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A Year in Review, the Year Ahead
2018: A YEAR IN REVIEW, 2019: THE YEAR AHEAD Foreword from Rt Hon Patricia Hewitt, Senior Adviser, FTI Consulting 2018 was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2017. Which was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2016. And there’s no sign of let-up as we move into 2019. The unresolved questions of Brexit - how? when? whether at all? - will inevitably dominate the coming year. Even if Theresa May brings back from Brussels a new political declaration sufficiently compelling to command a majority in Parliament - a highly unlikely prospect at the time of writing - the end of March will mean the start of a fresh, complex round of negotiations on a future trade deal, conducted under the shadow of the Irish backstop. For most people, that would be preferable to the collapse of Mrs May’s deal and, almost inevitably, the collapse of her government and a subsequent constitutional crisis. Faced with the choice between revoking Article 50 or leaving the European Union (EU) without a deal, the Commons could well produce a majority for a new referendum. Under the pressure of a leadership contest, the personal and political rancour in the Conservative Party could finally break apart Europe’s hitherto most successful party of government. A no-confidence vote that would be defeated today could command enough votes from the Brexiteers’ kamikaze tendency to force another General Election. And Labour - with most of its moderates MPs replaced by Corbynistas in last-minute candidate selections - could win on a ‘cake and eat it’ manifesto of a Brexit that would end free movement but provide frictionless trade (Irish backstop, anyone?). -
Building Government Institutions in Northern Ireland—Strand One Negotiations
BUILDING GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS IN NORTHERN IRELAND —STRAND ONE NEGOTIATIONS Deaglán de Bréadún —IMPLEMENTING STRAND ONE Steven King IBIS working paper no. 11 BUILDING GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS IN NORTHERN IRELAND —STRAND ONE NEGOTIATIONS Deaglán de Bréadún —IMPLEMENTING STRAND ONE Steven King No. 1 in the lecture series “Institution building and the peace process: the challenge of implementation” organised in association with the Conference of University Rectors in Ireland Working Papers in British-Irish Studies No. 11, 2001 Institute for British-Irish Studies University College Dublin Working Papers in British-Irish Studies No. 11, 2001 © the authors, 2001 ISSN 1649-0304 ABSTRACTS BUILDING GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS IN NORTHERN IRELAND —STRAND ONE NEGOTIATIONS The Good Friday Agreement was the culmination of almost two years of multi-party negotiations designed to resolve difficult relationships between the two main com- munities within Northern Ireland, between North and South and between Ireland and Great Britain. The three-stranded approach had already been in use for some time as a format for discussion. The multi-party negotiations in 1997-98 secured Sinn Féin’s reluctant acceptance of a Northern Ireland Assembly, which the party had earlier rejected, as a quid pro quo for significant North-South bodies. Despite the traditional nationalist and republican slogan of “No return to Stormont”, in the negotiations the nationalists needed as much devolution of power as possible if their ministers were to meet counterparts from the Republic on more or less equal terms on the proposed North-South Ministerial Council. Notwithstanding historic tensions between constitutional nationalists and republicans, the SDLP’s success in negotiating a cabinet-style executive, rather than the loose committee structure favoured by unionists, helped ensure there would be a substantial North-South Min- isterial Council, as sought by both wings of nationalism. -
MANIFESTO GENERAL ELECTION 2019 PARTY MANIFESTO Let’S Get the UK Moving AGAIN
Let’s Get the UK Moving AGAIN MANIFESTO GENERAL ELECTION 2019 PARTY MANIFESTO Let’s Get the UK Moving AGAIN Leader’s Message he Democratic Unionist Party has set The outcome of this election is not assured. This out our 12-point plan to deliver on the manifesto and our 12-point plan for a brighter Tpeople’s priorities on health, education, future would be the basis on which we would jobs, childcare and protecting the vulnerable negotiate with those seeking our support. We through having a working Assembly back and will talk to both Conservatives and Labour but an All-Party Executive in place. we are clear we will not support Jeremy Corbyn We are now offering our manifesto for the United as Prime Minister. Kingdom, the sister document for our plan to get Others seek a mandate to do nothing in this Northern Ireland moving again. election – nothing in the Assembly and nothing in For Northern Ireland to truly flourish then it needs Parliament. The DUP seeks a mandate to turn up, a the United Kingdom to succeed and likewise for mandate to work, and a mandate for: the UK to truly flourish it needs all its constituent • Working with others to get things done for parts and regions to succeed. This can be aided by Northern Ireland. a strong and unified voice for Northern Ireland in • Our plan to get Northern Ireland Parliament. The DUP is that voice. Moving Again. The UK needs to do much more to fulfil its true • Protect Northern Ireland’s place in the Union. -
A Democratic Design? the Political Style of the Northern Ireland Assembly
