Dissertation: Before the Primary: Party Participation in Congressional Nominating Processes

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Dissertation: Before the Primary: Party Participation in Congressional Nominating Processes Before the Primary: Party Participation in Congressional Nominating Processes by Casey Byrne Knudsen Dominguez B.A. (University of California, Berkeley) 1998 M.A. (University of California, Berkeley) 1999 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Nelson W. Polsby, Chair Professor Bruce E. Cain Professor John Ellwood Professor Eric Schickler Spring 2005 The dissertation of Casey Byrne Knudsen Dominguez is approved: ________________________________________________________________________ Chair Date ________________________________________________________________________ Date ________________________________________________________________________ Date ________________________________________________________________________ Date University of California, Berkeley Spring 2005 Before the Primary: Party Participation in Congressional Nominating Processes Copyright 2005 by Casey Byrne Knudsen Dominguez Abstract Before the Primary: Party Participation in Congressional Nominating Processes by Casey Byrne Knudsen Dominguez Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Nelson W. Polsby, Chair This project systematically investigates party elite participation in congressional pre-nomination politics in 2002. Most research on congressional elections predicts election outcomes by focusing solely on the ambitions and qualifications of the candidates running. That focus on candidates stems from the widely held assumption that because American party organizations are not strong hierarchies, candidates’ decisions to seek their party’s nomination for office are completely independent of partisan influence. I contend that if the party is conceptualized more broadly, as a network of elites, including potential candidates, who are interested in winning partisan competitions, that one can observe interactions between such elites and ambitious candidates that cast doubt on the notion that candidates act completely independent of party. I argue that the more competitive the general election race is expected to be, the more likely partisan elites will unify early around one strong candidate in a primary, effectively stacking the primary voters’ choices in favor of that candidate. This project develops novel ways of measuring party elite involvement in primary races. It defines two types of party organizational actors: traditional hierarchical 1 organizations like state and national party committees, and informally aligned elite partisans like officeholders, activists, loyal donors, and loyal partisan interest groups. It then describes measures of the involvement of each of those actors in the campaigns of over 490 primary candidates in 180 races that took place in 2002. Analysis of these data indicates that although partisan elites do tend to respond to the qualities of the candidates who decide to run for the nomination, they also are more likely to unify around one candidate in races that are more competitive. Ten supplementary case studies show that elites who unify behind one candidate in a primary are almost always concerned about the general election, and not merely following the preferences of primary voters. The concluding chapter critiques previous efforts to investigate whether “divisive” primaries hurt the party in the general election, and shows that disunity prior to the primary may not have a direct effect on general election outcomes. Chair Date 2 Dedication For Mom and Dad i Table of Contents List of Tables iv List of Figures vi Acknowledgements vii Chapter 1: Party Nominations and Party Strength 1 Conventional views of political parties in congressional elections 4 Why there is reason to believe parties influence nominations 6 The Party-Involvement Theory of Primary Elections 7 Alternative hypotheses 9 The Feedback Loop of Candidate Quality 9 Only back a winner 10 Why focus on the Party Organization? 