DOCSLIB.ORG

The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Azerbaijan's Global South

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Azerbaijan's Global South Beyond Eurasian Mediation: The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Azerbaijan’s Global South Diplomacy Jason E. Strakes Visiting Research Fellow Foreign Policy Analysis Department Center for Strategic Studies (SAM) PRELIMINARY DRAFT—do not cite without permission of author 1 Paper prepared for presentation at the ISA Global South Caucus Conference, Singapore Management University, 8-10 January 2015 Table of Contents Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 3 Conceptual and Theoretical Foundations .............................................................................................. 7 Evolution of the Minsk Process: From Conference to Hierarchy ..................................................... 13 Azerbaijan and Global South Diplomacy: A New Approach to Nagorno-Karabakh? ................... 22 NAM as an Alternative to European Institutions ..................................................................................... 24 NAM and Azerbaijan’s Extraregional Diplomacy................................................................................... 27 Azerbaijan’s Participation in Other Global South Institutions ................................................................ 30 “Feedback Loop”: Potential Impacts on Conflict Resolution ............................................................ 32 Conclusion and Policy Recommendations ........................................................................................... 36 2 Introduction In recent years, the foreign policy establishment of the Republic of Azerbaijan has increasingly expressed its dissatisfaction with the structure and performance of the OSCE Minsk Group, which remains the primary institutional arrangement designated to implement the resolution process in the Armenia-Azerbaijan Nagorno-Karabakh conflict since its formation in December 1994.1 Yet, while in previous decades this issue has most often been considered from the perspective of the successes or failures of European approaches to post-Soviet regional conflict management, contemporary conditions may reflect a broader and longer-standing dynamic within the international system. It is arguable that doubts among Azerbaijani policymakers regarding the legitimacy of the Co-Chairs (U.S., Russian Federation and France) exhibit certain parallels with the classical Third Worldist critique of global institutions such as the UN Security Council (UNSC)2: given the significant political representation of major Armenian diasporas in the former, and the lack of implementation of four previous resolutions supporting the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan (822, 853, 874 and 8843) by the latter, both are perceived by certain governments as a permanent membership dominated by major powers that repeatedly vote in favor of national or vested interests (the “veto power”) rather than upholding impartiality and equality under international law, and maintain recourse to the threat of armed intervention to impose peace upon smaller states.4 In accordance with the “balanced foreign policy” (balanslaşdırılmış xarici siyasət) doctrine introduced by second post-independence President Heydar 1 CSCE Budapest Document 1994: Towards a Genuine Partnership in a New Era, Budapest Decisions: Regional Issues: Intensification of CSCE action in relation to the Nagorno-Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, pp. 5-6. http://www.osce.org/mc/39554?download=true 2 A recent household survey of public opinion on foreign policy in Azerbaijan revealed that out of 1,502 respondents, 71.2 percent have a negative perception of the OSCE Minsk Group, while 53.6 percent expressed the same view of the UNSC. See “20. Siz beynelxalq ictimaiyyetin Qarabag probleminin hallinde rolunu nece qiymetlendirirsiniz (How do you assess the role of the international community in handling the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict)?”, in Rauf Garagozov and Sahib Jaffarov eds. Foreign policy of Azerbaijan Republic in public opinion: sociological survey. Unpublished account, SAM, 2014. 3 Kamal Makili-Aliyev, Nagorno-Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict in International Legal Documents and International Law, Center for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Fall 2013, pp 76-82. 4 Jacek Kugler, “Political Conflict, War, and Peace,” in Ada W. Finifter, ed Political Science: The State of the Discipline II, Washington, D.C.: American Political Science Association, 1993, p. 488; Rethinking International Institutions: A Global South Agenda, Centre for Global Governance and Policy, Jindal School of International Affairs & Jindal Global Law School, O.P. Jindal Global University, pp. 13-14, 17-19. 3 Aliyev in the early 1990s5, on 25 May 2011, Azerbaijan became the fourth former Soviet republic (following Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Belarus) to enter full membership in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), which has often been conventionally regarded as an ineffectual relic of the Cold War era. As such, the official justification extended by Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov at the NAM 16th Ministerial Conference and Commemorative Meeting in Bali, Indonesia was to establish an auxiliary platform for conflict resolution, as well as to promote its position within wider international forums, especially the UN organization.6 As a decision which challenged the popularly held contention among observers of Azerbaijan’s fundamentally “pro-Western” and “Euro-Atlantic” orientation7, it has been suggested that this action motivated the joint statement by the presidents of the Co-Chair countries at the G-8 summit in Deauville, France on