Catholics, Muslims, and the Possibility of Overlapping Consensus Elizabeth A
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The Fragility of Consensus: Public Reason, Diversity, and Stability
The Fragility of Consensus: Public Reason, Diversity, and Stability (Forthcoming in The European Journal of Philosophy) John Thrasher and Kevin Vallier Abstract: John Rawls’s transition from A Theory of Justice to Political Liberalism was driven by his rejection of Theory’s account of stability. The key to his later account of stability is the idea of public reason. We see Rawls’s account of stability as an attempt to solve a mutual assurance problem. We maintain that Rawls’s solution fails because his primary assurance mechanism, in the form of public reason, is fragile. His conception of public reason relies on a condition of consensus that we argue is both unrealistic in modern, pluralistic democracies and fragile. Rejecting his conception of public reason as unable to maintain stability, we offer an “indirect alternative” that we believe is much more robust. We offer experimental evidence to back up this claim. John Rawls’s early conception of stability required a substantive ‘congruence’ between the right and the good (1999: 496-505).1 He later rejected this view, however, believing it was untenable in light of the fact of reasonable pluralism. Pervasive disagreement among reasonable members of a well-ordered society will inevitably lead to a breakdown in congruence; destabilizing institutions based on Justice as Fairness.2 In Political Liberalism, Rawls attempted to avoid this problem by developing a conception of stability ‘for the 1 (Rawls 1999) is hereafter TJ. Many readers may be unfamiliar with Rawlsian ‘congruence,’ but the concept is pivotal. See: (Weithman 2010), hereafter WPL? Throughout, we us PL to refer to (Rawls 2005). -
Public Reason1
charles larmore 10 Public Reason1 For John Rawls, public reason is not one political value among others. It envelops all the different elements that make up the ideal of a constitutional democracy, for it governs “the political relation” in which we ought to stand to one another as citizens (CP,p.574). Public reason involves more than just the idea that the principles of political association should be an object of public knowledge. Its concern is the very basis of our collectively binding decisions. We honor public reason when we bring our own reason into accord with the reason of others, espousing a common point of view for settling the terms of our political life. The conception of justice by which we live is then a conception we endorse, not for the different reasons we may each discover, and not simply for reasons we happen to share, but instead for reasons that count for us because we can affirm them together. This spirit of reciprocity is the foundation of a democratic society. Public reason has emerged as an explicit theme in Rawls’s writings only after A Theory of Justice with his turn to “political liberalism” and the pursuit of a common ground on which people can stand de- spite their deep ethical and religious differences. But the concept itself has always been at the heart of his philosophy. It runs through his first book in the guise of the idea of publicity, playing an in- dispensable part in the theory of justice as fairness. The notion of fairness itself, so central to Rawls’s thought, denotes that mutual acknowledgement of principles which public reason demands and which forms the real import of the language of social contract he has used to articulate his conception of justice. -
Vol. 32, No. 1 November 2016
Vol. 32, No. 1 November 2016 FEATURE STORY: Christian nationalism—both gaining and losing ground? There is much talk about the growth of “Christian nationalism” even as surveys and journalists report the decline of “white Christian America,” but several papers presented at the late October meeting of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion in Atlanta suggest that any such phenomenon is far from a monolithic or accelerating force in society. Sociologists Andrew Whitehead and Christopher Scheitle presented a paper showing that while Christian nationalism, which they define as a position linking the importance of being Christian to being American, had shown growth between 1996 and 2004, the subsequent period up to 2014 had seen decline in this ideology. Using data from the General Social Survey in 1996, 2004, and 2014, the researchers found that 30 percent of Americans held this position in 1996, while 48 percent did in 2004, but then the rate dropped back to 33 percent in 2014. They looked at other variables that seek to maintain boundaries for true Americans, such as the importance of speaking English, and did find ReligionWatch Vol. 32, No. 1 November 2016 that this sentiment followed the same episodic pattern. Whitehead and Scheitle argue that the role of patriotism and attachment to America was stronger in 2004, which was closer to 9/11, than in the earlier and later periods. Although they didn’t have data for the last two years, they speculated that these rates may be increasing again. Associated with the reports on the rise of Christian nationalism is the conflict over the role of religion in the American public square. -