11 The Evolving View of Parties as Elite Networks 12 Roadmap 14 Chapter 2: Party Elites in the Candidate Emergence Process, Theory and Hypotheses 16 Elite Loyal Partisan Donors 26 Partisan Elected Officials 30 Party Loyal Groups 32 Candidates 35 Chapter 3: Party Elite Participation in Primaries, A Methodology 42 Research Design and Sampling 44 Organizational Support 52 State Party Endorsements 52 National Party Committees 53 Participation by the Informal Party Network 56 Individual Elite Donations 56 Party Loyal Group endorsements and Party Loyal PAC contributions 60 Individual Elite Endorsements 67 Summary Measure of Party Elite Cohesion 72 ii Chapter 4: Candidate-Party Interactions in the Pre-Primary Period, Evidence 79 from Case Studies The Cases 80 Ten Primary Elections, in Brief 82 Texas Senate: Republican Primary 85 Texas Senate: Democratic Primary 90 Texas 5th: Republican Primary 94 Texas 5th: Democratic Primary 99 Texas 25th: Democratic Primary 101 Texas 25th: Republican Primary 104 Maryland 8th: Republican Primary 104 Maryland 8th: Democratic Primary 106 Maryland 2nd: Democratic Primary 109 Maryland 2nd: Republican Primary 113 Do partisan elites influence primaries? 115 Chapter 5: How Party Elites and Ambitious Candidates Respond to Anticipated General Election Competitiveness 124 Hypotheses: The effects of primary election environments on ambitious candidates and 126 partisan elites Ambitious candidates’ responses to primary election environments 132 Patterns of partisan elite unity in primaries 140 Elite unity and candidate quality 145 There’s more to pre-primary partisan support than candidate quality 151 Does candidate quality account for unified partisan support in a primary? 152 Conclusions 155 Chapter 6: The Importance of Considering the Role of Elites in the Primary 157 Process Does Elite Intervention in the Primary Help the Party in the General Election? 157 Previous Work 159 Hypotheses 168 Results 168 Discussion 175 Conclusions 177 References 186 iii List of Tables Table 2.1: Contrasting theories of candidate and party behavior in primaries 37 Table 3.1: Districts included in 2002 primary election sample 49 Table 3.2: Number of Included Primary Races by Type 51 Table 3.3: Primary race differences, by state party endorsement rules 53 Table 3.4: Primary Races Where A Single Candidate Receives Money from a 55 National Party Committee Table 3.5: Number of candidates in selected 2002 primary races receiving party 59 loyal donations Table 3.6: Number of House Races in Which One Candidate Receives all of the 60 Party Loyal Money Contributed by individuals in the Primary (by Race type) Table 3.7: Number of primary endorsement survey respondents by primary race 62 Type Table 3.8: Representativeness of respondents to endorsement survey 63 Table 3.9: Group endorsement types 64 Table 3.10: Number of Political Action Committees that are Party Loyal at various 66 levels of loyalty Table 3.11: Number of House Races in Which One Candidate Receives all of the 67 Money Contributed by Party Loyal PACs in the Primary (by Race type) Table 3.12: Endorsements received by primary candidates in House races, by 71 endorser position Table 3.13: Intercoder reliability: Pearson’s correlations with author’s final 75 judgment on each race. Table 3.14: Logit predictions of whether party will visibly support a candidate 77 Table 3.15: Total House and Senate races where one candidate is coded as party 78 Favorite Table 4.1: Primary Races, Ratings, and Winners 84 Table 4.2: Candidates for the Texas Republican U.S. Senate Nomination in 2002 87 Table 4.3: Candidates for the Texas Democratic Nomination for the U.S. Senate, 91 2002 Table 4.4: Candidates for the Republican Nomination in the Texas 5th District, 96 2002 Table 4.5: Candidates for the Democratic nomination for the Texas 5th District, 99 2002 Table 4.6: Candidates for the Democratic Nomination in the Texas 25th District, 102 2002 Table 4.7: Candidates for the Republican Nomination in the Texas 25th District, 104 2002 Table 4.8: Candidates for the Republican Nomination, Maryland 8th District, 2002 105 Table 4.9: Candidates for the Democratic Nomination in the Maryland 8th District, 107 2002 iv Table 4.10: Candidates for the Democratic Nomination in Maryland’s 2nd District, 111 2002 Table 4.11: Candidates for the Republican Nomination in Maryland’s 2nd District, 113 2002 Table 4.12: Expected Outcome and Party Favorite Coding 116 Table 5.1: Expectations about primary election dynamics, given candidate- 127 centered and party-centered approaches Table 5.2: Expected Primary Dynamics in three primary environments 132 Table 5.3: Predictions about Candidate Emergence 133 Table 5.4: Number of candidates in House and Senate primary races, 2002 134 Table 5.5: Number of primary races featuring a given number of previously 136 elected Candidates Table 5.6: Number of high-quality candidates in House and Senate primary races, 137 2002 Table 5.7: Expected Primary Dynamics in three primary environments 141 Table 5.8: Number of races where the party has a favorite 141 Table 5.9: Elites rally around high quality candidates 146 Table 5.10: Elites rally around high quality candidates in all race types 147 Table 5.11: Pre-primary party unity in races where only one previously elected 148 candidate seeks the nomination Table 5.12: Pre-primary party unity in races where several elected candidates seek 150 the nomination Table 5.13: Logit coefficients predicting whether a candidate will receive
