of the whole of Europe, and not least Italy itself. As a result, Byron’s relationship with Italy, and the poetry it pro- duced, speaks to a much broader modern- day audience than simply a literary one. Th is book bears witness to this fundamental fact about Byron’s Italian writings by relating the texts Byron wrote in Italy to numerous features of early nineteenth- century European (and par- ticularly, of course, Italian) culture, and highlighting many of their hugely infl uential contributions to the histories of all kinds of lit- erary and non- literary discourses concerning, for example, identity (personal, national and European), politics, ethnography, geography, religion – even tourism. -
Jane Austen and Lord Byron, 1813-1815
Romanticism, a Romance: Jane Austen and Lord Byron, 1813-1815 RACHEL M. BROWNSTEIN The Graduate school and University center of the city University of New York 33 West 42 Street, New York, NY 10036-8099 On her part there are only the two references, usually read as dismissive. One is the bit in Persuasion where Anne Elliot and the short, shy, melancholy, and rather silly Captain Benwick go "through a brief comparison of opinion as to the first-rate poets, trying to ascertain whethet Marmion or The Lady of the Lake were to be preferred, and how ranked the Giaour andThe Bride of Abyrtos; and moreover, how the Giaour was to be pronounced'" When the lovelorn captain repeats "with such tremulous feeling, the various lines which imagid a broken heart, or a mind destroyed by wretchedness, and lookls] so entirely as if he meant to be understood," and Anne ventures "to trope tte did not always read only poetry," and recommends "a larger allbwance of prose in his daily study," the reader suspects Lord Byron is being laughed at (P,100). Austen's giggle is more unmistakable in the r".oid ofi*o letters she wrote to her sister on March 5, 1814, just one month after Byron's The Corsair had sold a remarkable ten thousand copies-and led his publisher to offer him an astonishing ten thousand guineas. (Her own sense ind sensibility had sold out the year before, bringing her one hundred forty pounds.) The letter to Cassandra begins, "Do not be angry with me for Ueginning another Letter to you. -
Blidworth and District Historical & Heritage Society Lord Byron And
Blidworth and District Historical & Heritage Society Lord Byron and John Polidori Being still unable to hold our monthly member’s meetings, here we offer a piece loosely based upon a talk to our members by Prof Franklin Bishop in October 2016. Entitled “The Vampire of Newstead Abbey” John William Polidori was one of the earliest pupils at Ampleforth College North Yorkshire from 1804 -1810, he later went on to the University of Edinburgh, where he received his degree as a doctor of medicine on 1 August 1815, at age 19. He was offered the position of traveling physician to Lord Byron. Polidori was ambitious, well-educated and handsome. Over the objections of his family, he accepted. Polidori had literary ambitions; here was an amazingly famous poet asking him to join him on a tour of Europe. It must have felt like fate was tugging him along. A publisher offered him 500 pounds to keep a diary of his travels with the poet. It was Spring 1816, and Byron was leaving England forever, never to return, a cloud of infamy hanging over him. He had a carriage made, modeled after Napoleon’s. The carriage was so overloaded it kept breaking down. The doctor kept breaking down too, with spells of dizziness and fainting, and for some time the roles became reversed with Byron playing the physician and Polidori the patient. They progressed this way through Belgium and then up the Rhine until they reached their hotel in Geneva. Byron rented a house Villa Diodati by Lake Geneva where the pair met Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin, with her soon to become husband Percy Shelley. -
Michela Vanon Alliata: “The Physician and His Lordship John William Polidori's the Vampyre” © by Michela Vanon Alliata Jo
1 Michela Vanon Alliata: “The Physician and his Lordship John William Polidori’s The Vampyre” © by Michela Vanon Alliata John Polidori’s The Vampyre, the work of a young Anglo-Italian physician, is unanimously recognized as the progenitor of the literary vampire genre. It established the cult of vampirism in England and on the continent, a craze which culminated in the publication of Dracula and that still shows no signs of subsiding. Polidori was the first to recast the Eastern European vampire mythology by transforming a hideous, mindless village vampiric ghoul not only into a person, but into a mysterious, sardonic aristocratic seducer who preys among high society. Written in the late summer of 1816 at Geneva, just after Lord Byron had sacked him as his personal physician and travelling companion during his Grand Tour, The Vampyre was a publishing phenomenon1 and a succès de scandale because of the false Byron attribution - much to Byron’s fury and without Polidori’s knowledge, it was first published on Fools' Day 1819 by Henry Colburn in the New Monthly Magazine under his name, (the misattribution was obviously intentional: the publisher wished to increase sales by taking advantage of Byron’s popularity)2 - but especially because readers were titillated by a story in which the vampire was believed to be an accurate portrait of the flamboyant Lord Byron himself, already as famous for his personality cult as for his poetry. To further rouse the readers’ curiosity was the fact that Polidori, who wrote to Coburn in order to reclaim his authorship3, gave his vampire the very name that Lady Caroline Lamb, one of Byron’s rejected and angry former lovers, had given to her 1 “The Vampyre” was translated into German, Italian, Spanish and Swedish.