Indians in the Ramapos

Home , Bearfort Mountain, Daniel Nimham, Greene projectile point, Greenwood Lake, Hackensack River, Mahwah River

APR 1 2 2005 RINGWOOD PUBLIC LIBRARY, NJ 3 6047 09078966 9 NJ 974.9 LEN k, Edward j Indians in the R and Indians in i he Ramapos

FOR REFERENCE Do Not Take From This Room FRONTISPIECE: Seventeenth century map showing the location of In- dian Bands in New Jersey and New York. This map is a copy of an original in the British Museum and may be an earlier version of the 1656 Map of New Netherlands by Nicholas Visscher. However, British place names, "New Jork," "New Jarsey," "Delaware River," "Philadelphia," etc., were added at a date after 1664 when the British took control of New Netherlands. Indians In The Ramapos

Survival, Persistence and Presence

Edward J. Lenik

^ingwood Public Library 30 Cannici Drive .lingwood, New Jersey 07456 973-962-6256 Book Design By: Corner Compositor Edited By: Nancy L. Gibbs and Raymond Whritenour Copyright © 1999, Edward J. Lenik ISBN: 0-9675706-0-3

Published By: The North Jersey Highlands Historical Society In Memory of James H. Norman a Highlands Original and Friend

Table of Contents

List of Illustrations ix List of Tables xi Preface: A Delaware Indian Creation Story xiii

Introduction 1 1. The Ramapo Mountains 3 2. Prehistoric Cultural History 8 3. The Contact-Early Historic Period 16 4. Riverine Camp, Rockshelter, Rock Art 30 5. Historic Contact Period: The Written Record 40 6. Continuing Presence of Indians in the Historic Period: Historical References, Observations and Folklore 47 8. Research Directions 55 9. Nineteenth Century Genealogical Evidence 69 10. Archaeological and Historical Interpretations 72

Epilogue 83 Acknowledgments 89 Bibliography 91

List of Illustrations

Page COVER: Split Rock on Houvenkopf Mountain, Hillburn, N. Y. (EJ. Lenik, photographer, 1999.) FRONTISPIECE: 17th century map of New York and New Jersey

FIGURE 1: Map of the Highlands region 4 FIGURE 2: Cumberland-style Paleo Indian projectile point 12 FIGURE 3: Clovis style Paleo Indian projectile point 12 FIGURE 4: Photograph of Spring House Rockshelter 22 FIGURE 5: Triangular projectile points 24 FIGURE 6: Technique of making brass arrowpoints 24 FIGURE 7: Copper pendant 25 FIGURE 8: Trade pipe 25 FIGURE 9: Photograph of a silver brooch 26 FIGURE 10: Hemlock Hill Trail Petroglyph 38 FIGURE 11: 1710 Map of the Ramapo Tract 46 FIGURE 12: Photograph of 18th century cellar hole 57 FIGURE 13: Photograph of Peter Mann House 58 FIGURE 14: Field sketch of Peter Mann House 59 FIGURE 15: Log bowl from Hessian Lake 61 FIGURE 16: Delaware Indian basket 63 FIGURE 17: Tract of Helmig van Wagenen, 1740 66 FIGURE 18: Ceramic rimsherds from the Spring House Rockshelter 76 FIGURE 19: Photograph of Ramapough Mountain Indian Storyteller 79 FIGURE 20: Photograph of Ronald (Redbone) Van Dunk, R.M.I, and Nora Thomson Dean (Touching Leaves) a Delaware Indian 82 FIGURE 21: An Indian hunting camp in the Ramapos 90

BACKCOVER: The Ramapo Mountains. View from High Mountain, Wanaque, N.J. (Photo courtesy of Tom Fitzpatrick.)

List of Tables

Page TABLE 1: Prehistoric Sites in the Highlands Physiographic Province of Northern New Jersey and Southeastern New York 9 TABLE 2: Historic Contact Period Archaeological Sites 19 TABLE 3: Major Indian Leaders in the Northern Highlands Area 41 TABLE 4: References to Indians and Places in the Northern Highlands Region 47 TABLE 5: Native American Herb Cures and Folk Remedies Practiced by People in the Ramapos 81

Preface A Delaware Indian Creation Story

He ... then took a piece of coal out of the fire where he sat, and began to write upon the floor. He first drew a circle, a little oval, to which he made four paws or feet, head and tail. "This, " he said, "is a tortoise, lying in the water around it, " and he moved his hand round the figure, continuing, "this was or is all water, and so at first was the world or the earth, when the tortoise gradually raised its round back up high, and the water ran off of it, and thus the earth became dry. " He then took a little straw and placed it on end in the middle of the figure, and proceeded, "the earth was now dry, and there grew a tree in the middle of the earth, and the root of this tree sent forth a sprout beside it and there grew upon it a man, who was the first male. This man was then alone, and would have remained alone; but the tree bent over until its top touched the earth, and there shot therein another root, from which came forth another sprout, and there grew upon it the woman, and from these two are all men produced. "

Related to Jasper Dankers and Peter Sluyter by Tantaqua, a Hackensack Indian, in 1679. in Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in Several of the American Colonies in 1679-80.

Indians in the Ramapos is a cultural history of Native American land use within the Highlands region of northern New Jersey and southeastern New York. Indian peoples occupied this hilly-mountainous region for thousands of years prior to European settlement, and their descendants continue to do so today. Native Americans are among the variety of ethnic groups that reside in this region today. Some historical accounts indicate that the Indians were gone from the area by the early 1800s. Following the Treaty of Easton in 1758, at which the Indians relinquished their remaining lands in New Jersey, many of them moved westward traveling through and temporarily settling in Penn- sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Missouri, Kansas, Arkansas and Texas, finally xiii settling in Oklahoma. Other Indians from the Highlands region moved north to counties in upstate New York, to Wisconsin and to Ontario, Can- ada. Some, however, stayed behind in the Highlands region. Early Euro- pean settlers in this region established farms and villages in the fertile valleys along the many rivers and streams. These new settlers harvested the forests for wood for charcoal and the bedrock itself for iron, but they lived, fanned and built their mills, forges and furnaces in the lowlands. The rem- nant native groups retreated to the mountainous uplands and established a community virtually invisible to the newcomers below. These people took their identity from the mountains themselves, hiding their Indian heritage lest they be removed to the west. This book is about these people and their history in the Highlands. It assembles in one volume information collected by myself and others in many disciplines. I am a professional archaeologist, so much of what is covered here is the archaeological record. This record reveals thousands of years of human occupation and use of these mountains. It reveals that point at which a new group of people, the European explorers and settlers, ar- rived with a new material culture which included a written language. I am also a historian and a listener and present material from the written record and from the traditions handed down among the Ramapo Mountain Peo- ple. My search for Indians in the Ramapos began in the 1960s when I met James H. Norman of Newfoundland, New Jersey. We were "iron buffs," hooked on the history of iron mining and making in the Highlands, but Jim knew about more than iron in this region. He showed me his large collection of Indian artifacts which he had acquired by surface hunting on farms, fields, lake and reservoir shores, and in rockshelters in the rugged High- lands area. He related to me several stories and local folktales regarding the "Last Indians" who lived in West Milford Township, N.J. in the early nineteenth century. He described an Indian PowWow he helped organize in 1959. Soon we were exploring rockshelters and campsites throughout the Highlands. Jim Norman shared with me his vast knowledge of Indian sites in the region and related his anguish at their loss through development and vandalism. He took me to see a rockshelter at Echo Lake in West Milford, New Jersey and introduced me to Max. Max Schrabisch had excavated this rockshelter in the early twentieth century. Schrabisch, a well-known, self- trained archaeologist dug extensively in New York, New Jersey and Penn- xiv sylvania and wrote copiously about his discoveries. Jim encouraged me to study local Indian history by introducing me to the works of Schrabisch and other early archaeological pioneers. In the 1970s, I began to read and collect the writings of Max Schra- bisch. Schrabisch, who had died in poverty in Paterson, New Jersey long before I began my archaeological work, became a personal guide and project. Over time, I met people who knew him personally and who shared their stories and experiences with me. I was deeply impressed by the prodi- gious amount of site survey work Schrabisch had accomplished during the first half of the twentieth century, an amount more startling when one con- siders that he did not have an automobile, but traveled instead by hiking and public transportation. I decided to try to locate as many as possible of the rockshelters he had investigated in the Highlands. This long-term and still-on-going endeavor has resulted in a three volume set of field notes and photographs. Tracking Max Schrabisch's travels and field survey work through New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania and New England ultimately led me to write a biography of this rockshelter archaeologist. This present book draws from Schrabisch's work in the Highlands. By the 1980s I understood how rudimentary and unsystematic knowledge of Native American lifeways in the New York-New Jersey Highlands was. Schrabisch was the first and last archaeologist to explore this region. Archaeological research had flourished along the Hudson and Delaware riversheds in the second half of this century, but the Highlands had been written off as an area of little interest and potential. Construction of the Monksville Reservoir in Ringwood and West Milford Townships in upper Passaic County, New Jersey presented an opportunity to research, characterize and evaluate the Native American presence in the Wanaque River drainage in a comprehensive, planned and intensive manner. Today the Monksville Reservoir extends over 505 acres of surface area at an elevation of 400 feet above mean sea level. In 1983 and 1984, my team and I carried out a two-stage cultural resource investigation consisting of identification and evaluation within the then-proposed reservoir prior to the start of construction activity. Sixteen prehistoric (In- dian) sites were discovered within the project area. This work was followed by data recovery excavations at six of the prehistoric sites judged to be significant and having research potential. Information from this project is presented in this book. In the 1930s and early 1940s, archaeologist Jim Burggraf and other staff members of the Trailside Museums, Palisades Interstate Park, Bear

