A Liberal View of Germany from 1933 to 1939
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John Gunther
january 1934 Dollfuss and the Future of Austria John Gunther Volume 12 • Number 2 The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1934 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. DOLLFUSS AND THE FUTURE OF AUSTRIA By John G?nther two VIRTUALLY unknown years ago, Dr. Engelbert Doll fuss has become the political darling of Western Europe. Two have seen him in the chambers years ago you might ? of the Austrian which he killed his parliament subsequently ? cherubic little face gleaming, his small, sturdy fists a-flutter career a and wondered what sort of awaited politician so per as as sonally inconspicuous. This year London and Geneva well Vienna have done him homage. Whence this sudden and dramatic are rise? Partly it derives from his personal qualities, which events considerable; partly it is because made him Europe's first a sort bulwark against Hitler, of Nazi giant-killer. And stature came to him paradoxically because he is four feet eleven inches high. Dollfuss was born a peasant and with belief in God. These are two facts paramount in his character. They have contributed much to his popularity, because Austria is three-fifths peasant, a with population 93 percent Roman Catholic. Much of his comes extreme personal charm and force from his simplicity of and amount to manner; his modesty directness almost na?vet?. no no Here is iron statue like Mustapha Kemal, fanatic evangelist a like Hitler. -
H.G.Wells: the Critical Heritage
H.G.WELLS: THE CRITICAL HERITAGE THE CRITICAL HERITAGE SERIES General Editor: B.C.Southam The Critical Heritage series collects together a large body of criticism on major figures in literature. Each volume presents the contemporary responses to a particular writer, enabling the student to follow the formation of critical attitudes to the writer’s work and its place within a literary tradition. The carefully selected sources range from landmark essays in the history of criticism to fragments of contemporary opinion and little published documentary material, such as letters and diaries. Significant pieces of criticism from later periods are also included in order to demonstrate fluctuations in reputation following the writer’s death. H.G.WELLS THE CRITICAL HERITAGE Edited by PATRICK PARRINDER London and New York First published in 1972 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002. 11 New Fetter Lane London EC4P 4EE & 29 West 35th Street New York, NY 10001 Compilation, introduction, notes and index © 1972 Patrick Parrinder All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data ISBN 0-415-15910-5 (Print Edition) ISBN 0-203-19647-3 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-19650-3 (Glassbook Format) General Editor’s Preface The reception given to a writer by his contemporaries and near- contemporaries is evidence of considerable value to the student of literature. -
SS-Totenkopfverbände from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia (Redirected from SS-Totenkopfverbande)
Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history SS-Totenkopfverbände From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from SS-Totenkopfverbande) Navigation Not to be confused with 3rd SS Division Totenkopf, the Waffen-SS fighting unit. Main page This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. No cleanup reason Contents has been specified. Please help improve this article if you can. (December 2010) Featured content Current events This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding Random article citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2010) Donate to Wikipedia [2] SS-Totenkopfverbände (SS-TV), rendered in English as "Death's-Head Units" (literally SS-TV meaning "Skull Units"), was the SS organization responsible for administering the Nazi SS-Totenkopfverbände Interaction concentration camps for the Third Reich. Help The SS-TV was an independent unit within the SS with its own ranks and command About Wikipedia structure. It ran the camps throughout Germany, such as Dachau, Bergen-Belsen and Community portal Buchenwald; in Nazi-occupied Europe, it ran Auschwitz in German occupied Poland and Recent changes Mauthausen in Austria as well as numerous other concentration and death camps. The Contact Wikipedia death camps' primary function was genocide and included Treblinka, Bełżec extermination camp and Sobibor. It was responsible for facilitating what was called the Final Solution, Totenkopf (Death's head) collar insignia, 13th Standarte known since as the Holocaust, in collaboration with the Reich Main Security Office[3] and the Toolbox of the SS-Totenkopfverbände SS Economic and Administrative Main Office or WVHA. -
Steven Welch on the Dollfuss/Schuschnigg Era