the need for a renewed commitment to achieving a final settlement.8 The successful campaign for a non-permanent UNSC seat representing the Group of Eastern European States from 2012 to 2013 is further indicative of the above objectives. By gaining an unprecedented position within the global status quo among former Soviet republics (also sought by Kyrgyzstan in recent years9), Baku was able to extend its presence to entirely new issue areas, such as potential contributions to humanitarian aid and security in the Great Lakes subregion of Africa.10 Yet, these activities have followed a lengthy precedent of extraregional diplomacy and participation in 5 For an intensive analysis of this approach, see Jason E. Strakes, “Situating the ‘Balanced Foreign Policy’: The Role of System Structure in Azerbaijan's Multi-Vector Diplomacy”, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 15:1, pp. 37-67. 6 “Elmar Mammadyarov: “The Non-Aligned Movement will be an additional platform for delivering Azerbaijan’s fair position on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict to the wider international community”, Azeri Press Agency, 27 May 2011. http://en.apa.az/print/148184 7 One such publication suggests that the country exhibits greater identification with Continental Europe than even EU candidate Turkey, as the absence of a ‘Kemalist legacy’ and the experience of Czarist and Soviet colonization ostensibly imbued its elites and society with Western cultural norms (i.e. secularism and literacy campaigns), while in contrast to popular support for authoritarianism in contemporary Russia, public opinion surveys purportedly demonstrate democratic values akin to those of Central European countries. See Svante E. Cornell, Azerbaijan since Independence, M. E. Sharpe, 2011, pp. 300, 425-426. 8 Paul Goble, “Azerbaijan Joins the Non-Aligned Movement”, Azerbaijan in the World: ADA Biweekly Newsletter, Vol. 4, No. 11 (1 June 2011). http://biweekly.ada.edu.az/issues/vol4no11/20110610060101177.html. 2011. 9 UN-OHRLLS, Report of the 10th Annual Ministerial Meeting of Landlocked Developing Countries, United Nations Headquarters New York, 23 September 2011, pp. 8-9. <http://unohrlls.org/UserFiles/File/LLDC%20Documents/10th%20ministerial%20meeting%202011/Report%20of%20the% 2010th%20LLDCs%20ministerial%20meeting.pdf> 10 “Azerbaijan’s successful journey as a non-permanent member of the U.N. security council”, The Washington Times, Tuesday, December 10, 2013. 4 institutions related to South-South cooperation in which it has received substantial support, including the Organization for Islamic Cooperation (OIC), which has passed a total of 22 resolutions opposing Armenian occupation between 1993 and 201411, and the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) and International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP), which in addition to NAM all produced declarations upholding Azerbaijan’s territorial sovereignty in 2012.12 These were followed most recently by a statement adopted at the 4th Summit of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA) in Shanghai, People’s Republic of China (PRC) in May 2014, which identified the conflict as a threat to international security and called upon the Minsk Group to intensify its efforts at peaceful resolution.13 The perception of a shift in Baku’s diplomacy away from an emphasis on engagement with the U.S. and Europe is reinforced by evidence derived from in-depth interviews with 54 Azerbaijani elites in 2001 and 2009 that revealed mistrust with the conduct of Western governments as well as Russia and Turkey after the signature of the Armenian protocols, which has possibly motivated a search for alternative partners in pressing its case in Nagorno- Karabakh.14 However, these developments have been largely overlooked due to the overwhelming preoccupation of observers with the role of Euro-Atlantic institutions in addressing security
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Azerbaijan: the Burden of History – Waiting for Change
    2 Azerbaijan: The burden of history – waiting for change Arif Yunusov Young recruit guarding parliament in Baku PHOTO: ANNA MATVEEVA Summary Azerbaijan was not traditionally a nation with a strong ‘gun culture.’When conflict flared up in 1988 over Nagorno Karabakh, a largely Armenian-populated autonomous region which was demanding freedom from Azerbaijan, most people were unarmed. This paper traces the methods by which Azeris went about acquiring arms. This began on a small scale, as local paramilitary groups obtained weapons from wherever they could, in particular from Soviet military stores. As the conflict grew, however, both sides started to acquire larger quantities of SALW and heavy weaponry. When Azerbaijan became an independent state in October 1991, arms acquisition became a matter for the newly- founded armed forces. The country obtained a large quantity of arms through the division of Soviet military property in the South Caucasus, and further weapons were obtained through illicit purchases and seizures of Soviet weapons. Yet because of internal political disputes, Azerbaijan remained military weak, crime in the republic rose, and the country remained deeply unstable until Heydar Aliev came to power in 1993. Since a ceasefire was agreed in Nagorno Karabakh in 1994, the situation has stabilised and the state has largely succeeded in stemming SALW proliferation. The paper finishes by considering the current condition of the military and security sectors and recent political developments. 2 THE CAUCASUS: ARMED AND DIVIDED · AZERBAIJAN Small Arms and Until the start of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict in 1988 and the fall of the USSR in Light Weapons 1991 Azerbaijani attitudes towards the use of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in Soviet were closely linked to its people’s history and mentality.