xv Mountain, New York located and excavated some seventy Indian sites within Harriman-Bear Mountain Parks. For their time, these were scien- tific excavations. The archaeologists established a grid system for the sites they dug, working in units or squares. They troweled soil away in measured levels. Each artifact recovered was documented as to square and level of discovery. The artifacts were inventoried, analyzed, cross-referenced and stored at the Trailside Museums. Their field notes, their plans of excavations, their charts and lists, descriptions and conclusions and the artifacts themselves are curated and available at the Trailside Museums for study by scholars and researchers. Summaries of some of the excavated sites were published in 1976 by the New York State Museum in a volume titled Recent Contributions to Hudson Valley Prehistory, authored by archaeologist R. E. Funk, bringing their work to wider attention. In 1996,1 had an opportunity to compile an inventory of all of the prehistoric sites investigated by the park staff in Harriman-Bear Mountain Parks and elsewhere in Orange, Rockland, Ulster, Green and Westchester Counties in New York in the 1930s and 1940s. Organized by my team and me (Sheffield Archaeological Consultants of Butler, New Jersey) for the Palisades Interstate Park Commission, the two volume inventory produced summarized the information from these early investigations. General site location, description, history of research, data recovered and site assess- ments were included for each site where possible. At present the artifacts are secure and the documentation is organized and accessible. This book includes information drawn from this inventory. Publication of this book is part of a wider plan to make the public aware of the heritage resources of the Highlands. Work on the Harriman- Bear Mountain Parks inventory led to a volunteer effort to relocate and assess the many campsites and rockshelters found by the park archaeologists within the parks. This program is actually an extension of my search for Max Schrabisch's rockshelter sites. As this effort proceeds, we have found to our horror that a number of the sites in the Parks and elsewhere in the Highlands are being destroyed by relic collectors and careless hikers, campers and cyclists and the forces of nature. The most destructive of these are treasure hunters, looters, and pothunters who are presently active and working their way through the archaeological deposits in the region's rockshelters. I believe that knowledge is the answer to this threat to these irreplace- able and non-renewable resources. This book is part of that effort. The 1997 Highlands Conference sponsored by the Trailside Museums at Bear xvi Mountain and the North Jersey Highlands Historical Society focused on this problem. An effort was begun to increase awareness of the preservation problems among environmental groups, hiking clubs, historical socie- ties and other groups active in the Highlands region. Today, Jack Focht, director of the Trailside Museums, is developing a volunteer program of heritage sites stewardship to monitor the cultural resources in the Parks to protect them from vandalism. An experiment in signage at hikers' parking lots and at rockshelters near hiking trails is also underway. Museum exhibits of Native American artifacts and cultural history, as revealed by the study of archaeological sites and specimens are presented in the historical building at the Trailside Museums. Of particular signifi- cance is a diorama portraying Indian life at the Tiorati Rockshelter in Har- riman State Park. Visitors to the Trailside Museums have enjoyed and shared for nearly sixty years the benefit of the careful work of the park archaeologists. It is this author's hope that this treatise on Indians in the Ra- mapos will increase the public's knowledge and appreciation of the culture of the region's indigenous people.

xvi 1

Indians In The Ramapos

Introduction

Since the 1870s, the Ramapo Mountain People have been referred to by various writers, historians and the Euro-American community at large as racially mixed back-woods mountain folk. Descriptions of these people fall largely into two categories: they were viewed as quaint, poor but independent, or as forlorn and in need of help. A vast amount of articles and feature stories have been written in newspapers, magazines and journals about these people. Public attention has been recently focused on this group as it sought Federal recognition as an Indian tribe. Tribal status was denied in 1993, but the group appealed the decision and was again denied in 1996. This controversy brings forward a need to examine the question of Indian heritage and legacy in the New York-New Jersey Highlands. The focus of this study is an examination of the evidence of Indian habitation and survival in the Highlands region. Traditions among the Ramapo Mountain People tie them to the earlier Indian inhabitants of the area. So do the stories and legends of many of the Euro-American settlers. The Hillburn-Mahwah- Ringwood group of Ramapo Mountain People have continued to assert their Indian ancestry and are presently referred to as the Ramapough Mountain Indians. In this study, evidence is presented that Native Americans occupied the Ramapo Mountains from the Paleo Indian Period (c. 10,500 B.C.) up to and including the Historic Contact and subsequent Historic periods. Based on several lines of evidence, it is argued that the Ramapo Mountains acted as a refugium for Native Americans following their contact with Europe- ans. The term refugium is defined herein as a place of shelter, an area of relatively favorable conditions to which humans retreated or occupied in times of need, stress, or under pressure and adverse circumstances. The archaeological record indicates a strong, continuous and persistent presence of Indian bands in the northern Highlands Physiographic Province-Ramapos well into the 18th century. Other data, such as historical accounts, record the presence of Indians in the Highlands during the 2 Indians In The Ramapos

19th and early 20th centuries. Oral traditions, and settlement and subsistence activities are examined as well. In this study, I propose that Native American people were a significant element among the primary progeni- tors of the Ramapo Mountain People, a term which is used here in its broadest sense to include the Ramapo Mountain People and other mountaineers who once inhabited this mountain region. There is strong evidence that both Euro-Americans and African Americans intermixed and inter- married with this Indian population. 1 The Ramapo Mountains

The Ramapo Mountains are old mountains, weathered granitoid roots of Precambrian origin. They are the pitted and twisted hard rock remains of a mountain range that in its youth equaled the Rockies. Now they are a region of tree covered ridges and boulder strewn hollows, rugged ground with abrupt changes. The Highlands Physiographic Province is characterized by broad parallel ridges and narrow steep sloped valleys. On a human scale, these are mountains easily climbed, full of small isolated valleys and plateaus, brooks and seasonal streams, swamps and mountain top lakes. The mountains are not particularly high. Their rounded peaks reach eleva- tions of no more than 1,200 feet above mean sea level. The Highlands Physiographic Province, part of the Reading Prong of the New England Uplands Physiographic Province, rises above the lower lying Piedmont Province, a Triassic lowlands along its southeastern border. This lowlands was first occupied by Euro-Americans in the 17th century, with settlement accelerating in the 18th and 19th centuries. Geographically, the study area of this book encompasses the land between the Ramapo and Mahwah Rivers and Tompkins Cove, New York on the Hudson River on the east, and the border of the Ridge and Valley Prov- ince on the west. The Pequannock River valley in New Jersey marks the southern extent and the Hudson River the northern border (FIGURE 1). Communities within the study area include the boroughs of Mahwah, Oak- land, Pompton Lakes, Riverdale, Wanaque, Ringwood, Butler, Blooming- dale and the Township of West Milford in New Jersey and the Towns of Ramapo, Cornwall, New Windsor, Stony Point, Haverstraw, Highlands, Woodbury, Tuxedo, Monroe and Warwick in New York. FIGURE 1: Map of the Highlands region of Northern New Jersey and Southeastern New York. The Ramapo Mountains 5 Lithic Resources

Sedimentary rock, such as Green Pond and Schunemunk conglomer- ates, is present within the region. Scattered throughout the region are intru- sive igneous rocks such as basalt and volcanic felsite and veins of metamorphic rock such as quartz. These lithic sources together with till and outwash deposits such as chert, quartz, and quartzite cobbles and peb- bles were utilized for manufacturing stone tools such as projectile points, knives, scrapers and drills by Native American people. Chert, the most common lithic material used by Indians, is a fine-grained siliceous sedimentary rock that resembles flint. Of special interest in the Highlands region is the fact that magnetic iron ore occurs in the bedrock. This material drew the Euro-Americans to this area. Magnetite is a blue-black, heavy iron oxide that is found in the gneisses in pod or lens shaped masses from a few inches to as much as fifty feet thick. Magnetite iron ore is magnetic and the ore bearing gneisses are also in northeast to southwest trending belts that may be as much as two miles wide and thirty miles long. The mining and processing of magnetite iron ore was an important activity in the mountains beginning in the last half of the 18th century and extending well into the 20th century. This activity significantly influenced settlement and subsistence patterns of human groups in this region.