GÖ¼nter Bischof, Anton Pelinka, Alexander Lassner, eds.. The Dollfuss/ Schuschnigg Era in Austria: A Reassessment. New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 2003. 321 pp. $40.00, paper, ISBN 978-0-7658-0970-4. Reviewed by Steven Welch Published on H-German (April, 2005) This collection of eight essays seeks, in the seven essays in the collection. So we are left with words of the editors, "to shed new light on the do‐ assertions about previous scholarly shortcomings mestic, economic, foreign, and security policy of but not a sustained and well-grounded critique. the Dollfuss and Schuschnigg governments" (p. 4). As the editors point out, how to define the A reassessment is needed, they argue, because Dollfuss/Schuschnigg period has remained a per‐ previous scholarly work on the years 1934-38 has plexing issue in the historiography of interwar been highly politicized: "in the wake of the disas‐ fascism. The title of a 1976 essay by R. John Rath trous Anschluß and the world war, those employ‐ conveys the nature of the problem quite neatly: ing the words "Ständestaat" and "Austrofascism" "The First Austrian Republic--Totalitarian, Fascist, have sought, too often, to defend or to accuse the Authoritarian, or What?"[1] Emmerich Tálos is Dollfuss and Schuschnigg governments, rather perhaps the most prominent proponent of the than to uncover evidence in as objective a man‐ view that the system which Dollfuss and ner as possible" (p. 1). Previous historians are also Schuschnigg headed in the mid-1930s qualifies as taken to task for having relied on faulty and frag‐ fascist; in his view, its specific Austrian features mentary evidence and for having failed to be suf‐ justify the use of the term Austrofascism.[2] In ficiently critical of that evidence. -
Mediating Civil Liberties: Liberal and Civil Libertarian Reactions to Father Coughlin
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work Spring 5-2008 Mediating Civil Liberties: Liberal and Civil Libertarian Reactions to Father Coughlin Margaret E. Crilly University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Crilly, Margaret E., "Mediating Civil Liberties: Liberal and Civil Libertarian Reactions to Father Coughlin" (2008). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/1166 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Margaret Crilly Mediating Civil Liberties: Liberal and Civil Libertarian Reactions to Father Coughlin Marta Crilly By August 15, 1939, Magistrate Michael A. Ford had had it. Sitting at his bench in the Tombs Court of New York City, faced with a sobbing peddler of Social Justice magazine, he dressed her down with scathing language before revealing her sentence. "I think you are one of the most contemptible individuals ever brought into my court," he stated. "There is no place in this free country for any person who entertains the narrow, bigoted, intolerant ideas you have in your head. You remind me of a witch burner. You belong to the Middle Ages. You don't belong to this modem civilized day of ours .. -
Ken Magazine, the Consumer Market, and the Spanish Civil
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School Department of English POLITICS, THE PRESS, AND PERSUASIVE AESTHETICS: SHAPING THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN AMERICAN PERIODICALS A Dissertation in English by Gregory S. Baptista © 2009 Gregory S. Baptista Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2009 ii The dissertation of Gregory S. Baptista was reviewed and approved* by the following: Mark S. Morrisson Associate Professor of English Graduate Director Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Robin Schulze Professor of English Department Head Sandra Spanier Professor of English and Women’s Studies James L.W. West III Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of English Philip Jenkins Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of the Humanities *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the presentation of the Spanish Civil War in selected American periodicals. Understanding how war-related works functioned (aesthetically and rhetorically) requires a nuanced view of the circumstances of their production and an awareness of their immediate cultural context. I consider means of creation and publication to examine the complex ways in which the goals of truth-seeking and truth-shaping interacted—and were acted upon by the institutional dynamics of periodical production. By focusing on three specific periodicals that occupied different points along a line leading outward from the mainstream of American culture, I examine the ways in which certain pro- Loyalist writers and editors attempted to shape the truth of the Spanish war for American readers within the contexts and inherent restrictions of periodical publication. I argue that responses to the war in these publications are products of a range of cultural and institutional forces that go beyond the political affiliations or ideological stances of particular writers. -
LOTHAR HÖBELT Nostalgic Agnostics: Austrian Aristocrats and Politics, 1918-1938