    [Show full text]
  • DİPLOMATİYA ALƏMİ the Viewsandopinionsexpressedarethoseofthe JOURNAL of the MINISTRY OFFOREIGN AFFAIRS Tel.: 596-91-31;E-Mail:[email protected]
    DİPLOMATİYA ALƏMİ WORLD OF DIPLOMACY JOURNAL OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN № 55, 2020 EDITORIAL COUNCIL Jeyhun BAYRAMOV Minister of Foreign Affairs (Chairman of the Editorial Council) Hikmat HAJIYEV Assistant to the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Head of the Department of Foreign Policy Affairs of the Presidential Administration of the Republic of Azerbaijan Araz AZIMOV Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Mahmud MAMMAD-GULIYEV Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Khalaf KHALAFOV Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Hafiz PASHAYEV Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Ramiz HASANOV Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Fariz RZAYEV Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Huseyn HUSEYNOV Director of the Department for Analysis and Strategic Studies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Azerbaijan EDITORIAL BOARD Nurlan ALIYEV Department for Analysis and Strategic Studies @ All rights reserved. The views and opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the MFA “World of Diplomacy” journal is published since 2002. Registration №1161, 14 January 2005 ISSN: 1818-4898 Postal address: Analysis and Strategic Studies Department, ORGANIZATION FOR DEMOCRACY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT - GUAM FOR DEMOCRACY ORGANIZATION Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sh.Gurbanov Str. 50, Baku AZ 1009 Tel.: 596-91-31; e-mail: [email protected] INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION PRIORITIES OF AZERBAIJANI CHAIRMANSHIP IN 2020 PRIORITIES OF AZERBAIJANI GUAM – Japan CHAIRMANSHIP IN 2020 Joint Press Release on the sidelines of the OSCE Council of Ministers 5 December 2019, Bratislava hairmanship in Office of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development – GUAM in the year of 2020 will focus on the matters of economic Ccooperation between the Member States.
    [Show full text]
  • Spotlight on Azerbaijan
    Spotlight on azerbaijan provides an in-depth but accessible analysis of the major challenges Azerbaijan faces regarding democratic development, rule of law, media freedom, property rights and a number of other key governance and human rights issues while examining the impact of its international relationships, the economy and the unresolved nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the domestic situation. it argues that UK, EU and Western engagement in Azerbaijan needs to go beyond energy diplomacy but that increased engagement must be matched by stronger pressure for reform. Edited by Adam hug (Foreign policy Centre) Spotlight on Azerbaijan contains contributions from leading Azerbaijan experts including: Vugar Bayramov (Centre for Economic and Social Development), Michelle Brady (American Bar Association Rule of law initiative), giorgi gogia (human Rights Watch), Vugar gojayev (human Rights house-Azerbaijan) , Jacqueline hale (oSi-EU), Rashid hajili (Media Rights institute), tabib huseynov, Monica Martinez (oSCE), Dr Katy pearce (University of Washington), Firdevs Robinson (FpC) and Denis Sammut (linKS). The Foreign Policy Centre Spotlight on Suite 11, Second floor 23-28 Penn Street London N1 5DL United Kingdom www.fpc.org.uk [email protected] aZERBaIJaN © Foreign Policy Centre 2011 Edited by adam Hug all rights reserved ISBN-13 978-1-905833-24-5 ISBN-10 1-905833-24-5 £4.95 Spotlight on Azerbaijan Edited by Adam Hug First published in May 2012 by The Foreign Policy Centre Suite 11, Second Floor, 23-28 Penn Street London N1 5DL www.fpc.org.uk [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2012 All Rights Reserved ISBN 13: 978-1-905833-24-5 ISBN 10: 1-905833-24-5 Disclaimer: The views expressed in this report are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Foreign Policy Centre.