The Ice Age

Most of New York State and Northern New Jersey was covered by glacial ice during the last episode of continental glaciation known as the Wisconsin. The Wisconsin glacier scraped and scarred the hilltops and covered the rocky landscape with several types of unconsolidated and un- sorted rock and soil debris. These unconsolidated deposits are generally thick and continuous in valleys and thin to nonexistent on hilltops. The movement of the ice scoured the ridges leaving bare rock or a thin mantle of soil while the valleys and side slopes of the ridges were filled with deposits of sand, gravel and boulders. Some of these debris deposits blocked rivers and streams to form ponds, lakes and swamps in the region. Deglaciation of the Highlands area began about 15,000 years B.P. or before the present (i.e. 1950). As the glacial ice sheet melted and receded a 6 Indians In The Ramapos tremendous amount of melt water flowed southerly from its leading edge and gravels and sediments were deposited throughout the region. By 13,000 to 14,000 B.P. the glacial ice had completely retreated from the region. In general, deglaciation was followed by the re-establishment of her- baceous vegetation—that is, small plants or herbs—and then by mixed forest zone containing predominantly pine and spruce. By 7,000 years before the present the region's natural environment closely resembled that which exists today. The northern Highlands region contains uplands, swamps, wetlands, lakes, ponds, rivers and streams. A great variety of flora and fauna occur within these diverse habitats.

Human Occupation

Beginning about 12,500 years ago, human groups entered the northern Highlands. These early Americans, whom we call Paleo Indians, were hunters and gatherers who migrated into the area in search of food. These Native Americans and those who followed them, the Archaic and Wood- land Period Indians and European-Americans adapted to their new environment and developed ways to use trees, plants, animals, migratory birds and waterfowl, reptiles, and fish in order to assure their survival. These resources were readily available in the mountains and adjacent riverine areas.

Highlands Soils

The physical structure of soils in the northern Highlands region was an important contributing factor to the settlement and subsistence activities of the human groups who occupied the area. Soil characteristics such as texture, permeability for drainage, and acidity which affects plant life were crucial environmental variables in selecting a site for habitation and use. In general, the soils within the region were formed in old glacial deposits or in material weathered from bedrock. The soils on hilltops, ridges and slopes are generally shallow and very stony. The acidic, excessively drained soils and steep slopes affected floral and faunal resources, land- The Ramapo Mountains 7 use patterns, water supply and quality, and severely limited agricultural activities.

Rivers and Streams

The Pequannock, Wanaque, Mahwah and Ramapo Rivers are the principal watercourses that flow through the northern Highlands. These rivers join at a common point in the Pompton Plains-Wayne New Jersey area to form the Pompton River. The Mahwah River flows along the southeastern border of the Highlands and joins the Ramapo River in Mahwah, New Jersey near the border with New York. These four rivers cut through steep sided ridges and flow in valley bottoms which lie from 300 to 600 feet below the rounded or flat-topped mountain ridges. Numerous other brooks, creeks and streams flow through the region as well. Well-drained deep soils occur in the bottom lands of the narrow river valleys.

Vegetation

Much of the landscape is tree covered today but most of this is secon- dary growth. The mature, undisturbed forest cover is fairly dense mixed oak and hickory and contains such seasonal resources as nuts, berries and other plants which produce edible fruit, roots and stems. Forty-two species of edible vegetation have been recorded in the Highlands. Seasonal gathering times for these forty-two species clearly show that plant foods were available throughout the year. Fifteen of the plant species were reported as being utilized for food by the Delaware and other related Algonkian Indi- ans and fourteen of the plants were used by the neighboring Iroquois. Another common habitat of the northern Highlands is the Upland Forest which is Hemlock-Mixed Oak and sugar maple. The Chestnut-Oak Forest is commonly found on ridgetops, slopes, and rock outcrops where conditions are drier and the soils thin and infertile. Freshwater marshes, swamps, bogs and floodplains occur in this high region each of which has its own unique plant habitats. 2 Prehistoric Cultural History

Archaeologists have long speculated on the existence, location, and distribution of prehistoric sites in the northern Highlands region. In 1913, Max Schrabisch, one of the first scholars to research this area wrote, "Owing to its inaccessibility it was merely a hunting resort, travelled over occasionally, with no permanent village sites and but a few lodge sites and rockshelters denoting the Redman's former presence." This early commentary was generally accepted by most historians of the region and its basic premise prevailed until the early 1980s. Prior to the 1980s, knowledge of the prehistory of the region was meager. During the first half of the 20th century, a number of site surveys were conducted in the region, focusing on recording the location of sites and providing a general description of the artifacts recovered. Work by Skin- ner and Schrabisch in 1913, Parker in 1922, Heusser in 1923 and Budke (n.d.) are examples. Most of this early site data was obtained by surface collection, and personal contact with landowners and collectors. Many rockshelters in the region were explored and excavated by Max Schrabisch and by other avocational archaeologists-collectors in the 1930s and 1940s (see reports by Funk 1976:173, and Schrabisch 1909, 1936). Since 1983, archaeological investigations in the region have increased as a result of government mandated cultural resources surveys. One of the first systematic and professional surveys of the area was the study of the Monksville Reservoir area in the Upper Wanaque River Wa- tershed which resulted in the discovery, and test excavation of sixteen prehistoric sites. Subsequent investigations in the northern Highlands region have been numerous and have been conducted by museums, avocational archaeologists, and various cultural resource management consulting firms. These investigations have produced new and exciting data regarding the settlement and subsistence patterns of prehistoric groups within this region. Prehistoric Cultural History 9 More than 300 prehistoric archaeological sites have been recorded or reported within the entire northern Highlands Physiographic Province. These data were compiled from the site files in the New York and New Jer- sey State Museums, the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation, Trailside Museums, Bear Mountain, NY, the New Jersey Historic Preservation Office, the Archaeological Research Labora- tory, Van Riper-Hopper (Wayne) Museum, Sheffield Archaeological Consultants, Butler, N.J., from various cultural resource survey reports, collector-informants, and various published sources. This total is probably low as a complete systematic regional study has not been done. The available data indicates that many of these sites are multi-occupation sites. Table 1 summarizes the number and types of prehistoric sites that have been recorded, published, or reported within the region. These data must be considered as preliminary as much of the available information is incomplete or uneven in quality.

TABLE 1: Prehistoric Sites In The Highlands Physiographic Province Of Northern New Jersey And Southeastern New York*

Site Type Number Rockshelters 111 Campsites (open air) 146 Lithic Scatters/workshops 29 Villages 9 Fish Weirs 2 Mortuary (burials) 6 Petroglyph 2 Midden 1 Quarry 1 Total 307

*Compiled through January 9,1999

The prehistoric archaeological record of the Highlands Physio- graphic Province in Rockland and Orange Counties, New York and adjacent Passaic and Bergen Counties in New Jersey consists of four time periods of culture history. The Paleo Indian Period (c. 10,500 B.C.-c. 8000 10 Indians In The Ramapos B.C.) represents the earliest known human occupation of this area. The Ar- chaic Period (c. 8000 B.c.-c. 1000 B.C.) refers to a time prior to the introduction of horticulture and the production of ceramic vessels and is divided into Early, Middle and Late periods. The period from c. 1700 B.C.-c. 1000 B.C. is referred to as the Terminal Archaic and represents a gradual change in Archaic lifestyles and the development of Woodland Pe- riod traits. The Woodland Period (c. 1000 B.C.-c. 1600 AD.) refers to the time of ceramic vessel use by prehistoric people and the establishment of horticulture. The Woodland Period is also divided into Early, Middle and Late periods. The Historic Contact Period (c. A.D. 1600-c. 1750 A.D.) represents the time of Indian habitation in the region and their extensive contacts with European traders, travelers and settlers. In order to understand the regional evidence of Native American occupation and use, an overview of each of these time periods and their associated settlement patterns is presented below. These regional cultural periods are based on evidence recovered from the archaeological record and represent inferred changes in Native American technology, economics and social lifeways.