LOTHAR HÖBELT Nostalgic Agnostics: Austrian Aristocrats and Politics, 1918-1938 in KARINA URBACH (ed.), European Aristocracies and the Radical Right 1918-1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) pp. 161–185 ISBN: 978 0 199 23173 7 The following PDF is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND licence. Anyone may freely read, download, distribute, and make the work available to the public in printed or electronic form provided that appropriate credit is given. However, no commercial use is allowed and the work may not be altered or transformed, or serve as the basis for a derivative work. The publication rights for this volume have formally reverted from Oxford University Press to the German Historical Institute London. All reasonable effort has been made to contact any further copyright holders in this volume. Any objections to this material being published online under open access should be addressed to the German Historical Institute London. DOI: 10 Nostalgic Agnostics: Austrian Aristocrats and Politics, 1918-1938 LOTHAR HOBELT J edes Volk wird seine Reaktion erhalten; das eine sie harter, das andere sie gelinder erfahren; kurz gesagt, jedes Volk bekommt die Reaktion, die es verdient. (Every people will have its reaction; some will have a harsher experience, some a milder one; in short, every people will get the reaction it deserves.) Prince Aloys Liechtenstein, Das Neue Rei.eh, 6July 1919 I Revisionists without a Cause The end of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy left the (German-) Austrian republic with thousands of ennobled officers and civil servants. It can only be surmised that their politics were similar to those of the middle classes in general, which is why this essay will focus on the few dozen aristocratic families who were either large landowners or belonged to the charmed circle of families which had held hereditary seats in the old Austrian upper house. -
Franklin Roosevelt, Thomas Dewey and the Wartime Presidential Campaign of 1944
POLITICS AS USUAL: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT, THOMAS DEWEY, AND THE WARTIME PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1944 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. POLITICS AS USUAL: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT, THOMAS DEWEY AND THE WARTIME PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1944 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Michael A. Davis, B.A., M.A. University of Central Arkansas, 1993 University of Central Arkansas, 1994 December 2005 University of Arkansas Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the U.S. wartime presidential campaign of 1944. In 1944, the United States was at war with the Axis Powers of World War II, and Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt, already serving an unprecedented third term as President of the United States, was seeking a fourth. Roosevelt was a very able politician and-combined with his successful performance as wartime commander-in-chief-- waged an effective, and ultimately successful, reelection campaign. Republicans, meanwhile, rallied behind New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey. Dewey emerged as leader of the GOP at a critical time. Since the coming of the Great Depression -for which Republicans were blamed-the party had suffered a series of political setbacks. Republicans were demoralized, and by the early 1940s, divided into two general national factions: Robert Taft conservatives and Wendell WiIlkie "liberals." Believing his party's chances of victory over the skilled and wily commander-in-chiefto be slim, Dewey nevertheless committed himself to wage a competent and centrist campaign, to hold the Republican Party together, and to transform it into a relevant alternative within the postwar New Deal political order. -
Every Week Essays: Every Week’S Editorial Staff
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications -- Department of English English, Department of 2011 Every Week Essays: Every Week’s Editorial Staff Melissa J. Homestead University of Nebraska - Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/englishfacpubs Part of the American Popular Culture Commons Homestead, Melissa J., "Every Week Essays: Every Week’s Editorial Staff" (2011). Faculty Publications -- Department of English. 128. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/englishfacpubs/128 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the English, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications -- Department of English by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Homestead in Every Week Essays (2011) [no. 3]. Available at http://everyweek.unl.edu/view?docId=EveryWeeksEditorialStaff.html. Produced by the Center for Digital Research in the Humanities at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. Copyright 2011, the author. Used by permission. Every Week Essays Every Week’s Editorial Staff by Melissa Homestead Bruce Barton was the only member of the magazine’s editorial staff whose name regularly appeared in the magazine, appended to his editorials inside the front cover. There was no masthead listing other editorial staff and their titles. However, the names and details of the lives of the ever-changing cast of characters who labored anonymously behind the scenes can be traced in the personal papers and published writings of Barton and staff members Brenda Ueland, Freda Kirchwey, and Lella Secor. Barton, like many of the staff editors and writers who toiled anonymously behind the scenes at Every Week, was a Midwesterner transplanted to New York City, then as now the publishing center of the nation. -
March 27, 1946 Dr. Quo Tai-Chi President of the Security Council