    [Show full text]
  • £AZERBAIJAN @Allegations of Ill-Treatment in Detention
    £AZERBAIJAN @Allegations of ill-treatment in detention Introduction Amnesty International continues to receive allegations of ill-treatment of detainees by Azerbaijani law enforcement officials. In some cases it has been alleged that prisoners have been beaten in pre-trial detention in order to obtain confessions, and that family members of suspects in hiding have been beaten in an attempt to obtain information on their relatives’ whereabouts. In other cases it has been alleged that prisoners in ill-health have not received adequate medical treatment, and that at least two people died as a result of this over the last year. General conditions for many in pre-trial detention are also reported to be harsh, with overcrowding so severe in some prisons that inmates are forced to take it in turns to sleep while others in the cell stand. Restricted access by independent observers makes verification of these allegations difficult, and Amnesty International has had no response to its concerns about ill-treatment which have been raised on a number of occasions with the Azerbaijani authorities. Cases illustrating Amnesty International’s concerns are detailed below. They relate to political prisoners1, although Amnesty International is also concerned about other more general allegations about ill-treatment of criminal prisoners. Deaths in custody Shahmardan Mahammad oglu Jafarov Shahmardan (also known as Shahsultan ) Jafarov died in custody in the Azerbaijani capital of Baku during the night of 29 to 30 June 1995. A parliamentarian and a member of the opposition Popular Front of Azerbaijan (PFA), he had sustained serious gunshot wounds in a clash with police on 17 June 1995 near the village of Abragunis in the Julfa district of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic (NAR).
    [Show full text]
  • The South Caucasus 2018
    THE SOUTH CAUCASUS 2018 FACTS, TRENDS, FUTURE SCENARIOS Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) is a political foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany. Democracy, peace and justice are the basic principles underlying the activities of KAS at home as well as abroad. The Foundation’s Regional Program South Caucasus conducts projects aiming at: Strengthening democratization processes, Promoting political participation of the people, Supporting social justice and sustainable economic development, Promoting peaceful conflict resolution, Supporting the region’s rapprochement with European structures. All rights reserved. Printed in Georgia. Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Regional Program South Caucasus Akhvlediani Aghmarti 9a 0103 Tbilisi, Georgia www.kas.de/kaukasus Disclaimer The papers in this volume reflect the personal opinions of the authors and not those of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation or any other organizations, including the organizations with which the authors are affiliated. ISBN 978-9941-0-5882-0 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V 2013 Contents Foreword ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER I POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION: SHADOWS OF THE PAST, FACTS AND ANTICIPATIONS The Political Dimension: Armenian Perspective By Richard Giragosian .................................................................................................. 9 The Influence Level of External Factors on the Political Transformations in Azerbaijan since Independence By Rovshan Ibrahimov
    [Show full text]
  • Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S
    Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs February 22, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-522 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Summary Azerbaijan is an important power in the South Caucasus by reason of its geographic location and ample energy resources, but it faces challenges to its stability, including the unresolved separatist conflict involving Nagorno Karabakh (NK). Azerbaijan enjoyed a brief period of independence in 1918-1920, after the collapse of the Tsarist Russian Empire. However, it was re-conquered by Red Army forces and thereafter incorporated into the Soviet Union. It re-gained independence when the Soviet Union collapsed at the end of 1991. Upon independence, Azerbaijan continued to be ruled for a while by its Soviet-era leader, but in May 1992 he was overthrown and Popular Front head Abulfaz Elchibey was soon elected president. Military setbacks in suppressing separatism in the breakaway NK region contributed to Elchibey’s rise to power, and in turn to his downfall just over a year later, when he was replaced by Heydar Aliyev, the leader of Azerbaijan’s Nakhichevan region and a former communist party head of Azerbaijan. In July 1994, a ceasefire agreement was signed in the NK conflict. Heydar Aliyev served until October 2003, when under worsening health he stepped down. His son Ilkham Aliyev was elected president a few days later. According to the Obama Administration, U.S. assistance for Azerbaijan aims to develop democratic institutions and civil society, support the growth of the non-oil sectors of the economy, strengthen the interoperability of the armed forces with NATO, increase maritime border security, and bolster the country’s ability to combat terrorism, corruption, narcotics trafficking, and other transnational crime.
