How Accurate Is It to Say That the Black Power Movements of the 1960S Achieved Nothing for Black Americans?
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The Limits of “Diversity” Where Affirmative Action Was About Compensatory Justice, Diversity Is Meant to Be a Shared Benefit
The Limits of “Diversity” Where affirmative action was about compensatory justice, diversity is meant to be a shared benefit. But does the rationale carry weight? By Kelefa Sanneh, THE NEW YORKER, October 9, 2017 This summer, the Times reported that, under President Trump, the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice had acquired a new focus. The division, which was founded in 1957, during the fight over school integration, would now be going after colleges for discriminating against white applicants. The article cited an internal memo soliciting staff lawyers for “investigations and possible litigation related to intentional race-based discrimination in college and university admissions.” But the memo did not explicitly mention white students, and a spokesperson for the Justice Department charged that the story was inaccurate. She said that the request for lawyers related specifically to a complaint from 2015, when a number of groups charged that Harvard was discriminating against Asian-American students. In one sense, Asian-Americans were overrepresented at Harvard: in 2013, they made up eighteen per cent of undergraduates, despite being only about five per cent of the country’s population. But at the California Institute of Technology, which does not employ racial preferences, Asian- Americans made up forty-three per cent of undergraduates—a figure that had increased by more than half over the previous two decades, while Harvard’s percentage had remained relatively flat. The plaintiffs used SAT scores and other data to argue that administrators had made it “far more difficult for Asian-Americans than for any other racial and ethnic group of students to gain admission to Harvard.” They claimed that Harvard, in its pursuit of racial parity, was not only rewarding black and Latino students but also penalizing Asian-American students—who were, after all, minorities, too. -
Untimely Meditations: Reflections on the Black Audio Film Collective
8QWLPHO\0HGLWDWLRQV5HIOHFWLRQVRQWKH%ODFN$XGLR )LOP&ROOHFWLYH .RGZR(VKXQ Nka: Journal of Contemporary African Art, Number 19, Summer 2004, pp. 38-45 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\'XNH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/nka/summary/v019/19.eshun.html Access provided by Birkbeck College-University of London (14 Mar 2015 12:24 GMT) t is no exaggeration to say that the installation of In its totality, the work of John Akomfrah, Reece Auguiste, Handsworth Songs (1985) at Documentall introduced a Edward George, Lina Gopaul, Avril Johnson, David Lawson, and new audience and a new generation to the work of the Trevor Mathison remains terra infirma. There are good reasons Black Audio Film Collective. An artworld audience internal and external to the group why this is so, and any sus• weaned on Fischli and Weiss emerged from the black tained exploration of the Collective's work should begin by iden• cube with a dramatically expanded sense of the historical, poet• tifying the reasons for that occlusion. Such an analysis in turn ic, and aesthetic project of the legendary British group. sets up the discursive parameters for a close hearing and viewing The critical acclaim that subsequently greeted Handsworth of the visionary project of the Black Audio Film Collective. Songs only underlines its reputation as the most important and We can locate the moment when the YBA narrative achieved influential art film to emerge from England in the last twenty cultural liftoff in 1996 with Douglas Gordon's Turner Prize vic• years. It is perhaps inevitable that Handsworth Songs has tended tory. -
The Crusader Monthll,J Nelijsletter
THE CRUSADER MONTHLL,J NELIJSLETTER ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, EDITOR -IN EXILE- VoL . ~ - No. 9 MAY 1968 Afro-Americans & Slick John Kennedy Government of the United States is no government T~E of the Afro-Americans at all. The slick John Ken- nedy gang is operating one of the greatest sham govern- ment in the entire world. Afro-Americans and fair minded Od > ~- O THE wN«< /l~USL . lF Yov~Re EyER IN NE60, CALL ME AT whites must be gullible indeed to believe that the racist, KKK dominated so-called U.S. Government is concerned with the welfare and human rights of colored people. The colored people of the USA must bring themselves to realize that taken integration is a slick manuever to check the restlessness of an oppressed people fast becoming infect ed with the germ of total resistance policy developing among all of the oppressed peoples of the world. Token integration means nothing to the masses. Even an idiot should be able to see that so-called Token integration is no more than window dressing designed to lull the poor downtrodden Afro-American to sleep and to make the out side world think that the racist, savage USA is a fountainhead of social justice and democracy. The Afro-American in the USA is facing his greatest crisis since chattel slavery. All forms of violence and underhanded methods o.f extermination are being stepped up against our people. Contrary to what the "big daddies" and their "good nigras" would have us believe about all of the phoney progress they claim the race is making, the True status of the Afro-Ameri- can is s#eadily on the down turn. -