Recommended publications
  • SDRC Undergoes Changes Distributed Wind In
    Volume XXXVII Issue 4 Fall 2010 SDRC Undergoes Changes In This Issue: The South Dakota Resources Coalition has undergone Annual Meeting ......................... 2 changes since this summer. Big Stone Coal Ash .................... 3 Office Move: The SDRC office has moved out of its location Gulf Spill & SD .......................... 3 in the basement of Old Sanctuary in Brookings to the basement Keystone Pipe Defects? .............. 4 of SDRC‘s secretary-treasurer Lawrence Novotny‘ home. Dennis Keystone XL Study Inadequate .... 5 Amendment E Archive ............... 5 Bielfeldt, owner of Old Sanctuary and a Lutheran pastor, has Trautman, Hohn Remembered ... 6 established an Institute of Lutheran Theology. Since space was Organic Farm Conference .......... 7 needed for the Institute, SDRC was asked to vacate. An alternate Mercury in Flu Shots .................. 7 location was offered for the office but commuting distance was a Small-Town Conservation ...... 8 problem for Novotny. After the retirement of SDRC‘s ...plus SDRC raffle winner, and more! administrative assistant Sue Grant in 2009, Novotny has been the only person using the office. With the technology of electronic communications, other SDRC board members have been working out of their homes. Novotny offered the use of his basement for free for the SDRC office. The move was made in mid-July. This location is temporary until SDRC hires an executive director. Then the board will look for office space. Board Retreat: The SDRC board Distributed Wind in South Dakota gathered for a day-long retreat on By Jeanne Koster, recent SDRC board member, Watertown, SD September 18 at The Depot in Madison. During the recent election period, Scott Heidepriem‘s Sharon Chontos of Sage Project campaign issued the following statement: Consultants of Sioux Falls facilitated We could explore the possibility of eliminating the the retreat, which was funded by a grant need for long-transmission lines and utilize wind from the SD Conservation Fund.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerrymandering and Malapportionment, Romanian Style
    EEPXXX10.1177/0888325417711222East European Politics and SocietiesGiugăl et al. / Gerrymandering and Malapportionment 711222research-article2017 East European Politics and Societies and Cultures Volume XX Number X Month 201X 1 –21 © 2017 SAGE Publications Gerrymandering and 10.1177/0888325417711222 http://eeps.sagepub.com hosted at Malapportionment, Romanian http://online.sagepub.com Style: The 2008 Electoral System Aurelian Giugăl University of Bucharest Ron Johnston University of Bristol Mihail Chiru Median Research Centre, Bucharest Ionut Ciobanu Independent Researcher Alexandru Gavriș Bucharest University of Economic Studies Varieties of gerrymandering and malapportionment can appear not only in electoral systems where all legislative seats are allocated to plurality winners in single-member districts but also in proportional Single-Member District (SMD)–based electoral sys- tems and in settings where multi-partisan committees draw the district boundaries. This article investigates such a case, in which the main parliamentary parties collaborated in order to minimize the uncertainty regarding intra-party allocation of seats. The 2008 electoral reform in Romania created such opportunities, and both the SMD maps and the electoral results at the parliamentary election held in the same year indicate that the parties collaborated to design a number of safe seats for each of them. We draw on a novel data set that measures the degree to which the newly created SMDs reflect natu- ral or artificial strongholds of concentrated partisan support in otherwise unfavorable political territories, and also assess the malapportionment of these districts. All three types of mechanisms were frequently used, and our logistic regression analyses indi- cate that nomination from the “right” type of SMD was the main factor deciding which of each party’s candidates got elected.