2 0 VESEY STREET • N EW YORK 7, N. Y President FREDA KIRCHWEY March 27, 1946 ADVISORY COUNCIL Chairman DR. FRANK P. GRAHAM Dr. Quo Tai-chi Vice Chairmen DR. HENRY A. ATKINSON President of the Security Council MARC CONNELLY United Nations Organization WILLIAM ROSENBLATT Hunter College Chairman, Finance Committee DAVID L. PODELL Bronx, New York JAY ALLEN THURMAN W. ARNOLD Dear Sir: ROGER N. BALDWIN JOHN BEABDSLEY The Nation Associates at this time renews its request for action by G. A. BORGESE FEED BUTZEL the Security Council to suspend Argentina from membership in the EKSKINE CALDWELL Organization. STUART CHASK EVANS CLARK HENRY COHEN Such a request was first made to the General Assembly of the United ALBEBT SPBAGUE COOLIDGB W. T. COUCH Nations in January, 194-6, by The Nation Associates, an organization HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS representing a broad cross-section of democratic public opinion in THOMAS H. ELIOT IRVING ENGEL the United States. MRS. IRVING S. FLORSHEIM LEWIS GANNETT J. W. GlTT With this request was submitted a supporting Memorandum calling for JOSEPH F. GUFFEY the action on the score that, since its admission to the United LILLIAN HELLMAN SIDNEY HOLLANDER Nations, Argentina has persistently violated the United Nations FBEDEIUCK ERNEST JOHNSON Charter, the agreement of Chapultepec, and that its purpose is SYLVAN L. JOSEPH J. M. KAPLAN aggression. The facts detailed offered incontrovertible evidence* JOHN FREDERICK LEWIS, JR. that the military regime controlled by Colonel Peron followed a JOHN P. LEWIS WALTER C. LOWDERMILK pattern created by the Nazis, and that it constituted a threat THOMAS MANN against security and against peace. -
Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy
- 1 - Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy Stephen M. Feldman, Housel/Arnold Distinguished Professor of Law and Adjunct Professor of Political Science, University of Wyoming I. Republican Democracy and Free Expression A. An Emphasis on Balance B. Changing Conceptions of Virtue and the Common Good: Corporations and Laissez Faire II. Pluralist Democracy Saves the United States and Invigorates Free Expression A. American Democracy Transforms: Reconciling the Public and Private B. Pluralist Democratic Theory: Free Expression Becomes a Constitutional Lodestar III. Pluralist Democracy Evolves: Free Expression, Judicial Conservatism, and the Cold War A. The Early-Cold War, Free Expression, and Moral Clarity B. The Flip Side of the Cold War: Liberty and Equality in an Emerging Consumers’ Democracy 1. Civil Rights and Democracy 2. Capitalism and Democracy IV. Democracy, Inc., and the End of the Cold War A. The Rise of Democracy, Inc.: An Attack on Government B. The Roberts Court in Democracy, Inc. V. Constitution Betrayed VI. Conclusion: Should We Praise or Blame the Framers? Constitution Betrayed: Free Expression, the Cold War, and the End of American Democracy This is a story of the Cold War and the betrayal of the American democratic-capitalist system.1 But the perpetrators of this iniquity are not Communists. Rather, they are the conservative justices of the Roberts Court. Their names are John Roberts, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, and Anthony Kennedy. ______________________________ 1Many sources focus on the Cold War. Some helpful ones include the following: H.W. Brands, The Devil We Knew: Americans and the Cold War (1993); Greg Castillo, Cold War on the Home Front (2010); Richard B. -
The Short- and Long-Term Effects of the Authoritarian Regime and of Nazism in Austria: the Burden of a ‘Second Dictatorship’
Borejsza_SB1a 1/27/05 2:48 PM Page 188 Chapter 11 The Short- and Long-Term Effects of the Authoritarian Regime and of Nazism in Austria: the Burden of a ‘Second Dictatorship’ Gerhard Botz One major reason for Austria’s difficulties in coming to terms with its dictatorial past is the well-known, but often underestimated, fact that it had experienced two kinds of dictatorship, ‘Austro-fascism’ and Nazism. Generally speaking, both versions were embedded in the country’s political, social and cultural traditions, they displayed some – or even many – corresponding aspects, but nevertheless fought each other. After the defeat of Nazism, the establishment of a consensual democracy in Austria had necessarily to exclude the former Nazis from government and to bring the left (Social Democrats and communists) together with the former ‘Austro-fascists’ (Catholic conservatives or Christian-Socials) in a coalition government. Similar political constellations can be observed in many European states. In the Austrian case, the specificity was that – given the great differences between ‘Austro-fascism’ and Nazism – one kind of dictatorial rule was whitewashed in order to leave the Catholic conservative element a chance to preserve its historic roots to some extent. Thus, and besides other factors, the drive for a critical evaluation of the non-democratic traditions inside Austrian society was reduced even more and the tendency to sacrifice the historic truth to ‘conflict reduction’ and compromise was high. Only after 1989 has it become clear that comparable – not equal – structures existed in those countries which had experienced another kind of second dictatorship, i.e. communism.