1. Paleo Indian Period (c. 10,500 B.C.-c. 8000 B.C.)

The Paleo Indian Period includes the time from the final retreat of the Wisconsin glacier from the region to the development of modern Holocene environments. Following deglaciation the landscape consisted of tundra- like vegetation including sedges, mosses, and lichens. This was succeeded by open parkland vegetation characterized by a mosaic of grasslands and coniferous forests. Initially, the climate was wet and cold, but gradual warming took place resulting in the expansion of boreal forests. Faunal species such as mammoth, mastodon, caribou, giant beaver, elk, moose, peccary, bear and horse were present in the region and potentially available for exploitation by early Paleo Indian hunters. Many of these animals are now extinct or no longer native to the area. The remains of numerous mastodons have been found in Orange County, New York, and also caribou, bear, horse, flat-headed peccary and giant beaver. The remains of mastodons have also been found in Rockland County, New York, and in Sussex and Bergen Counties in northern New Jersey. The material remains of the Paleo Indians includes their stone tools. Prehistoric Cultural History 11 Their tool kits are characterized by Clovis-type fluted projectile points, a diagnostic Paleo Indian artifact. Their tools also include bifacial knives, drills, gravers, burins, scrapers, flake cores, and flake tools with no formal shape. These tools were utilized in the procurement and processing of faunal species and were generally made from high quality lithic material. The Paleo Indians were hunter gatherers who roamed widely in search of food and their settlement pattern consisted of small temporary camps. These people traveled in single or multiple family bands and some evidence of their presence in the region has been found. Most evidence of Paleo Indian activity comes from scattered surface finds of Clovis-type fluted projectile points. A limited number of Paleo Indian sites have been recorded in the Ramapo Mountains and two sites located nearby have been professionally excavated: the Dutchess Quarry Cave Site on Lookout Mountain near Florida, New York and the Zappavigna Site in Hampton- burg, New York. Evidence of Paleo Indian occupation and use of the northern High- lands region is meager. The available data is based solely on surface finds; the recovery of fluted projectile points which are the principal diagnostic artifacts of this cultural period. A Cumberland-style fluted point made from Onondaga chert, a type of stone found in western New York, was found at the base of a ridge on the west bank of the Ramapo River in Mah- wah, New Jersey (FIGURE 2). A campsite, containing an Early Archaic component, was present on top of the flat ridge above the find spot. Unfor- tunately, this ridgetop site has been destroyed by a housing development. Two fluted points have been recovered from floodplain sites along the Wa- naque River in Ringwood, New Jersey. One of these specimens also appears to have been made of Onondaga chert (FIGURE 3) while the other is made from black chert. A Clovis-like fluted point made from gray chert was recovered from the Pochuck Creek drainage in Vernon Township, New Jersey at the western end of the Highlands Province. Three Paleo In- dian end scrapers were found at the Nicoll Farm Site near the Hudson River in New Windsor, New York.

2. Archaic Period (c. 8000 B.C.-c. 1000 B.C.)

During the Archaic Period a major shift occurred in the settlement and subsistence patterns of Native American groups. Hunting and gather- FIGURE 2: Cumberland style fluted projectile point of the Paleo Indian Period found on the west bank of the Ramapo River in Mahwah, N.J. Obverse and reverse sides. (Drawing by Brian Ludwig)

FIGURE 3: Clovis-like fluted point of the Paleo Indian Period found along the Wanaque River in Ringwood, N.J. Made of grayish-brown Onondaga chert. Obverse and reverse sides. (Drawing by Thomas Fitzpatrick) Prehistoric Cultural History 13 ing were still the basic ways of life during this period, but the emphasis in subsistence shifted from the large faunal species, which were rapidly be- coming extinct or unavailable, to smaller game and plants of the deciduous forest. The environment differed from the earlier period as the open grasslands disappeared and temperate habitats consisting of forests of oak and hemlock were established. The settlement pattern of the Archaic people indicates larger, relatively more permanent habitation sites. These people were more efficient in the exploitation of their environment, and plant food resources along with fish and shellfish played a more important role in their diet. The tool kit of the Early Archaic people (c. 8000-6000 B.C.) was basi- cally the same as that of the Paleo Indians with the exception of projectile points. Early Archaic projectile points are bifurcated or basally notched and were generally made of high quality stone. The names assigned to the Early Archaic Period projectile points in New York are Palmer, Kirk, and LeCroy. Evidence of Early Archaic sites in the northern Highlands region is extremely sparse and consists of a few surface finds of bifurcated points. The Middle Archaic covers the period between c. 6000 B.C. to c. 4000 B.C. The archaeological record suggests that a population increase took place during this period. In addition to projectile points, the tool kits of these people included grinding stones, mortars and pestles. Evidence of Middle Archaic Period occupation has been found at the Spring House Rockshelter in Sloatsburg, New York, at the Skyline Rockshelter in Oak- land, N.J., at the Apshawa Rockshelter in Bloomingdale, N.J., and at two sites each in the Monksville and Canistear Reservoirs in New Jersey. Late Archaic people, from c. 4000 B.C. to c. 1000 B.C. were special- ized hunter-gatherers who exploited a variety of upland and lowland settings in a well-defined and scheduled seasonal round. The projectile point types attributed to this period include the Lamoka, Brewerton, Norman- skill, Lackawaxen, Bare Island and Poplar Island. Milling equipment, stone axes and adzes were also part of the tool kit of these peoples. During the Terminal Archaic Period, c. 1700 B.C. to c. 1000 B.C., new and radically different broad bladed projectile point types were developed. These include the Susquehanna, Koens-Crispin, Perkiomen and Orient Fishtail types. The use of steatite or stone bowls is also a hallmark of this period. Forty-five Late and Terminal Archaic Period sites have been found and documented in the northern Highlands region. They have been found in various environmental settings such as river and stream floodplains, 14 Indians In The Ramapos around lakes, wetlands and freshwater springs, on upland terraces, hilltops and in rockshelters. These sites vary in size, length of occupation, and are focused on the procurement and processing of subsistence resources.

3. The Woodland Period (c. 1000 B.C.-c. 1600 A.D.)

The Woodland Period is distinguished from the Archaic Period by the introduction of ceramic vessels. In general, the hunting and gathering way of life persisted. However, horticulture began during this period and later became well established with the cultivation of corn, beans and squash. Clay pottery vessels replaced the soapstone bowls, and tobacco pipes and smoking were adopted. Also, the bow and arrow replaced the spear and javelin during this period. The habitation sites of the Woodland Period In- dians increased in size and permanence and base camps were located on expansive floodplains. The use of fired clay ceramic vessels began during the Early Wood- land Period (c. 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1). The earliest ceramic type found in New York State is called Vinette 1, an interior-exterior cordmarked, generally sand tempered vessel. Projectile points are also chronological indicators of this period and include the Meadowood type. Along with the use of ceramics, Indian groups became more sedentary and social complexity increased over time. Evidence of this cultural period has been found at two sites in Harriman State Park, N.Y., and in Oakland, New Jersey. Cord marked vessels become common during the Middle Woodland Period (c. A.D. 1 to c. 1000 A.D.). Jacks Reef and Fox Creek type projectile points are diagnostic of the Middle Woodland. During the Late Woodland Period (c. 1000 A.D. to 1600 A.D.) collared ceramic vessels, including many with incised decorations, made their appearance. Large triangular projectile points known as the Levanna type became common throughout this time and smaller triangular forms known as Madison appeared near the end of this period. Forty-four Middle and Late Woodland Period sites have been documented in the northern Highlands region. Prehistoric Cultural History 15 4. The Historic Contact Period (c. 1600 A.D.-c. 1750 A.D.)

The settlement of New Amsterdam (New York) by the Dutch in the early 1600s initiated the Historic Contact Period between the Indians of southeastern New York and northern New Jersey and the Europeans. Dur- ing this time, the Native Americans of this region were part of the widespread Algonquian cultural and linguistic stock. They were Munsee speaking groups, i.e., Lenape-Delawares who were descendants of Indian people who had been living here for thousands of years. The local bands of Munsee speaking Indians encountered by Europeans were often identified by their geographic location and referred to as the Esopus, Haverstraws, Waoranecks, Warranawankongs, and Tappans. Following the settlement of New Amsterdam, a regular pattern of Indian-European trade developed and the Indians began to acquire Euro- pean made tools, utensils, and ornaments. Items of European origin have been found on sites in the northern Highlands region, although their number is small. Unfortunately, many of the reported sites cannot be identified as to their cultural period. The early site reports used in compiling this study provide only general descriptions of the finds and are difficult to interpret. Also, the early researchers did not have the dating techniques available to archaeologists today such as radiocarbon assay, projectile point typology, and ceramic typology.