The Religion Beat Gets Beat: the Rise and Fall of Stand-Alone Religion Sections in Southern Newspapers, 1983-2015
The University of Southern Mississippi The Aquila Digital Community Dissertations Spring 2021 The Religion Beat Gets Beat: The Rise and Fall of Stand-alone Religion Sections in Southern Newspapers, 1983-2015 Tara Yvette Wren Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations Part of the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Wren, Tara Yvette, "The Religion Beat Gets Beat: The Rise and Fall of Stand-alone Religion Sections in Southern Newspapers, 1983-2015" (2021). Dissertations. 1885. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/1885 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RELIGION BEAT GETS BEAT: THE RISE AND FALL OF STAND-ALONE RELIGION SECTIONS IN SOUTHERN NEWSPAPERS, 1983-2015 by Tara Yvette Wren A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School, the College of Arts and Sciences and the School of Communication at The University of Southern Mississippi in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Approved by: Dr. Vanessa Murphree, Committee Chair Dr. Christopher Campbell Dr. David Davies Dr. Cheryl Jenkins Dr. Fei Xue May 2021 COPYRIGHT BY Tara Yvette Wren 2021 Published by the Graduate School ABSTRACT This paper explores the religious news coverage of five southern newspapers in Georgia, Tennessee, Mississippi, North Carolina, and Texas. The newspapers researched in this study are among those that published a stand-alone religion section. Newspapers surveyed include – The Clarion-Ledger (Mississippi), The Charlotte Observer (North Carolina), The Dallas Morning News (Texas), The Atlanta Journal-Constitution (Georgia), and The Tennessean (Tennessee). -
The Lukewarm Religions of Rawls' Overlapping Consensus
Aporia vol. 24 no. 2—2014 The Lukewarm Religions of Rawls’ Overlapping Consensus ALEXANDER SCHAEFER With regard to abortion, I accept my church’s position that life begins at conception. That’s the church’s judgment. I accept it in my personal life. But I refuse to impose it on equally devout Christians and Muslims and Jews and—I just refuse to impose that on others, unlike my friend here, the congressman. I do not believe that we have a right to tell other people that women can’t control their body. It’s a decision between them and their doctor, in my view. —Vice President Joe Biden I. Introduction iden’s statement neatly exemplifies Rawls’ ideal separation of one’s Comprehensive Moral Doctrine (CMD) from the sphere of political Breason. Given what Rawls calls the “burdens of judgment,” it is un- reasonable for any citizen in a democratic society to expect all others to adopt his or her exact same doctrine (54).1 Therefore, it is also unreason- able to use the values and beliefs of one’s particular CMD to form laws that will apply equally to all citizens. Doing so would force those who reasonably disagree with one’s CMD to act in accord with it. If a legitimate and stable 1 Although a CMD can be any system of values that extends beyond the political (containing “nonpolitical values and virtues” (Rawls 175)) this paper will treat only religious CMDs. Whether parts of this critique can be extended to cover other types of CMDs is an open question. -
Fairness, Consensus, and the Justification of the Ideal Liberal Constitution
Fairness, Consensus, and the Justification of the Ideal Liberal Constitution Philip Cook LSE Law, Society and Economy Working Papers 4/2009 London School of Economics and Political Science Law Department This paper can be downloaded without charge from LSE Law, Society and Economy Working Papers at: www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/wps/wps.htm and the Social Sciences Research Network electronic library at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1331374. © Philip Cook. Users may download and/or print one copy to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. Users may not engage in further distribution of this material or use it for any profit-making activities or any other form of commercial gain. Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1331374 Philip Cook The Justification of the Ideal Liberal Constitution Fairness, Consensus, and the Justification of the Ideal Liberal Constitution Philip Cook * Abstract: In Constitutional Goods Brudner argues that the justification of the ideal liberal constitutional must be based on an alternative conception of public reason from that that presented by Rawls in Political Liberalism. This paper sets out the disagreement between the two notions of justification, and argues that Brudner’s proposed account is problematic on two accounts. Firstly, it seems internally inconsistent. Brudner’s alternative to Rawls’s overlapping consensus, a convergent consensus on an inclusive conception of liberalism, will be impossible given the plural and often contradictory nature of differing liberal doctrines. Secondly, even if such a consensus is possible it will be characterized by modus vivendi rather than a reasonable agreement based on the value of fairness. -
Consensus on What? Convergence for What? Four Models of Political