A Democratic Design? The political style of the Northern Ireland Assembly Rick Wilford Robin Wilson May 2001 FOREWORD....................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................4 Background.........................................................................................................................................7 Representing the People.....................................................................................................................9 Table 1 Parties Elected to the Assembly ........................................................................................10 Public communication......................................................................................................................15 Table 2 Written and Oral Questions 7 February 2000-12 March 2001*........................................17 Assembly committees .......................................................................................................................20 Table 3 Statutory Committee Meetings..........................................................................................21 Table 4 Standing Committee Meetings ..........................................................................................22 Access to information.......................................................................................................................26 Table 5 Assembly Staffing -
Women in the General Election in Northern Ireland 2015
Research and Information Service Briefing Paper Paper 48/15 11 May 2015 NIAR 261-15 Michael Potter and Anne Campbell Women in the General Election in Northern Ireland 2015 1 Introduction This paper briefly summarises the results of the UK General Election 2015 in Northern Ireland by gender. The paper is written in the context of the approval by the Northern Ireland Assembly on 9 March 2014 of the report of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee on Women in Politics and the Northern Ireland Assembly, which recommends that political parties consider measures to increase the representation of women in politics. This paper supplements a previous paper on candidates for the election, General Election 2015: Gender Representation1. 1 Research and Information Service Briefing Paper 43/15 General Election 2015: Gender Representation, 14 April 2015: http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/globalassets/documents/raise/publications/2015/exec_review/4315.pdf. Providing research and information services to the Northern Ireland Assembly 1 NIAR 261-15 Briefing Paper 2 Women and the General Election 2015 Constituency Candidates Elected Votes Share M F Belfast East 4 2 Gavin 19,575 49.3% Robinson (DUP) Belfast North 5 1 Nigel Dodds 19,096 47% (DUP) Belfast South 6 3 Alasdair 9,560 25.5% McDonnell (SDLP) Belfast West 9 0 Paul Maskey 19,163 54.2% (SF) East Antrim 6 2 Sammy Wilson 12,103 36.1% (DUP) East 4 3 Gregory 14,663 42.2% Londonderry Campbell (DUP) Fermanagh and 2 3 Tom Elliott 23,608 46.4% South Tyrone (UUP) Foyle 6 1 Mark Durkan 17,725 47.9% (SDLP) Lagan -
Social Capital's Imagined Benefits in Ardoyne Electoral Ward 'Thesis
1 Social capital’s imagined benefits in Ardoyne electoral ward ‘Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Michael Liggett.’ May 2017 2 3 Abstract Social capital’s imagined benefits in Ardoyne electoral ward Michael Liggett This study examines how access to social capital impacts on the daily lives of residents in an area of Northern Ireland ranked as one of the most deprived areas in the UK but equally, one that is rich in social networks. The thesis challenges social capital paradigms that promote social dividends by highlighting the role of power brokers in locally based social networks. The research uses grounded theory to deconstruct the social capital paradigm to show its negative and positive attributes. Survey and interview data is used to show how social capital contributes to social exclusion because social capital depends on inequitable distribution to give it value and that distribution is related to inequitable forms of social hierarchy access that are influenced by one’s sense of identity. This thesis challenges normative assertions that civil society organisations build trust and community cohesion. The research is unique in that it is focused on a religiously segregated area transitioning from conflict and realising the impact of post industrialisation. The research is important because it provides ethnographic evidence to explain how social capital functions in practice by not only those with extensive participatory experience but also with those excluded from social networks. 4 Table of Contents Chapter 1 - Challenging social capital paradigms ……………..……. 9 1.1 - Definitions of terms ……………………………………………………. -
Draft Equality Impact Assessment
Ards and North Down Borough Council’s response to a request to locate Ulster Scots Agency Operation Lion plaques at Bangor and Donaghadee Harbours Draft Equality Impact Assessment 1 March 2019 1 Contents Page Preface 3 Appendices 4 Introduction 5 1 Defining the aims of the policy 12 2 Consideration of available data and research 15 3 Assessment of impacts 15 4 Consideration of measures to mitigate 18 5 Consultation 19 6 Conclusions 20 7 Monitoring for adverse impact 20 2 Preface Under the statutory duties contained within Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, Ards and North Down Borough Council gave an undertaking to carry out an equality impact assessment (EQIA) on each policy or group of co-joined policies where screening had indicated that there may be significant implications in relation to one or more of the nine Section 75 categories. This draft report has been made available as part of the Formal Consultation stage of the EQIA relating to the request to locate Ulster Scots Agency Operation Lion plaques at Bangor and Donaghadee Harbours and the Council would welcome any comments which you may have in terms of this EQIA. This EQIA consultation document is available on our website at www.ardsandnorthdown.gov.uk/eqia This EQIA is being undertaken in accordance with the ECNI Guidance http://www.equalityni.org/ECNI/media/ECNI/Publications/Employers%20and%20Ser vice%20Providers/PracticalGuidanceonEQIA2005.pdf If you have any queries about this document, and its availability in alternative formats (including large print, Braille, disk and audio, and in minority languages to meet the needs of those who are not fluent in English) please contact: Shirley Poxon Compliance Officer (Equality and Safeguarding) Town Hall, The Castle, Bangor BT20 4BT Tel: 0300 013 3333 07718 159 275 sms text only E-mail: [email protected] www.ardsandnorthdown.gov.uk Deadline for comments will be Friday 24 May 2019 at 4.00pm. -