“I Woke up to the World”: Politicizing Blackness and Multiracial Identity Through Activism
“I woke up to the world”: Politicizing Blackness and Multiracial Identity Through Activism by Angelica Celeste Loblack A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Sociology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Elizabeth Hordge-Freeman, Ph.D. Beatriz Padilla, Ph.D. Jennifer Sims, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 3, 2020 Keywords: family, higher education, involvement, racialization, racial socialization Copyright © 2020, Angelica Celeste Loblack TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables ............................................................................................................................ iii Abstract ..................................................................................................................................... iv Introduction: Falling in Love with my Blackness ........................................................................ 1 Black while Multiracial: Mapping Coalitions and Divisions ............................................ 5 Chapter One: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 8 Multiracial Utopianism: (Multi)racialization in a Colorblind Era ..................................... 8 I Am, Because: Multiracial Pre-College Racial Socialization ......................................... 11 The Blacker the Berry: Racialization and Racial Fluidity ............................................... 15 Racialized Bodies: (Mono)racism -
Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X Talk It out 17
Writing for Understanding ACTIVITY Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X Talk It Out 17 Overview Materials This Writing for Understanding activity allows students to learn about and write • Transparency 17A a fictional dialogue reflecting the differing viewpoints of Martin Luther King Jr. • Student Handouts and Malcolm X on the methods African Americans should use to achieve equal 17 A –17C rights. Students study written information about either Martin Luther King Jr. • Information Master or Malcolm X and then compare the backgrounds and views of the two men. 17A Students then use what they have learned to assume the roles of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X and debate methods for achieving African American equality. Afterward, students write a dialogue between the two men to reveal their differing viewpoints. Procedures at a Glance • Before class, decide how you will divide students into mixed-ability pairs. Use the diagram at right to determine where they should sit. • In class, tell students that they will write a dialogue reflecting the differing viewpoints of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X on the methods African Americans should use to achieve equal rights. • Divide the class into two groups—one representing each man. Explain that pairs will become “experts” on either Martin Luther King Jr. or Malcolm X. Direct students to move into their correct places. • Give pairs a copy of the appropriate Student Handout 17A. Have them read the information and discuss the “stop and discuss” questions. • Next, place each pair from the King group with a pair from the Malcolm X group. -
The NAACP and the Black Freedom Struggle in Baltimore, 1935-1975 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillm
“A Mean City”: The NAACP and the Black Freedom Struggle in Baltimore, 1935-1975 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By: Thomas Anthony Gass, M.A. Department of History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Advisor Dr. Kevin Boyle Dr. Curtis Austin 1 Copyright by Thomas Anthony Gass 2014 2 Abstract “A Mean City”: The NAACP and the Black Freedom Struggle in Baltimore, 1935-1975” traces the history and activities of the Baltimore branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) from its revitalization during the Great Depression to the end of the Black Power Movement. The dissertation examines the NAACP’s efforts to eliminate racial discrimination and segregation in a city and state that was “neither North nor South” while carrying out the national directives of the parent body. In doing so, its ideas, tactics, strategies, and methods influenced the growth of the national civil rights movement. ii Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to the Jackson, Mitchell, and Murphy families and the countless number of African Americans and their white allies throughout Baltimore and Maryland that strove to make “The Free State” live up to its moniker. It is also dedicated to family members who have passed on but left their mark on this work and myself. They are my grandparents, Lucious and Mattie Gass, Barbara Johns Powell, William “Billy” Spencer, and Cynthia L. “Bunny” Jones. This victory is theirs as well. iii Acknowledgements This dissertation has certainly been a long time coming. -