West Mtlford Effjfy Ston«f Obverae Side 3 The Contact-Early Historic Period

The Arrival of Europeans

On his third voyage to the New World in search of a northwest passage to Asia, Henry Hudson, an Englishman, explored the eastern coast of North America. Hudson sailed down the coast from Newfoundland, Canada, turned westward and entered Delaware Bay on the 28th of August 1609. From this point, Hudson turned north and followed the eastern shore of New Jersey and ultimately anchored his ship, the Half Moon, within Sandy Hook on the 3rd of September. Here he spent a week examining the landscape and communicating with the Indians. During an exploratory trip between Bergen Neck in New Jersey and Staten island, Hudson's boat was attacked by two canoes carrying twenty-six Indians which resulted in the death of one of his sailors. This encounter along the shore of Raritan Bay was the scene of the first landing of Europeans in this region and contact with Native Americans. It resulted in tragedy. On September 12, 1609, Henry Hudson entered New York Bay through the Narrows. Between September 12th and October 4th, Hudson explored the North (Hudson) River as far as present day Albany, New York and continued to have contact with the Native Americans. His voyage in this area initiated an era of exploration, trade with the Indians and, subsequently, European settlement in the lower Hudson Valley. In the years following Henry Hudson's voyage, Dutch vessels landed regularly at the mouth of the Hudson River to buy furs from the Indians. Fort Nassau was built on the west side of the Hudson River just below Al- bany in 1614, and the area was called New Netherlands. In 1621, the Dutch West India Company was formed in Holland to handle commercial opera- tions and settlement in this area of the New World. The first Dutch colo-

16 The Contact-Early Historic Period 17 nists settled on Manhattan Island in 1624, and the West India Company built Fort Orange at Albany and Fort Amsterdam on Manhattan. Early attempts at settlement in New Jersey were not successful due to the hostility of the Indians. The Patroonship of Pavonia (present day Bay- onne and Jersey City), for example, was granted in 1629 to Michael Pauw, who later sold the land back to the West India Company in 1634. The West India Company encouraged settlement here, but Indian raids subsequently destroyed Pavonia. Nevertheless, by 1660 Bergen Village, in present day Jersey City became the first permanently occupied European settlement in New Jersey. Between 1662 and 1664, the English continued to press their claim to the lands in New Netherlands. Finally, in 1664 New Netherland was seized by the English and New Amsterdam was renamed New York. Rensselaer- swijck and Beverwijck in the upper Hudson valley were renamed Albany. By 1676, Fort Orange was deserted and a new fort was built by the English in Albany. During the 17th century, the entire northeastern portion of New Jer- sey and the adjacent southeastern New York was an area of frequent contact between the Dutch and the Indians, and after 1664 between the English and the Indians. The European settlers who came into this region would have introduced a new array of material goods to the Indians such as iron axes and hoes, brass kettles, guns, scissors, needles, beads and bangles, cloth, ceramics, glassware, as well as other social and political manifestations of European culture. The Indians were perceived as hunters and trappers of fur bearing animals. This perception provided the initial stimulus for permanent Euro- pean occupation of the region. The New Netherland colony was first established by the Dutch West India Company for commercial gain espe- cially in the fur trade with Indians. The desire to trade on the part of both the Indians and Europeans drew them together. The colonists were initially concerned with financial gain in the fur trade and they sought out the Indians for such purposes. Early accounts of traders and travelers in New Jersey indicated that the Indians traded both fur and agricultural products to the Europeans. It appears that during the early years of European settlement the colonists were dependent to some extent upon the Indians for food supplies such as maize (corn). For example, around 1640 the Indians located at Tappan in northeastern Bergen County, New Jersey and southeastern Rockland County, New York were 18 Indians In The Ramapos

reportedly growing an additional amount of maize which they traded to the Dutch for cloth. In time, the European view of the Indians as a source of fur and agricultural products diminished as a result of changing economic and social attitudes. The number of fur bearing animals in the region decreased rapidly and the relations between the two groups worsened as trade no longer provided a strong common goal. More importantly, as the Europeans became more self-sufficient their goals changed from trading to permanent settlements and agriculture. The Indians became a barrier to the new aspi- rations and their removal from the region became a prime objective. Now land became the most important aspect of culture contact in the New York-New Jersey region. Soon, land rather than furs or maize became the trade commodity. The consequences of this shift in social and economic goals was the movement of Indians away from settlements and depopula- tion of the region. From the earliest days of settlement, the Dutch and later the English began to purchase land from the Indians. In these land transactions, the In- dians sold their lands for various quantities of European-made goods. The amount and types of trade goods involved in these transactions varied enormously. The Dutch and English purchased land from the Indians for such diverse items as clothing, alcoholic beverages, wampum, blankets, guns and gunpowder, cloth, tools, and kettles.

The Archaeological Record of the Contact Period

Thirty Contact Period archaeological sites have been located and documented in the Ramapo Mountains. A list of these sites as well as the European trade goods that were found within them is presented in Table 2. Table 2 amply demonstrates that Indian peoples were occupying or using the northern Highlands region during the Contact-Early Historic Period, i.e. from 1600 A.D. to c. 1750 A.D. This archaeological data clearly shows that the Indians did not disappear from the area during this period of time. The Contact-Early Historic Period 19

TABLE 2: Historic Contact Period Archaeological Sites

Site Name/ European Material/ Location Site Tvpe Suqaested Dates Reference Indian Fields village no data Bond 1710 Mahwah, NJ Havemeyer Estate village no data Bond 1710 Mahwah, NJ Darlington Rock rockshelter clay tobacco pipestem; Heusser1923 House 1600-1800 A.D. Mahwah, NJ Darlington R.S. rockshelter musket balls; clay tobacco Dater1972 Mahwah, New Jersey pipestems; 1600-1800 A.D. Bischoff & Kahn 1976 Hopper-Van Horn campsite glass beads; McMahon 1977; House 1600-1800 A.D. Arch. Res. Lab. Mahwah, NJ Stag Run 1 campsite clay tobacco pipe; LBA1996 28 Be 171 1660-1690 Mahwah, NJ Apshawa R.S. rockshelter clay tobacco pipestems; Lenik 1984 Bloomingdale, NJ 1600s Echo Lake campsite, silver brooch; c. 1730 Lenik 1976 West Milford, NJ fishing station 28PA136 campsite brass arrow pt., glass bead, Lenik et al Monksville Reservoir iron wire, iron frags., 4 clay 1984, Vol. 1 Ringwood, NJ tobacco pipe bowl frags.; Lenik & radiocarbon dates of AD. Ehrhardt 1986 1645, A.D. 1680 Vol.2 Potake Pond campsite 2 clay tobacco pipestems Lenik 1987a Ramapo, NY slipware, gray stoneware, white s.g. stoneware, porcelain frags., poss. glass scraper; 1600-1800 A.D. Rpo1 rockshelter clay tobacco pipe: "EE" Funk 1976 Ramapo R.S. triangular brass arrow pt. Ramapo, NY musket ball; post 1676 Boulder/Torn Brook rockshelter pewter button; prob. 1800s Lenik 1993 Ramapo, NY Tiorati R.S. rockshelter glass bead, clay tobacco Funk 1976 Tuxedo, NY pipe frags: "RT," rum bottle frags., gunflints, buttons, English copper coin; 1700s 20 Indians In The Ramapos

TABLE 2: Historic Contact Period Archaeological Sites

Site Name/ European Material/ Location Site Type Suqqested Dates Reference Twin Lakes rockshelter gunflint, clay pipe frags. P.I.PC. 1996a Woodbury, NY Campsite No. 1, campsite R. Tippett pipes, European RI.P.C. 1996a Foot of Dunderberg, ceramics, glass, nails. Stony Point, NY Terminus antequem 1776 Claudius Smith's rockshelter 3 English copper coins Schrabisch Horse Stable Rock (two 1729; one 1737); 4 1909, 1936 Tuxedo, NY lead musket balls; post 1737 White Rabbit rockshelter ceramics; rum bottle frags.; Funk 1976 Tuxedo, NY clay tobacco pipes; musket shot; 1600-1800 AD. Rpo3 rockshelter silver button, brass button; Funk 1976 Breakneck R.S. prob. 1700s Haverstraw, NY Spring House R.S. rockshelter clay tobacco pipe, clay Lenik 1995c NYSM #7911 tobacco pipestem, glass Sloatsburg, NY bead; 1680 AD. Awosting R.S. rockshelter no data Welles 1933 West Milford, NJ Oakland Center village no data Bond 1710 Oakland, NJ Welling Farm village no data Ruttenber & Warwick, NY Clark 1881 Stony Point R.H. rockshelter copper penny, Schrabisch Stony Point, NY "Nova Caesara" 1787 1936 Fort Clinton campsite; glass bead; clay tobacco Lenik & Dallal Bear Mountain, NY lithic workshop pipe frags.; prob. 1700s 1992 Tom Jones Mountain rockshelter iron knife; 2 copper English Schrabisch Rockhouse coins George II, 1734 & 1936 Tuxedo, NY 1739; 1 copper coin marked "Guilhelmug"; post 1739 Substation Site village no data NYSOPRHP A071-02-0061 Town of Chester, NY Old Highland Lake campsite glass beads Inc. O.C.C, Town of Chester, NY NYSAA The Contact-Early Historic Period 21