    [Show full text]
  • The Honorable Bob Dole Office of the Republican Leader United States Senate Washington., D
    This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas .. http://dolearchives.ku.edu 4990 Sentinel Drive., #506 Bethesda., Maryland 20876 April 21., 7992 The Honorable Bob Dole Office of the Republican Leader United States Senate Washington., D. C. 20575 Dear Bob: We would especially like you to attend as we pay Tribute to Maryland's three Republican members of the House of Representatives., Helen Bentley., Connie Morella and Wayne Gilcrest., in support of their re-election. Included in our program will be United · States · Senatorial Candidate., Alan Keyes as well as the other fine Candidates for Congress from Maryland. This event will launch the Federation's "Send-Off for Victory"., "Call to Arms"., "Out to Win" campaign to re-elect the Bush/Quayle team and to ELECT a Republican majority from Maryland to represent us in the Congress of the United States. We have a great opportunity to achieve these goals!! We expect a large attendance from all areas of Maryland. We want 7992's Special Event to be one of inspiration and dedication to give a rousing send-off to Republican Women Workers for victory in November. They are "Ready to Co". I don't have to tell you., Bob., what a great favorite you are in Maryland. I have had many requests to urge your presence - - even for a little while. Your presence will be deeply appreciated and help make the Day a resounding success! We extend all good wishes to you., and look forward to your favorable reply. \. · Sincerely yours., Mrs. Cary Creenip ermann MFRW President ., Day on Capitol Hill Page 1 of 5 ,,- , I ,.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded in February 2011)
    Executive Summary 1 Voter Power under First Past the Post 2 The effect of moving to the Alternative Vote 2 The VPI website 2 1. The AV Referendum in context 3 The referendum options 3 First Past the Post in the 2010 General Election 4 The effects of marginal and safe seats 4 2. The Voter Power Index 6 How the Voter Power Index is calculated 6 Voter Power under FPtP and AV 7 Numbers of marginal and safe constituencies 8 Beyond the referendum 10 Conclusion 11 Appendix 1. Summary of electoral systems 12 Appendix 2. The Voter Power Index: the statistical basis 14 Calculating the VPI for First Past the Post 14 Calculating the VPI for the Alternative Vote 15 Endnotes 18 This report examines the distribution of electoral power amongst voters in the UK and the possible impact of a change in the electoral system. It compares the distribution under the current First Past the Post system (FPtP) with the Alternative Vote system (AV) which will be put before voters in the May 2011 referendum. Our aim is to help voters consider the impact of the choice on offer in the referendum. Our analysis shows that moving from FPtP to AV will mitigate some of the distortions of the current system, but that inequalities and inefficiencies in the distribution of voter power would remain. Our research builds on nef’s 2005 report Spoiled Ballot which developed the first Voter Power Index (VPI).1 The VPI measures the power of voters to change the outcome of the election. Voter power is measured for each constituency and is determined by the chance of it changing hands and the number of voters.