Consensus on What? Convergence for What? Four Models of Political Liberalism* Gerald Gaus and Chad Van Schoelandt 1 A PROJECT, NOT AN EDIFICE In an early symposium on A Theory of Justice, John Chapman remarked that “Rawls’s theory has both the simplicity and the complexity of a Gothic cathedral.”1 In his recent important book on Rawls’s political turn, Paul Weithman notes and endorses this characterization. Weithman seeks a unified interpretation of Theory, Rawls’s political turn and its search for stability, overcoming the many partial interpretations that take only “one view of the cathedral.”2 When readers turn to Political Liberalism, the style that comes to mind is not gothic, but baroque.3 If one takes even the 1993 hardback edition of Political Liberalism as a single, unified construction — much less the paperback edition, which includes the important “Reply to Habermas”— it has the tension, movement, complexity and irregularity of the baroque. Nevertheless, at least as far as we can see, the baroque interpretation too fails — after numerous readings, we are unable to construct a reasonably coherent and viable interpretation that accounts for all the *An earlier version of this essay was delivered to the 25th anniversary of conference of Rawls's Political Liberalism, hosted by the Jean Beer Blumenfeld Center for Ethics, Georgia State University, May, 2016. Our thanks for the comments and suggestions of all the participants; subsequent comments by Paul Weithman were especially vaulable, as were discussions with Brian Kogelmann. 1 John W. Chapman, “Rawls’s Theory of Justice,” American Political Science Review, vol. -
Extensions of Remarks E189 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS
February 10, 2011 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks E189 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS EXTENDING COUNTERTERRORISM Whereas, this remarkable and tenacious have the right to pass its own laws and spend AUTHORITIES man of God and this phenomenal and virtuous its own local-taxpayer raised funds without Proverbs 31 woman have given hope to the congressional interference. SPEECH OF hopeless, fed the hungry and are beacons of I am certain most of you would resist federal HON. BETTY McCOLLUM light to those in need, they both have been interference in the local affairs of your cities blessed with two wonderful children, Ronald and counties. Whether it involves matters of OF MINNESOTA Ramsey, II and Christyn Ramsey both of health, safety or the education of children in IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES whom are honor students that are now enjoy- your Districts—these are decisions best left to Tuesday, February 8, 2011 ing college life; and the people who must live or die with their Ms. MCCOLLUM. Mr. Speaker, I firmly be- Whereas, Ronald and Doris Ramsey are choices. lieve that we can fight terrorism and keep our distinguished citizens of our district, they are Who are we in this body to ram our beliefs communities safe without sacrificing the rights spiritual warriors, persons of compassion, fear- and ideology down the throats of others? I un- and liberties that generations of Americans less leaders and servants to all, but most of all derstand why my colleague Congresswoman have fought so hard to secure. H.R. 514 fails visionaries who have shared not only with ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON and the people of this critical test, and I will vote to oppose it. -
Jack Donnelly Graduate School of International Studies University of Denver
THE RELATIVE UNIVERSALITY OF HUMAN RIGHTS1 Jack Donnelly Graduate School of International Studies University of Denver [forthcoming, 2007, Human Rights Quarterly] Human rights as an international political project are closely tied to claims of universality. The foundational international legal instrument is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The 1993 World Human Rights Conference, in the first operative paragraph of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, asserted that “the universal nature of these rights and freedoms is beyond question.” Attacks on the universality of human rights, however, are also widespread. And some versions of universalism are indeed theoretically indefensible, politically pernicious, or both. This essay explores several different senses of “universal” human rights. I also consider, somewhat more briefly, several senses in which it might be held that human rights are “relative.” I defend what I call functional, international legal, and overlapping consensus universality. But I argue that what I call anthropological and ontological universality are empirically, philosophically, or politically indefensible. I also emphasize that universal human rights, properly understood, leave considerable space for national, regional, cultural particularity and other forms of diversity and relativity. 1 The tone of this essay owes much to a long conversation with Daniel Bell and Joseph Chan in Japan nearly a decade ago. I thank them for the sort of deep engagement of fundamental differences that represents one of the best and most exhilarating features of intellectual life. I also thank audiences at Yonsei University, Ritsumeikan University, and Occidental College, where earlier versions of this paper were presented, and more than two decades of students who have constantly pushed me to clarify, sharpen, and properly modulate my arguments. -