'To the Surprise of Absolutely No One': Gendered Political Leadership Change in Northern Ireland
Matthews, N. T., & Whiting, S. A. (Accepted/In press). 'To the surprise of absolutely no one': Gendered political leadership change in Northern Ireland. British Journal of Politics and International Relations. https://doi.org/10.1177/13691481211018308 Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record License (if available): CC BY Link to published version (if available): 10.1177/13691481211018308 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the final published version of the article (version of record). It first appeared online via SAGE at 10.1177/13691481211018308. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ BPI0010.1177/13691481211018308The British Journal of Politics and International RelationsMatthews and Whiting 1018308research-article2021 Original Article The British Journal of Politics and International Relations ‘To the surprise of absolutely 1 –19 no one’: Gendered political © The Author(s) 2021 Article reuse guidelines: leadership change in Northern sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/13691481211018308DOI: 10.1177/13691481211018308 Ireland journals.sagepub.com/home/bpi Neil Matthews1 and Sophie Whiting2 Abstract The office of political party leader remains one that women rarely occupy. In the largest comparative study of party leadership to date, only 10.8% were women. One region which has made significant advances in this area is Northern Ireland. -
North/South Ministerial Council Plenary Meeting
NORTH/SOUTH MINISTERIAL COUNCIL PLENARY MEETING ARMAGH, 17 JULY 2007 JOINT COMMUNIQUÉ 1. The fifth plenary meeting of the North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC) was held at the Armagh City Hotel, Armagh on 17 July 2007. 2. The Northern Ireland delegation was led by the First Minister, The Rt Hon Dr Ian Paisley MP MLA and Deputy First Minister, Martin McGuinness MP MLA who jointly chaired the meeting. The Irish Government delegation was led by the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern T.D. A full list of the members of both delegations is attached as an Annex. 3. Ministers acknowledged the significance of the occasion, the first meeting of the NSMC Plenary since 2002. They welcomed the opportunity to meet in the North South Ministerial Council to consult, promote mutually beneficial co-operation and take a number of decisions on a range of issues within the Council’s work programme. CROSS BORDER CO-OPERATION ON ROADS 4. The Council noted the Irish Government’s intention to make available a contribution of £400m/€580m to help fund major roads programmes providing dual carriageway standard on routes within Northern Ireland serving the North West Gateway and on the eastern seaboard corridor from Belfast to Larne. 5. The Northern Ireland Executive confirmed its acceptance, in principle, to taking forward these two major road projects. 1 6. The road project from Belfast to Larne will be taken forward by the Northern Ireland Executive and its agencies. 7. The route serving the North West Gateway will be taken forward in line with funding and accountability, planning, management and delivery arrangements agreed between the Irish Government and the Northern Ireland Executive. -
Constituency Profiles for Further and Higher Education in Northern Ireland
COUNTMAKE EDUCATION CONSTITUENCY PROFILES FOR FURTHER AND HIGHER EDUCATION IN NORTHERN IRELAND CONSTITUENCY PROFILES FOR FURTHER AND HIGHER EDUCATION MAKE EDUCATION COUNT IN NORTHERN IRELAND Introduction It’s 2010 – the second decade of the 21st century – and it remains a stark reality that Northern Ireland is still riddled with some of the more dire statistics in the UK, when it comes to educational attainment and employment. Northern Ireland is bottom of UK tables that measure employment rates and people with qualifications, according to UCU analysis. Just over two-thirds of people in Northern Ireland (69.7%) are employed, the worst percentage of the UK's 12 regions. The South East of England tops the table with over three-quarters of people (78.5%) employed. The average is 74%. Northern Ireland has the highest percentage of people without qualifications. One in five (21.8%) have no qualifications, which is a long way off the national average of 12.4%. Northern Ireland fares slightly better when it comes to the percentage of people with a degree though. Over a quarter of people (25.7%) have a degree, which puts Northern Ireland in the middle of the regions' table but still some way behind the average of 29%. Contents Political constituency analysis 03 Lagan Valley 13 Summary of key findings 03 Mid Ulster 14 Constituency profiles Newry and Amargh 15 Belfast East 05 North Antrim 16 Belfast North 06 North Down 17 Belfast South 07 South Antrim 18 Belfast West 08 South Down 19 East Antrim 09 Strangford 20 East Londonderry 10 Upper Bann 21 -
The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has Political Isolation, Sectarianism, Secularism, Or Declining Social Capital Proved the Biggest Challenge?