TABLE 2: Historic Contact Period Archaeological Sites

Site Name/ European Material/ Location Site Type Suggested Pates Reference O'Rourke Burial campsite and copper coin, clay tobacco Rl.PC. 1996b Town of New Windsor, mortuary pipestems; ceramics, prob. Funk 1976 NY 1700s Nicoll Farm/Plum campsite copper pendant, clay Rl.PC. 1996b Point tobacco pipe Town of New Windsor, NY The Chairs campsite; glass beads Lenik n.d. West Milford, NJ lithic scatter

The archaeological record, presented above, is a major source of information on Native American life in the northern Highlands prior to the nineteenth century. The data recovered from the various sites is information that is not addressed in the documentary record. The archaeological evidence indicates the extensive use of rockshelters as habitation sites by Indians during the Historic Contact Period (FIG- URE 4). This is hardly surprising given the nature of this physiographic province. Fourteen rockshelters were found to contain a few European- made items in association with specimens of Native American material culture. Eleven of the reported sites (Table 2) can be characterized as open-air campsites and also contained artifacts of European manufacture. Five sites—the Welling Farm, the Substation Site, Havemeyer Estate, In- dian Fields, and Oakland Center—are described as villages in the documentary records. They are also known to local artifact collectors but archaeological analysis of material recovered is lacking at this time. Many of the European-made artifacts found at the sites were produced over long periods while undergoing little diagnostic change in style, shape or technology. However a few of the items found permit us to date some of the sites with some accuracy. My analysis of the European-made items suggests dates for the reported sites which are also indicated in Table 2. The archaeological evidence within rockshelters and open air campsites indicates a settlement pattern consisting of small camps that were occupied for short periods of time. The available data consisting primarily of projectile points, stone tools and faunal material, indicates a reliance upon The Contact-Early Historic Period 23 Some personal adornment is suggested by the presence of glass beads at seven of the reported sites. Buttons were found at three rockshelters, a copper pendant at the Nicoll Farm Site in New Windsor, New York (FIG- URE 7) and a silver brooch at the Echo Lake campsite in West Milford, New Jersey. Smoking was apparently a common activity as indicated by the clay tobacco pipe bowl and stem fragments which were found at twelve sites (FIGURE 8). The discovery of a silver brooch at Echo Lake (formerly called Ma- copin Pond) in West Milford Township, New Jersey suggests the possibil- ity of Indian encampments here during the first half of the eighteenth century. The Echo Lake Site, located at the northern end of the lake, was occupied intensively by Indians during the Late Woodland Period. The silver brooch was found in good archaeological context, i.e., in association with Indian produced material. The brooch measures 4.5 centimeters in diameter and has a decorated face consisting of a thin layer of silver applied to a cast metal base. The silver brooch, an article of adornment, has a beau- tifully tooled design (FIGURE 9). It appears to be similar to silver ornaments sewed on classical Delaware Indian women's clothing produced in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Commercial silver, such as ornaments, appears late in the inventories of European traders and the majority of such trade objects were produced and distributed after 1730. Ac- cording to archaeologist Marshall Becker, circle brooches, in particular, became extremely common after 1750. It is reasonable to infer that the silver brooch was traded to and in the possession of an Indian at Echo Lake at some time during the eighteenth century. Indians were present in the area in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. According to the Vreeland family genealogy published in 1909, Jacob and Garrett Vreeland purchased a tract of land at "Mackepin" from two Indians named Motorwas and Amichos in 1753. Macopin, now a section of West Milford Township, New Jersey includes Echo Lake. In addition, local legend related to me in 1989 by James H. Norman indicates that Indians lived in this general area during the early nineteenth century. There is a suggestion that European-made ceramics may have been employed in food processing or food serving at the Potake Pond campsite and the White Rabbit Rockshelter in New York. The use of alcohol products is indicated by the presence of rum bottle fragments which were found at the Tiorati and White Rabbit rockshelters. Finally, English copper coins and one American coin were recovered FIGURE 5: A sample of triangular projectile points from Monksville Reservoir Site 28 Pa 13b. Top left: brass arrowpoint. All others are made of chert. (Drawing by Thomas Fitzpatrick)

FIGURE 6: A strip of sheet brass cut and scored into triangular projectile points by an iron knife and hammerstone. (Drawing by Thomas Fitzpatrick) FIGURE 7: Copper pendant with two holes near rim. Diameter 1 1/4 inches. Recovered from the Nicoll Farm Site, New Windsor, N.Y. (Drawing by Thomas Fitzpatrick)

FIGURE 8: European-made clay tobacco pipe recovered from a hearth in the Spring House Rockshelter, Sloatsburg, N.Y. Dated stylistically and by OCR method to c. 1680. (Drawing by Thomas Fitzpatrick) The Contact-Early Historic Period 27 Interpreting the Archaeological Record

European trade goods have been recovered from thirteen rockshelters in the Ramapo Mountains. The amount of trade goods found within these sites was extremely sparse. This result is not surprising when one consid- ers the environmental setting and function of these sites. These rockshelters are small, located in rugged mountainous areas and were utilized as short-term hunting and resource gathering camps probably on a seasonal basis. They were occupied by small groups of people who utilized the overhanging ledges as living quarters. It is reasonable to assume that hunting and gathering groups would generally be inclined to travel light while on food and/or other resource forays, that is, with a minimum of supplies and equipment. Therefore, the amount of utilitarian and personal trade items brought to a particular habitation site under these circumstances would be small. The potential for loss and later recovery of these artifacts would likewise be minimal. The same circumstances would most likely apply to open air campsites as well. The Indian bands in the Ramapos during the Contact Period were hunting primarily with triangular-shaped stone-tipped projectiles. The recovery of musket balls, gunflints, and triangular brass arrow points suggest some changes in the technology and use of hunting implements. The analysis of the European trade goods recovered from the sites indicates that some of the items were of Dutch and English origin. For example, a clay tobacco pipestem recovered from the Apshawa Rockshelter in Bloomingdale, New Jersey, is very well made, light gray to white in color and burnished, features which are characteristic of Dutch pipes. Two marked clay tobacco pipestems found at this site are clearly of English origin. A pipe fragment marked "RT" was found at the Tiorati Rockshelter located in Harriman State Park, New York. This pipe was undoubtedly a product of one of the most important pipemaking families in Bristol, Eng- land, that of Robert Tippet, which spanned the period from 1660 to 1722 and perhaps beyond. There were three generations of Robert Tippet pipe- makers, the last of which, Robert Tippet III, is shown in the Bristol records as working from 1713-1722. Pipes marked with the initials "RT" have been found in well dated archaeological contexts as late as 1777. Finally, a clay tobacco pipe with a maker's mark "EE" was found at the Ramapo Rockshelter. This pipe was probably made by Edward Evans, a Bristol pipemaker who was apprenticed in 1676. 28 Indians In The Ramapos In the 1970s, archaeological excavations were conducted at the Hopper-Van Horn House on Ramapo Valley Road in Mahwah, New Jer- sey by students from Ramapo College. The site is along the eastern edge of the Ramapo Mountains. An Indian trading post was reportedly established in the vicinity of the house around 1700 by Blandina Bayard. The artifact collection from these excavations contains three blue glass trade beads and Native American artifacts such as projectile points and chert flakes. The presence of these artifacts at the site indicates Indians occupied the site. The glass beads suggest interaction or trade with the Europeans probably at the trading post in the area. In 1990, archaeological excavations were conducted at the Stag Run Site which is located on the west side of the Ramapo River, opposite the Hopper-Van Horn House, also in the vicinity of the reported Indian trading post. A clay tobacco pipe bowl was recovered from this site and is believed to have been manufactured in either Bristol, England or Gouda in Holland. Archaeologist Diane Dallal dates this pipe to between 1660 and 1690. While this time period is somewhat earlier than the reported establishment of the trading post near this site, it does indicate contact and trade between Indians and Europeans. The archaeological record convincingly demonstrates the presence of Indians in the Ramapo Mountains-northern Highlands area during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. They consisted of small bands or groups who occupied primarily rockshelters and open air campsites that func- tioned as resource procurement and processing areas. They continued to rely upon a hunting and gathering subsistence economy during the Contact Period. No evidence has been found to suggest that the introduction of Euro- pean material culture during the Contact Period caused the rapid decline of Native American technologies. On the contrary, the data indicates that the Indians' stone tool making technology and the production and utilization of ceramic pots persisted into the early eighteenth century. The archaeological excavations at the Spring House Rockshelter, Monksville 28 Pa 136, and Stag Run Sites in particular support this conclusion as pottery fragments of a type called Munsee Incised were found in association with European-made goods. Furthermore, the Indians reworked European- made sheet brass by cutting and fashioning this material into triangular arrow points similar to those made of stone. The physical remoteness of the Ramapo Mountains and sparse Euro- pean settlement enabled small Indian groups to remain in the region, to 4 Riverine Camp, Rockshelter, Rock Art

Nearly 100 years of archeological survey and excavation work in the northern Highlands region has resulted in the discovery of 300 Native American sites. All of these sites are an important part of the fabric of Na- tive American life in this region. They serve to illustrate the specific adap- tations made by Indian peoples to the environmental conditions present in the Highlands, their settlement and subsistence patterns, technology and culture. Three notable examples are presented here.