    [Show full text]
  • Seat Safety and Female (Under)Representation in the U.S. Congress
    Seat safety and female (under)representation in the U.S. Congress Akhil Rajan, Alexander Kustov, Maikol Cerda, Frances Rosenbluth, Ian Shapiro Yale University Draft: May 17, 2021 Abstract Women have made significant strides toward equal representation within the U.S. Congress, but their seat share has mostly increased within the Democratic—but not Republican—Party. We argue that one driver of women’s underrepresentation among Republicans is the proliferation of safe seats. Because safe seats encourage ideological extremism in candidates and because women are stereotyped as more liberal than men, we expect women candidates to outperform men in safer Democratic seats but underperform men in safer Republican seats (relative to more competitive seats). Based on a new dataset linking all candidates for the U.S. House and their districts’ partisan composition since 2000, we show women both enter and win elections in safer Republican (Democratic) seats at relatively lower (higher) rates than men. Our results strikingly suggest that, even conditional on running, a female Republican candidate has an overall better chance of winning in a competitive seat than in a safe Republican seat. Keywords: Congress, Gender, Representation, Inequality, Electoral Competition Word count: 3700 Introduction After a record number of women won election to the United States Congress, many commentators declared 2018 to be the “Year of the Woman.” But the use of a caveat is warranted: if 2018 was the year of the woman, it must have been the year of the Democratic woman. By contrast, Republican women lost a whopping ten seats, their largest decline in the history of the United States House of Representatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Potomacpotomac Summer Fun, Page 3 Summer Plans Summer Fun, Page 2 Off to Hollywood News, Page 5 Splashing Into Summer Summersummer Funfun Pages 2, 6-7
    Sunday’s Best PotomacPotomac Summer Fun, Page 3 Summer Plans Summer Fun, Page 2 Off to Hollywood News, Page 5 Splashing Into Summer SummerSummer FunFun Pages 2, 6-7 Classified, Page 9 Classified, ❖ Calendar, Page 10 ❖ Real Estate, Page 4 Real Estate, /The Almanac PERMIT #86 PERMIT Martinsburg, WV Martinsburg, Justin Cinkala and Lee Carey wrestle for the ball while cooling off PAID U.S. Postage U.S. from Friday’s heat at the River Falls Swim Club. STD PRSRT Photo by Keegan Barber Photo online at potomacalmanac.com www.ConnectionNewspapers.comJune 27 - July 3, 2012 Potomac Almanac ❖ June 27 - July 3, 2012 ❖ 1 Photos by Keegan Barber/ Summer Fun The Almanac LET’S TALK Residents describe their plans for the summer. Real Estate by Michael Matese Meredith Barber and Sarah Friedman Mary Smith enjoys bringing her of River Falls seek shade in last grandson to the River Falls Swim The Porte Thursday’s 100-degree weather. Club. She attends the annual “Doggy Sarah Friedman, 14, plans on practic- Jack McPherson’s summer will be Swim” as well. Smith was born in Cochere ing guitar and traveling to the Grand filled with sleep-away camp and Potomac and still lives in the area Modern luxury homes are increas- Canyon for her summer fun. cruises. along with her family. ingly featuring a new amenity—or rather, they’re bringing back an old home feature with a modern twist! The porte-cochere, (literally “coach gate”) is an instantly recognizable home feature that has enjoyed a revival in popularity in recent years. The porte-cochere is best described as a “drop-off garage”, much like the kind you find at resorts or hotels, and they’re infi- nitely useful in that they allow homeowners to arrive and unload safe and dry in inclement weather.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Elections
    10 Democracy and Elections Key Terms Boundaries Commission (p. 406) A body that recommends changes to election boundaries. By-election (p. 422) A district-level election held between general elections. Campaign Finance regulations (p. 409) Laws that govern political fundraising and/or spending. Disclosure (p. 411) Revealing otherwise private information, such as campaign expenses. Election Platform (p. 414) A list of political pledges announced before or during an election campaign. Gerrymandering (p. 406) The purposeful manipulation of electoral districts to maximize one party’s chances of winning. GOTV (p. 420) Efforts to mobilize supporters to vote, such as telephone reminders. Government Subsidy (p. 410) Public funds used to support an individual, group, or cause. Incumbent (p. 421) An elected official who currently represents an electoral district. Leader’s tour (p. 414) A visit of various electoral districts by the party leader and an entourage of staffers and journalists. Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) System (p. 404) An electoral system that combines geographic and partisan representation by providing extra seats to parties whose share of seats is lower than their share of the popular vote. Party Nomination (p. 420) An internal contest to decide who should represent a party locally in an upcoming election. Inside Canadian Politics © Oxford University Press Canada, 2016 Permanent Campaign (p. 413) The practice of electioneering outside of an election period, especially by leveraging government resources. Plebiscite (p. 422) A citizen vote held to inform a decision by a representative body. Political Contribution (p. 410) Donations to a political candidate, group, or cause. Recall (p. 423) Legislated process by which electors of a given district may petition for a by-election.