Public Reason and Political Justifications
Fordham Law Review Volume 72 Issue 5 Article 29 2004 Public Reason and Political Justifications Samuel Freeman Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Samuel Freeman, Public Reason and Political Justifications, 72 Fordham L. Rev. 2021 (2004). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol72/iss5/29 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE IDEA OF PUBLIC REASON REVISITED PUBLIC REASON AND POLITICAL JUSTIFICATIONS Samuel Freeman* INTRODUCTION In a constitutional democracy citizens normally have a sense of the kinds of reasons that are fittingly appealed to, as well as those that are not, in legislative and judicial forums and when arguing about laws and the constitution with people who hold different religious or philosophical views. We see this all the time in arguments in news editorials, for example. But it is very hard to characterize these reasons in any straightforward way. It is not enough to say that, because people have different faiths and their differences are irresolvable, religious considerations ought to be kept out of politics. For people have irresolvably conflicting philosophical and ethical beliefs too. Moreover, sometimes it may be wholly fitting within public political life for members of a faith to declare the religious beliefs that lead them to support or oppose measures involving fundamental questions of justice (Martin Luther King's religious declarations in support of civil rights is one example). -
REEC 2007 Fall Forum.Indd
Real Estate Executive Council 2007 Fall Chairman’s Forum Four Seasons Hotel Atlanta Real Estate Executive Council 2007 Fall Chairman’s Forum September 27-29, 2007 FOUR SEASONS HOTEL ATLANTA 75 14th Street, Atlanta, GA 30309 (404) 881-9898 Thursday, September 27, 2007 2:00 – 5:00PM REEC BOARD MEETING (Board Members Only) Four Seasons Hotel Atlanta (Boardroom) 6:30 – 7:30PM COCKTAIL RECEPTION followed by 7:30 – 9:30PM DINNER (REEC Members and Invited Guests) Trois Restaurant 1180 Peachtree Street, Atlanta, GA 30309, (404) 815-3337 Friday, September 28, 2007 7:30 – 8:30AM BREAKFAST Four Seasons Hotel Atlanta (Ballroom I) 8:30 – 8:45AM REEC HOSTS & CHAIRMAN’S WELCOME • Michael E. Tabb, Managing Principal, Red Rock Global, LLC and GVA Advantis Advisors, LLC • Aasia Mustakeem, Partner, Powell Goldstein LLP • H. Jerome Russell, President, Russell New Urban Development, LLC • Quintin E. Primo III, Chairman & CEO, Capri Capital Partners, LLC 8:45 – 9:30AM 5-YEAR ECONOMIC & REAL ESTATE OUTLOOK • Khalid Rashid, Columbia Business School, REEC Chairman’s Fellow 9:30-11:30AM REEC MEMBERS OPEN DISCUSSION • Moderator: Kenneth A. McIntyre, Jr., Managing Director, MetLife 11:30AM – 12:00PM BREAK 12:00 – 1:30PM LUNCH Four Seasons Hotel Atlanta (Ballroom III) 1:30 – 2:00PM BREAK 2:00 – 3:00PM ATLANTA MARKET PRESENTATIONS Four Season Hotel Atlanta (Ballroom I) • Moderator: Kenneth A. McIntyre, Jr., Managing Director, MetLife • Preston D. Pinkett III, Vice President, Prudential’s Social Investment Program • Master Plan for F. McPherson: Herman Howard, Vice President, The HOK Planning Group • Downtown Atlanta & Civil Rights Museum: A.J. Robinson, President, Central Atlanta Progress • Midtown & Downtown Atlanta: H. -
New Era Missionary Baptist Convention Handbook 2012
THE NEW ERA MISSIONARY BAPTIST CONVENTION OF GEORGIA, INC. Equipping and Empowering Churches 1229 Green Valley Road Griffin, Georgia 30224 THE CONVENTION’S HISTORY In 1961, the New Era Missionary Baptist Convention of Georgia, Incorporated started as a convention which reflected the religious and social climate of its time. In the Beginning the mission was to transform the traditional African-American Baptist Convention as well as society. In the midst of the Civil Rights movement, the convention was formed By many of the people who were deeply involved in securing the rights and privileges for African-Americans. The Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was one of the most prominent figures of this time to Be an active memBer of this convention. On DecemBer 6, 1961, a group of Baptist pastors and lay leaders met at Tremont Temple Baptist Church, Forsyth Street in Macon, Georgia, where the Reverend E.B. Paschal served as Pastor. They met with the purpose in mind of evaluating the total Christian program of the State Convention and to discuss various ways of implementing their Beliefs in Christian democracy. The theme selected for the occasion was “Militant Builders for Christ”. The group assumed the name “The Crusaders for Christian Democracy in the State of Georgia” and was led By the Reverend Dr. Emory R. Searcy of Atlanta. The Reverend O.H. Stinson of Griffin, Georgia was called to chair the meeting. In his opening remarks, Rev. Stinson set for the purpose of the meeting as follows: “We are here to consider and evaluate the oBjectives of our State Convention, and if need Be, seek to chart an acceptable course of action for Baptists of Georgia”.