The Monksville Reservoir Site, 28 Pa 136

The Wanaque River flows southerly from Greenwood Lake through a narrow, densely wooded valley and enters the new Monksville Reservoir in upper Passaic County, New Jersey. In 1740, Greenwood Lake was referred to by its Indian name "Quampium," which means "long-water- place," the upper end of the Wanaque River as "Wewappo" meaning "it- is-continually-white," while the lower end of the river was identified as "Long Pond or Winokey River." Later in time, the valley and the river which flows through it has traditionally been referred to as "Wyanockie," a name reportedly meaning "sassafras place" to the Indians. In 1985, data recovery or rescue excavations were carried out within the then proposed Monksville Reservoir at a prehistoric site referred to as the Monksville Reservoir Site 28 Pa 136. (The number-letter designation is the Smithsonian system of identifying sites that is followed by the New Jersey State Museum and which maintains the prehistoric sites inventory.) This site was located on the east bank of the Wanaque River and positioned downstream from natural stone rapids in the river bed. The presence of river rapids adjacent to the campsite was not a random occurrence. Rather, the data strongly suggested that the selection of this site near these natural

30 Riverine Camp, Rockshelter, Rock Art 31 rapids was a deliberate and conscious decision on the part of the Indians. It is postulated that these rapids served as natural traps or weirs which facili- tated the procurement offish and as a fording place for crossing the river. The site itself was on a narrow and flat strip of wooded riverbank situated about five feet above the waters edge. It was a small campsite that measured approximately 100 feet in length and twenty-five feet in width on the floodplain of the river. The Wanaque River and its nearby tributar- ies Hewitt Brook and Beech Brook located upstream would have provided fresh drinking water and a wealth of aquatic subsistence resources while the adjacent forest provided abundant floral and faunal resources. The archaeological excavations at the Monksville Reservoir Site uncovered evidence of a small undisturbed Late Woodland to Historic Con- tact Period occupation zone. Eight cultural features were found within the site including three surface fire hearths, a granite slab, a pile of cobble- stones, an oval-shaped ring of stones, a post mold, and a very small oval- shaped black soil stain. The granite slab was an unusual feature. It measured 22 inches by 21 inches by 1 1/2 inches in thickness and weighed fifty-four pounds. It was quarried or split off from a large boulder and purposely brought to and placed on the site. A hammerstone, chert flake and two pieces of charcoal were found adjacent to the stone slab. Its association with three surface fire hearths located nearby suggested that it may have served as a food processing platform in the manner of a butcher block. The cobblestone pile, 27 inches by 21 inches in areal extent, consisted of stones of various sizes deliberately piled up perhaps to serve as a source of raw material for some undetermined function. The function of the ring of stones, which measured 27 inches by 18 inches in outside diameter was not determined; it may have been intended to serve as a stone-rimmed hearth. Of the three surface fire hearths discovered at the campsite, sufficient charcoal was obtained from one, designated as Feature 9, for radiocarbon dating. The charcoal sample from this feature produced a radiocarbon date of 270 ± 80 years before the present (1950) or 1680 A.D. In addition, large chunks of charcoal were found adjacent to the fire hearth and the species of wood of these specimens were identified as American chestnut, yellow poplar, red oak and maple. A second radiocarbon age determination was secured from a charcoal sample recovered elsewhere on the site; it produced a date of 305 ± 75 years before the present or 1645 A.D. Artifact recoveries totaled 8,622 specimens, most of which, 85%, 32 Indians In The Ramapos were stone tools, fire cracked rock and debitage or waste flakes from toolmaking, repair and maintenance. The raw material used by the Indians to make stone tools included chert, jasper, chalcedony, quartz, quartzite, argillite, shale, basalt and sandstone. Three hundred and thirteen stone tools were recovered from the site. Seven functional classes are represented in this total. Eighty-four projectile points and point fragments were found of which fifty-one could be identified as triangular in shape. These points are of a type known as Le- vanna and Madison and date to the Late Woodland Period. Also recovered were 197 utilized flakes which were used as scrapers, spokeshaves, cutting and slicing tools. These tools are flakes, rejects, fragments, or unfinished pieces of stone that were picked up and selected for use because of their edge sharpness. They were not used for very long or resharpened, and were simply used as expedient tools and quickly discarded. Three formal scrapers, tools that were deliberately manufactured in a purposeful manner by being unifacially flaked, were also found. There were three hammerstone recoveries which were used as per- cussion tools by the Indians. One woodworking tool, a celt, was also found. Six artifacts that were attributed to the Historic Contact Period were recovered from the excavations. A brass arrowpoint in the shape of an equilateral triangle and one dark blue glass trade bead were found at the site. Also recovered were a piece of iron wire, three unidentified iron fragments, and four fragments of a clay tobacco pipe bowl of European manufacture. The ceramic assemblage from Site 136 consisted of 640 potsherds. Of this total sixteen fragments were identified as Munsee Incised, a type that has a temporal span ranging from c. 1400 A.D. to 1735 A.D. Also recovered were three fragments of Kelso Corded pottery attributed to the Late Pa- haquarra to Early Minisink cultures dating from c. 1250 A.D. to c. 1400 A.D. Nineteen fragments of Owasco rim and Owasco Platted neck sherds, seven Bowman's Brook Incised and one fragment of Levanna Cord-On-Cord were in the collection. These pottery types have been attributed to the Pa- haquarra Phase of the Late Woodland Period dating from c. 1000 A.D. to c. 1350 A.D. In sum, the pottery types belong to two distinct prehistoric cultural phases, namely the Minisink and Pahaquarra phases. Both the verti- cal and horizontal distribution of identified pottery suggest that there were at least two periods of occupation of the site during the Late Woodland Pe- riod. Riverine Camp, Rockshelter, Rock Art 33 One specimen of a clay tobacco pipe of Indian manufacture was found. It consisted of ten fragments of a thick undecorated stem that was reconstructed; it measured 58 millimeters long. This pipe probably dates to the end of the Late Woodland and Contact-Early Historic Periods. The floral and faunal assemblage consisted of 616 fragments of cal- cined bone of unidentified species, twenty-four fragments of shell including freshwater mussels Elliptio complantus solander, fourteen non-carbonized seeds and several fragments of burned wood. The spatial distribution of artifacts recovered from the Monksville Reservoir site revealed the presence of two activity areas. At the south end of the site was a food processing, preparation and consumption zone as indicated by the presence of three hearths, a granite processing slab, high concentrations of bone and shell fragments, pottery fragments, and fire cracked rock. The majority of flaked stone tools such as scrapers were found here as well. A second activity area was located at the center of the site which was primarily a tool production and maintenance zone. The Monksville Reservoir Site 28 Pa 136 was occupied during the Late Woodland Period and Historic Contact Period. The data indicate brief successive occupation by small groups of people who performed a limited range of activities. The site is characterized as a limited function resource procurement and processing site. The following model describes the major characteristics of this riverside camp. The Monksville Reservoir Site was occupied by small bands or groups of people. From the site, individual hunting or gathering parties would make forays into the surrounding area in search of specific resources. Game from the catchment area and fish or river mussels from the Wanaque River would be secured and brought back to the site. Aquatic resources were most likely procured from the area of the river rapids which formed a natural trap or weir. A netsinker was found at the site and lends weight to this premise. The processing and initial consumption of food resources would have taken place at the southern end of the site. All of these activities may have taken several days. Later, any residual or fully proc- essed resources such as smoked or dried meat or fish would have been transported back to a main base camp located elsewhere for storage and final consumption. Toolmaking and repair was an ongoing activity. Stone working activities were concentrated on the late stages of tool manufacture or in the maintenance or refurbishing of previously completed tools. This procurement-processing site was most likely occupied during the late summer to early fall. 34 Indians In The Ramapos The Spring House Rockshelter