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class William P. Jones The very decade which has witnessed the decline of legal Jim Crow has also seen the rise of de facto segregation in our most fundamental socioeconomic institutions,” vet- eran civil rights activist Bayard Rustin wrote in 1965, pointing out that black work- ers were more likely to be unemployed, earn low wages, work in “jobs vulnerable to automation,” and live in impoverished ghettos than when the U.S. Supreme Court banned legal segregation in 1954. Historians have attributed that divergence to a nar- rowing of African American political objectives during the 1950s and early 1960s, away from demands for employment and economic reform that had dominated the agendas of civil rights organizations in the 1940s and later regained urgency in the late 1960s. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall and other scholars emphasize the negative effects of the Cold War, arguing that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations responded to domestic anticom- munism by distancing themselves from organized labor and the Left and by focusing on racial rather than economic forms of inequality. Manfred Berg and Adam Fair- clough offer the more positive assessment that focusing on racial equality allowed civil rights activists to appropriate the democratic rhetoric of anticommunism and solidify alliances with white liberals during the Cold War, although they agree that “anti- communist hysteria retarded the struggle for racial justice and narrowed the political Research for this article was supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities/Newhouse Fellowship at the New York Public Library’s Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and the Graduate School at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. -
OBJECTS Compiled in Partnership with Wiley College
Black History Month – Impromptu Prompts OBJECTS Compiled in partnership with Wiley College Carbon Filament Inventor and engineer Lewis Latimer was born in Chelsea, Massachusetts, on September 4, 1848. He collaborated with science greats Hiram Maxim and Thomas Edison. One of Latimer’s greatest inventions was the carbon filament, a vital component of the light bulb. His inventions didn’t stop there. Working with Alexander Graham Bell, Latimer helped draft the patent for Bell’s design of the telephone. This genius also designed an improved railroad car bathroom and an early air conditioning unit. So the next time you’re escaping a hot day inside your cool house, don’t forget to thank Lewis Latimer! https://thinkgrowth.org/14-black-inventors-you-probably-didnt-know-about-3c0702cc63d2 National Speech & Debate Association © 2018 | 1 Super Soaker Did you ever enjoy water gun fights as a kid? Well, meet Lonnie Johnson, the man that gave us the most famous water gun—the Super Soaker. Lonnie wasn’t a toymaker; he actually was an aerospace engineer for NASA with a resume boasting a stint with the U.S. Air Force, work on the Galileo Jupiter probe and Mars Observer project, and more than 40 patents. https://thinkgrowth.org/14-black-inventors-you-probably-didnt-know-about-3c0702cc63d2 Bloodmobile Charles Drew was a physician, surgeon, and medical researcher who worked with a team at Red Cross on groundbreaking discoveries around blood transfusions. In World War II, he played a major role in developing the first large-scale blood banks and blood plasma programs. He also invented the first bloodmobile—refrigerated trucks that, to this day, safely transport stored blood to the location where it is needed most. -
In Light of the Career and Work of Marcus Garvey, the Leadership
REACHING OuT TO A RAcE: MARCUS GARVEY AND MAss COMMUNICATION THROUGH THE LENSES OF SERVANT LEADERSHIP -SCOTT FINNIE EASTERN WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY INTRODUCTION In light of the career and work of Marcus Garvey, the leadership skills he employed help to amplify Robert Greenleaf' s description of the true and genuine servant-leader. In his classic book published in 1977, Servant Leadership: A Journey into the Nature ofLegitimate Power and Greatness, Greenleaf identifies a series of attributes and virtues necessary to fulfill the role of "the great leader" who is "seen as a servant first" (p. 7). In his eyes, the concept and dynamics of leadership need an urgent re-definition and conceptual realignment if collective entities are to reach the noble goals to which they aspire: A fresh critical look is being taken at the issues of power and authority, and people are beginning to learn, however haltingly, to relate to one another in less coercive and more creatively supporting ways. A new moral principle is emerging which holds that the only authority deserving one's allegiance is that which is freely and knowingly granted by the led to the leader in response to, and in proportion to, the clearly evident ser vant stature of the leader. (pp. 9-10) The following pages will be an exploration into the leadership methodology of Marcus Garvey against the backdrop of Greenleaf's servant-leadership themes. The first part will be a historical examination of Garvey followed by a context analysis of servant-leadership. 267 The International Journal ofServant-Leadership, 2007, vol. 3, issue 1, 267-279 GARVEY'S BACKGROUND Marcus Garvey was born in Jamaica in the late 1800s. -