    [Show full text]
  • AZERBAIJAN and ARMENIA RELATIONS Dr
    EPISODE 3 AZERBAIJAN AND ARMENIA RELATIONS Dr. Abdullah KARA Gaziantep University Cem OZER Gaziantep University The developments that took place after the Cold War, which left its mark on the post- World War II period, against the Soviet Union towards the end of the twentieth century, in the framework of the adventure of getting rid of the seventy-year old shackles of the nations held by them; In this study, in which the Karabakh problem is examined in the context of its effects on Turkish-Azerbaijani-Armenian relations, firstly, the historical background of the problem was revealed. Azerbaijan was de facto divided into two with the Turkmencay Agreement signed between Russia and Iran in 1828 and Northern part of it was occupied and annexed by Tcharist Russia in the nineteenth century, has gradually gain independence after the Bolshevik revolution. This period, which started with its independent declaration in 1918 and lasted for twenty-three months, ended with the occupation of Azerbaijani lands in 1920 by Soviet Russia. After nearly 70 years of Soviet rule, Azerbaijan regained independence in 1991 and started to wave its flag among its contemporary states with dignity and pride. Through the independence process Republic of Turkey was the first country to recognize and the most important supporter of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan-Turkey relations as a general framework of historical, cultural, ethnic, social and political foundations upon, rests on a foundation dating back to the past to the present. Armenia, which has been the implementer of Russia’s interests in the region since the Tsarist Russia period, attempted to occupy the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan to follow these interests in the post-independence period.
    [Show full text]
  • Europe Report, Nr. 167: Nagorno-Karabakh
    NAGORNO-KARABAKH: A PLAN FOR PEACE Europe Report N°167 – 11 October 2005 p TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. UNDERLYING CAUSES OF CONFLICT.................................................................. 3 A. HISTORICAL ..........................................................................................................................3 B. POLITICAL AND LEGAL .........................................................................................................4 C. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS................................................................................................6 III. THE NEGOTIATON PROCESS.................................................................................. 8 A. THE MINSK GROUP FORMAT.................................................................................................9 1. Key decisions.............................................................................................................9 2. The parties ...............................................................................................................10 B. A PACKAGE OR STEP-BY-STEP? ..........................................................................................10 C. BUYING TIME .....................................................................................................................11 IV. THE QUESTION
    [Show full text]
  • Artush and Zaur – English Translation
    Page 1 ALI AKBAR ARTUSH AND ZAUR (textbook of conflictology for adults) 1 Page 2 If there is a cross in the blood, I watched the reed, I did not find you, you are just a villain, an Armenian. Imadeddin Nasimi 2 Page 3 Azerbaijan, which inspired me with its existence to write and publish the book, With deep gratitude to the masses of Armenia and Georgia. author 3 Page 4 MEETING 4 Page 5 You have made me miserable, O Armenian, I became an Armenian slave in the way of love. 1 Tbilisi greeted him with a golden autumn and a light wind. Dirty concrete from the fourth car of the Baku-Tbilisi train Stepping on the platform, Zaur trembled slightly, lifting the collar of his jacket. Hanging his bag over his shoulder, stepped towards the wide stairs leading to the lower floor. Every time you come to this city, a strange spicy sausage The smell hit his nose. Today, the same smell was mixed with the smell of rainy weather. Similar to Acar khachapuri smoking in small ponds on the platform, unable to decide whether to evaporate in the weak rays of the sun stumps upset. The stumps were reminiscent of white sailing ships that had lost their direction at sea. On the roof of the platform in order The crows scream shamelessly, as if to those who got off the train in the crow dialect of Georgian "Welcome!" - they said. A three-legged dog quickly ran away from Zaur. Apparently, his right hind leg was under the train.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Foreign Policy Analysis of Weak States: the Case of the Caucasus States Yasar Sari Charlottesville, Virginia B.A
    A Comparative Foreign Policy Analysis of Weak States: The Case of the Caucasus States Yasar Sari Charlottesville, Virginia B.A., Istanbul University, 1993 M.A., Old Dominion University, 1997 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The Woodrow Wilson Department of Politics University of Virginia December 2008 Abstract Keywords: Caucasus states, Russia, foreign policy analysis, weak state The key features of foreign policy formulation and execution in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are selected in an attempt to reveal the sources of foreign policy-behavior of new, post- Soviet (and in effect post-imperial) states during the 1990s. More specifically, this is a comparative study of the foreign policies of the Caucasus states as new states toward the Russian Federation as the ex-imperial center. The purpose of the dissertation is to verify the relative significance of internal factors and level of external assistance in shaping the foreign policy of weak states. Therefore, the key theoretical contribution of the dissertation is to understand foreign policy change in weak states during their early years of independence. The newly independent Caucasus states are weak states. The most urgent problems facing these newly independent states following their independence were domestic ones. The time period covered is between 1991 and 1999, which in turn is divided into two sub-periods: 1991- 1995, the period of confusion and 1995 to 1999, the period of consolidation. This dissertation centers upon the explanation of two factors: the level of domestic strain of weak states and their relations to the external world.