    [Show full text]
  • 2020-12-23 Amicus-Former Members of Congress in Mcgahn En Banc II
    USCA Case #19-5331 Document #1877132 Filed: 12/23/2020 Page 1 of 27 EN BANC ORAL ARGUMENT SCHEDULED FOR FEB. 23, 2021 No. 19-5331 UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Plaintiff-Appellee, v . DONALD F. MCGAHN, II, Defendant-Appellant. On Appeal from the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia (No. 19-cv-2379) (Hon. Ketanji Brown Jackson, District Judge) BRIEF OF FORMER MEMBERS OF CONGRESS AS AMICI CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF APPELLEE Irvin B. Nathan John A. Freedman Andrew T. Tutt Kaitlin Konkel Samuel F. Callahan ARNOLD & PORTER KAYE SCHOLER LLP 601 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, DC 20001 (202) 942-5000 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae USCA Case #19-5331 Document #1877132 Filed: 12/23/2020 Page 2 of 27 CERTIFICATE OF PARTIES, RULINGS, AND RELATED CASES PURSUANT TO CIRCUIT RULE 28(a)(1) A. Parties and Amici. All parties, intervenors, and amici ap- pearing before this court are listed in the En Banc Briefs for Appellant and Appellee. A full list of the amici Former Members of Congress is al- so included as an appendix to this brief. Amici curiae are not corporate entities for which a corporate disclosure statement is required pursuant to Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 26.1 and Circuit Rules 27(a)(4) and 28(a)(1)(A). B. Rulings Under Review. References to the rulings at issue appear in the En Banc Brief for Appellant. C. Related Cases. This case is a continuation of the same case that this Court previously decided en banc on August 7, 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Where Next for the Liberal Democrats?
    Where next for the Liberal Democrats? Tim Bale Aron Cheung Alan Wager It has, to put it mildly, been a difficult twelve months for the Liberal Democrats. A year ago this week, polling conducted by YouGov and Ipsos Mori showed their support at 20% – a level the party had not enjoyed since they’d entered their ill-fated coalition with the Conservatives in the spring of 2010. Nine long years later, they were daring to dream once again: could it be that, under Jo Swinson, we would soon see the UK’s electoral map coloured with the same amount of Lib Dem yellow that Charles Kennedy and, latterly, Nick Clegg had once achieved? The answer, of course, was no. The general election that followed was a not just an electoral disappointment but a disaster – so much so that Swinson herself lost her seat. Not only that, but the party’s main policy aim – to reverse the Brexit decision – lay in tatters. Yet, despite these setbacks, the new electoral geography of the post-Brexit era brings with it challenges but also opportunities for the Liberal Democrats – existential questions but also, if they can exploit their new electoral coalition, some potential answers. This short paper hopes to set all this out just as ballots open for the party’s new leader. Putting the 2019 result in historical context The eleven seats the Liberal Democrats won in December 2019 may have represented a slight decline on the dozen the party achieved in 2017 under Tim Farron; but they also represented a near-halving of the 21 which, following multiple defections, the party went into the general election defending.