Martin Luther King's Position in the Black Power Movement from 1955 to 1968 Carol Breit
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Honors Theses Student Research 1972 Martin Luther King's position in the Black Power movement from 1955 to 1968 Carol Breit Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses Recommended Citation Breit, Carol, "Martin Luther King's position in the Black Power movement from 1955 to 1968" (1972). Honors Theses. Paper 415. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "ilill1iiiflll1if H1llfilll1ii' 3 3082 01028 5095 MARTIN LUTHER KING'S POSITION: IN THE BLACK POWER MOVEMENT 'FROM 1955 to 1968 Honors Thesis For Dr. F. W, Gregory ~IniPartial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree Bachelor of Arts University of Richmond Carol Breit 1972 ''For if a rnan has not discovered something that he will die for, he isn't fit to live •••• Man dies when he refuses to take a stand for that which is right. A man dies when he refuses to take a stand for that which is true. So we are going to stand up right here ••• letting the world know .. we are determined to be free~•1 From events in 1955 in Montgomery, Alabama, a citadel of Southern segregation practices and American rascist attitudes, the Negro Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. was to be pivoted to a pedestal of national prom~nence and of international fame. By 1958 King had become the symbol of the new black revolt locally, nationally, and internationally. -
The Black Power Movement
A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr. and Sharon Harley The Black Power Movement Part 1: Amiri Baraka from Black Arts to Black Radicalism Editorial Adviser Komozi Woodard Project Coordinator Randolph H. Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Black power movement. Part 1, Amiri Baraka from Black arts to Black radicalism [microform] / editorial adviser, Komozi Woodard; project coordinator, Randolph H. Boehm. p. cm.—(Black studies research sources) Accompanied by a printed guide, compiled by Daniel Lewis, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. ISBN 1-55655-834-1 1. Afro-Americans—Civil rights—History—20th century—Sources. 2. Black power—United States—History—Sources. 3. Black nationalism—United States— History—20th century—Sources. 4. Baraka, Imamu Amiri, 1934– —Archives. I. Woodard, Komozi. II. Boehm, Randolph. III. Lewis, Daniel, 1972– . Guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. IV. Title: Amiri Baraka from black arts to Black radicalism. V. Series. E185.615 323.1'196073'09045—dc21 00-068556 CIP Copyright © 2001 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-834-1. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................ -
Commonlit | Empowering the Black Power Movement
Name: Class: Empowering the Black Power Movement By USHistory.org 2016 This informational text discusses how the Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s emerged as a major political force following the nonviolent Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s. While the Civil Rights Movement helped end legal segregation in America, the Black Power movement sought to end the economic and social inequality that African Americans continued to face while encouraging African American communities to embrace their race with pride. As you read, note how black Americans develop their views toward their own identities, as well as the use of violence as a tool of social change. [1] On June 5, 1966, the Civil Rights Movement’s James Meredith was shot in an ambush as he attempted to complete a peaceful solo “March Against Fear” from Memphis, Tennessee, to Jackson, Mississippi. Meredith had already made national headlines in 1962 by becoming the first African American to enroll at the University of Mississippi. Civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr., Floyd McKissick of CORE,1 and Stokely Carmichael of SNCC2 rushed to Meredith's hospital bed. They determined that his march must be completed. As Carmichael and McKissick walked through Mississippi, they observed that when it came to race relations, little had changed despite federal legislation. Local townspeople harassed the "Black Power movement at the Chicago Freedom Movement Rally marchers while the police turned a blind eye or Soldier Field Freedom Sunday" by Chicago Urban League Records is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. arrested the activists as troublemakers.