    [Show full text]
  • ANNEXE I Cartes De La Zone Du Conflit Utilisées Par Les Nations Unies
    ANNEXE I Cartes de la zone du conflit utilisées par les Nations Unies Programmes des visites dans le cadre de la préparation du rapport Varsovie, 22 février 2003 Rencontre avec les coprésidents du Groupe de Minsk de l’OSCE : M. l'Ambassadeur Nikolaï Gribkov (Fédération de Russie), M. l'Ambassadeur Henry Jacolin (France), M. l'Ambassadeur Rudolf V. Perina (Etats-Unis), M. l'Ambassadeur Andrzej Kasprzyk, Représentant personnel du Président en exercice de l’OSCE Bakou, 14 avril 2003 Rencontre avec M. Araz Azimov, Vice-ministre des Affaires étrangères et représentant personnel du Président de la République Rencontre avec M. Vilayat Guliyev, ministre des Affaires étrangères Rencontre avec M. Ilham Aliyev, chef de la délégation azerbaïdjanaise à l'APCE, et des membres de la délégation Rencontre avec M. Murtuz Aleskerov, président du Milli Mejlis (parlement) Rencontre avec M. Safar Abiyev, ministre de la Défense Rencontre avec M. Namig Abbasov, ministre de la Sécurité nationale Rencontre avec des représentants de la communauté azerbaïdjanaise du Haut-Karabakh Rencontre avec des représentants de l’opposition parlementaire Bakou, 15 avril 2003 Rencontre avec M. Ali Hasanov, président du Comité d'Etat sur les réfugiés et les personnes déplacées Départ pour le camp de réfugiés et de personnes déplacées de Bilasuvar Rencontre avec M. Heydar Aliyev, Président de la République d'Azerbaïdjan Rencontre avec des membres de l'Académie nationale des Sciences Conférence de presse Rencontre avec M. l'Ambassadeur Andrzej Kasprzyk, Représentant personnel du Président en exercice de l’OSCE, pour évoquer le conflit qui retient l'attention de la Conférence de Minsk de l'OSCE Tbilissi, 16 avril 2003 Rencontre avec M.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict in the Aftermath of the Russia-Georgia War
    THE NAGORNO KARABAKH CONFLICT IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE RUSSIA-GEORGIA WAR The unresolved conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh is considered the most daunting issue for South Caucasus’ security. Since 1994, when a cease-fire was reached between the parties, many attempts have been made to find a political solution to this conflict. Last year’s Russia-Georgia war considerably changed the geo-political situation and renewed efforts of regional and non-regional actors to reach a comprehensive solution. At the same time the recognition of Abkha- zia and South Ossetia by Russia demonstrated again that the current stalemate of any frozen conflict can easily be transformed into a new cycle of violence. Therefore the EU and the United States are more interested in resolving this conflict, now es- pecially taking into consideration the geo-strategic and geo-economic parameters of the Caspian region. In this context Turkey, as a transit energy country, has a beneficial impact on the whole region, serving as a bridge to the West through its unique location. Gulshan Pashayeva* *Gulshan Pashayeva is affiliated with the Center for Strategic Studies, Azerbaijan. This paper was originally presented at the Symposium entitled “Reassessing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the aftermath of the Russia-Georgia war”, which took place at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, on 26-27 September 2009. 55 Between East and West – Heartland of Eurasia ue to its geo-strategic location at the crossroads between East and West, the territory of the South Caucasus was always conquered by different empires – becoming a zone of permanent migration, active contact of cultures, languages, religions and a juncture of trade and Dtransport routes.
    [Show full text]