The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has political isolation, sectarianism, secularism, or declining social capital proved the biggest challenge? Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Andrew McCaldon August 2018 Department of Politics University of Liverpool Liverpool L69 3BX The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Contents Dedication 003 Acknowledgements 004 Abstract 005 List of Abbreviations 006 List of Tables 007 Introduction 008 Chapter One The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: The State of Play 037 Chapter Two From pre– to post–Agreement Northern Ireland: 070 Political isolation and the Grand Orange Lodge Chapter Three Intolerance in a tolerant society? 106 Parading, sectarianism, and declining middle–class respectability Chapter Four An Order Re–routed: 135 Interface Orangeism in Drumcree and Ardoyne Chapter Five ‘The Biggest Threat’? The impact of secularism 167 Chapter Six Parading Alone: The decline of social capital in 195 Northern Ireland and its impacts on the Orange Order Conclusion 228 Bibliography 239 Appendix I Interview Questions 266 Andrew McCaldon Page 2 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland For my mother who, by the second Twelfth of July parade, started to enjoy them and my uncle, Ian Buxton (1968–2018) who never got to see it finished Andrew McCaldon Page 3 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Acknowledgements To Professor Jon Tonge, I offer my sincere thanks for having withstood the mental anguish of supervising both my undergraduate and postgraduate research at the University of Liverpool. His advice has been beyond invaluable and he is the model of patience, whose professionalism, knowledge–base, and subject enthusiasm never cease to amaze me. -
Ninth Summit Meeting – Belfast – 16Th July 2007
Ninth Summit Meeting – Belfast – 16th July 2007 The British-Irish Council (BIC), established under the Agreement reached in the Multi-Party Negotiations in Belfast in 1998, held its ninth Summit meeting today at Parliament Buildings in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Council Members welcomed the historic nature of today’s meeting, which is the first Summit meeting of the Council since the restoration of the Northern Ireland Assembly in May 2007 and the first Summit to take place in Northern Ireland. It is also the first occasion in which the eight Heads of Administration have had the opportunity to meet together since the recent elections in most of the Member Administrations. The heads of delegations were welcomed by Northern Ireland First Minister the Rt Hon Dr Ian R K Paisley MP MLA and the deputy First Minister, Martin McGuinness MP, MLA. The Northern Ireland Executive was also represented by the Minister of Education, Caitriona Ruane MLA, the Minister for Employment and Learning, Sir Reg Empey MLA, the Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment, Nigel Dodds MP MLA, the Minister of the Environment, Arlene Foster MLA, the Minister of Finance and Personnel, the Rt. Hon. Peter Robinson MP MLA, the Minister for Regional Development Conor Murphy MP MLA, the Minister for Social Development, Margaret Ritchie MLA and Junior Ministers Ian Paisley Jr. MLA and Gerry Kelly MLA. The Irish and British Government delegations were led by the Taoiseach, Mr Bertie Ahern TD and the Prime Minister, the Rt Hon Gordon Brown MP, respectively. The Welsh Assembly Government was represented by the Deputy First Minister, Ieuan Wyn Jones and the Scottish Executive by First Minister, the Rt Hon.