    [Show full text]
  • League of Women Voters of Alaska Supports Ballot Measure 2'S
    League of Women Voters of Alaska Supports Ballot Measure 2’s Election Reform Policies Statement from Judy Andree, President, League of Women Voters of Alaska: The League of Women Voters of Alaska supports Ballot Measure 2 and we encourage Alaskans to vote Yes on 2 this November. Election system reform in Alaska has the potential to create more authentic representation among our diverse communities and to break through the barriers holding back women, people of color, young people, and other historically marginalized groups from getting involved in politics. Our current election system limits competition, making it difficult for challengers to win. Better government and public policy depends upon elected officials who lead from values and truly understand the unique needs of the communities they represent. Ballot Measure 2 will ensure that voters are empowered with more choices on Election Day - both by creating a single unified primary ballot open to all voters, regardless of party affiliation, and by instituting ranked choice voting in general elections. In addition, eliminating “Dark Money” will improve the transparency and integrity of our electoral process once the true identity of who is backing and influencing political candidates is revealed thanks to stricter reporting requirements for large campaign contributions. Our review of these three election reforms offered by Ballot Measure 2 determined that the initiative advances the goals of the League of Women Voters and meets all eight criteria for assessing whether a proposed electoral
    [Show full text]
  • Barbara A. Mikulski
    Barbara A. Mikulski U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES E PL UR UM IB N U U S VerDate Aug 31 2005 12:18 May 15, 2017 Jkt 098900 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE16\23051.TXT KAYNE congress.#15 Barbara A. Mikulski VerDate Aug 31 2005 12:18 May 15, 2017 Jkt 098900 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE16\23051.TXT KAYNE 73-500_mikulski.eps S. DOC. 114–22 Tributes Delivered in Congress Barbara A. Mikulski United States Congressman 1977–1987 United States Senator 1987–2017 ÷ U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2017 VerDate Aug 31 2005 12:18 May 15, 2017 Jkt 098900 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE16\23051.TXT KAYNE Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing VerDate Aug 31 2005 12:18 May 15, 2017 Jkt 098900 PO 00000 Frm 00006 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE16\23051.TXT KAYNE CONTENTS Page Biography .................................................................................................. v Farewell Address ...................................................................................... vii Proceedings in the Senate: Tributes by Senators: Boozman, John, of Arkansas ..................................................... 37 Boxer, Barbara, of California .................................................... 18, 20 Cardin, Benjamin L., of Maryland ............................................ 11, 15 Casey, Robert P., Jr., of Pennsylvania ..................................... 11, 36 Cochran,
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix File 1997 Pilot Study (1997.Pn)
    Page 1 of 226 Version 01 Codebook ------------------- CODEBOOK APPENDIX FILE 1997 PILOT STUDY (1997.PN) >>1997 NES Pilot Technical Note - Randomization Problem April 24, 1998 The Surveycraft CATI system's 'Random Number Generation' features and their Effects on Analysis of the 1997 NES Pilot "Group threat" Experiment. Steve Heeringa, Division of Survey Technologies, Survey Research Center Executive Summary: A problem has been identified in the random assignment of treatments in an experimental question module of the 1997 NES Pilot survey instrument. The randomization problem has been linked to unexpected correlation in sequences of random number calls made within the Surveycraft computer-assisted interviewing system. The problem does produce an unbalanced distribution of sample cases to the cells of the factorial experimental design but does not lead to a bias in the interpretation of the experimental results. Details are provided below. A report that analyzes these items is the 1997 pilot study report by J. Bowers. A portion of the 1997 NES Pilot questionnaire (section 'J') includes a "group threat" factorial experimental design to study question order and 'threat level' treatment effects in a series of items that explore respondent views and prejudices toward African-Americans and Christian Fundamentalists. The full design involves 2 question sequence orderings - African-Americans first or Christian Fundamentalists first; 2 levels of intended "threat" - high and low; and 3 'threat domains': political, social and economic. The Survey Craft computer assisted interview (CAI) application used an internal random number generator to determine each subject's assignment to target group order and threat level for the questions about each target group.
    [Show full text]