In 1992, archaeological excavations were conducted at the Spring House Rockshelter Site (New York State Museum number 7911) located north of Eagle Valley Road in the Village of Sloatsburg, Rockland County, New York. The excavations were carried out by staff and volunteers of Sheffield Archaeological Consultants of Butler, New Jersey in advance of the proposed construction of a residential development within a forty-five acre tract in order to mitigate the construction impact and rescue as much information as possible from the site. The Spring House Rockshelter is an overhanging rock outcrop that protrudes from a steeply sloping hillside near the bottom of a small ravine. The shelter measures twenty feet (6 meters) in length, thirteen feet (4 meters) in depth and six and one-half feet (2 meters) in maximum height at the outer dripline of the rock. The opening or shelter area faces west- northwest. The available living space for the prehistoric occupants would have been limited to the western two-thirds of the shelter as the rear or eastern portion would not have been habitable due to the acute angle formed by the junction of the sloping roof and floor. A pocket of water, a spring, was present within the northeast section of the shelter and the site was named for this natural feature. In prehistoric times, the location of the Spring House Rockshelter near the head of the Ramapo Pass was significant. From this place, the bounty of the Ramapo River, streams, lakes, wetlands and forest in the area were easily accessible. The Ramapo River, located about three-fourths of a mile (1.2 kilometers) to the east of the rockshelter is the principal water- course in the area. A large wetland known today as Delaney Swamp lies some 1200 feet (360 meters) north-northeast of the rockshelter. The primary evidence of Indian occupation was concentrated within the floor space underneath the overhanging rock. However, some cultural material was found outside the shelter itself. At the time of excavation, 1992, the site was undisturbed; it was protected by its close proximity to a private estate house which maintained its anonymity and kept away looters and relic collectors. Cultural material was found lying on the ground surface and within natural-cultural soil deposits within the shelter. Fifteen cultural features were discovered and documented within the shelter. Of this total, seven features were judged to be fire hearths, one a cache pit containing two semilunar butchering knives, a probable storage Riverine Camp, Rockshelter, Rock Art 35 pit, and the spring pool which apparently served as a refuse pit as it contained projectile points, flakes, hammerstones, a netsinker, knives, an abrader, bone fragment and potsherds. Absolute dates were obtained from three of the cultural features. A sample of charcoal secured from Feature number 6, a fire hearth, yielded a radiocarbon date of 370 ± 80 years before the present or 1580 A.D. In addition to charcoal, this hearth contained flakes, a jasper core, fire cracked rock, a chert biface fragment, a pitted anvilstone and pottery fragments identified as Munsee Incised and Otstungo Incised. A sample of charcoal was also obtained from Feature 14, a cache pit. Three artifacts were recovered from this feature's soil matrix: a broken semilunar knife made from polished slate, a chipped stone semilunar knife of argillite, and a utilized chert flake. A third semilunar knife, chipped from gneiss, was found adjacent to the pit. A radiocarbon date by accelera- tor mass spectrometry was obtained from the charcoal sample: 3380 ± 65 years before the present or 1430 B.C. Analysis of the charcoal was performed at the University of Arizona, National Science Foundation- Arizona AMS facility. Feature 13, also a fire hearth, was dated by a new method called Oxi- dizable Carbon Ratio. A soil sample from this hearth yielded an OCR date of 260 ± 8 years before the present (1950) or 1690 A.D. Several artifacts were found within Feature 13 including fire cracked rock, flakes, a biface, hammerstone, a pebble netsinker, a potsherd, bone fragments and a complete clay tobacco pipe bowl of European manufacture. The clay tobacco pipe bowl was dated stylistically to around 1680 A.D., thus lending cre- dence to the OCR date. Two hundred thirteen projectile points and point fragments were recovered from the site. The projectile point types in the collection indicate a broad period of occupation of the rockshelter ranging from the Middle Ar- chaic Period (c. 4000 B.C.) to the Late Woodland Period, c. 1600 AD. Pro- jectile point types found at the site include triangular points (30), Lamoka (51), Brewerton (12), Lackawaxen stemmed (26), Normanskill (16), Bare Island (12), Jacks Reef Pentagonal (9), Neville Stemmed (1), Meadowood (1), Orient Fishtail (1), Beekman triangle (1), Squibnocket triangle (2), Vosburg (1), Poplar Island (1), Snook Kill (2) and Squibnocket Stemmed

A broad range of tools were recovered from the rockshelter. Two hundred chipped stone tools were found including scrapers, knives, biface fragments, spokeshaves, drills, a graver, chopper, utilized flakes and 36 Indians In The Ramapos cores. Of eighty-nine pecked, ground, polished and rough stone tools, fifty-eight were identified as hammerstones, two stone mauls, three anvil- stones, fifteen abraders, one pestle, one mano, a celt, and nine netsinkers. One thousand seventy seven pottery fragments were found. Fourteen vessel types were identified in this assemblage including known types such as Kelso Corded, Shantok Incised, Munsee Incised, Deowongo In- cised, Otstungo Notched, Otsrungo Incised, Bowman's Brook Incised, Vi- nette II. The Vinette II vessel type dates to the Middle Woodland Period or c. 1 AD. to c. 1000 A.D. but the vast majority of the ceramic specimens date to the Late Woodland to Historic Contact Periods or from c. 1300 A.D. to c. 1700 A.D. Of special interest in the pottery collection are two vessels, one dating to the Terminal Late Woodland and the other to the Historic Contact Pe- riod. The first is a Munsee Incised castellated rim-collar fragment containing an effigy face consisting of two oblong depressions representing eyes, and an oblong depression representing a mouth. This vessel was associated with cultural Feature number 6, a hearth, which was radiocarbon dated to 370 ± 80 years B.P. or 1580 A.D. The effigy face on this pot, the "Mesingw" or "graven image" is an indication of Indian spiritual beliefs. It represents a spirit or deity, possibly the "Mizinkhalikun" meaning "living solid face." According to anthropologist M.R. Harrington, the Munsees regarded this spiritual being as a powerful expeller of disease, a great shaman. The second vessel is a miniature pot of a type called Shantok Incised. This fragment contains a corn effigy on its castellated rim. It was found in association with a clay tobacco pipe fragment of European origin. The Shantok Incised vessel fragment has a temporal range that extends from c. 1650 A.D. to c. 1700 A.D. The corn effigy on a miniature vessel evokes the Delaware legend "The Disappearance of Mother Corn" which by the late 19th century devolved into the "handful of corn ceremony" practiced by the Ramapo Mountain People. The faunal assemblage from the Spring House Rockshelter consists of 5,757 bone and shell fragments. Several animal species have been identified in the collection including duck, turkey, unidentified bird, bear, beaver, raccoon, deer, elk, rabbit, fish, turtle, and freshwater clam. Five bone tools were found; three have been identified as awls but the other two, although clearly modified fragments, could not be assigned a function. A variety of other artifacts were recovered from the excavations including four glass trade beads, reddish-brown ochre and paintstone fragments, and a clay tobacco pipe fragment of Indian manufacture. Riverine Camp, Rockshelter, Rock Art 37 Twenty-five cores, primarily chert material, and 3,500 flakes and fragments of stone debitage were recovered from the site. The primary lithic material utilized by the site occupants was gray and black chert. Small quantities of quartz, quartzite, argillite, shale, basalt, sandstone, slate, chalcedony, siltstone, jasper and felsite were also used to make tools. The lithic raw materials were brought to the site from elsewhere and consisted primarily of glacially deposited cobbles most likely secured from gravel beds and stream banks. Some quarried material such as Onondaga Chert and Normanskill Chert were present at the site. The raw materials, debitage and tools indicate that all stages of tool manufacture occurred at the site as well as tool maintenance. The rescue excavations at the Spring House Rockshelter uncovered abundant evidence of an undisturbed multicomponent site that was occupied periodically from the Middle Archaic Period to the Historic Contact Period or from c. 5000 B.C. to c. 1750 AD. Functional analysis of the tools indicates that subsistence resource procurement and processing activities took place at the site. Food was cooked and consumed here and perhaps stored as suggested by the two pits found within the shelter. The presence of an "in-house" potable water supply made this shelter attractive for continuing use. The data suggests long and intensive periods of occupation where a broad range of activities took place including hunting, gathering, fishing, netting, food processing and consumption, tool making and maintenance, woodworking, drilling, cutting and scraping of wood, bone, hides, or other plant material, ceremonial and possibly personal adornment using red ochre.

An Indian Petroglyph

In 1990, an Indian petroglyph (rock carving) was discovered on an outcrop of bedrock located on the Hemlock Hill Trail in Harriman State Park, New York. Two incised designs were carved on the top surface of the bedrock within the old hiking trail situated south of Tom Jones Mountain in the Town of Tuxedo, Orange County. The Hemlock Hill Trail, long established and well used was once a mountain road that dates back to at least the middle of the 19th century. The hiking trail and petroglyph site lie in a hollow between two ridges. The petroglyph consists of two incised and contiguous designs carved Riverine Camp, Rockshelter, Rock Art 39 side view. The head of the turtle, which also faces south, touches the body of the deer or elk. The dome-shaped carapace is readily apparent and three appendages extend from the body. The two incised designs are shallow, about two to three millimeters wide, and have a combined overall length of seventeen centimeters. At the time of discovery, the figures were patinated and had the appearance of some antiquity. Analysis of the designs indicated that it was an Indian rock carving that was probably of Late Woodland age, i.e. circa 1000 A.D. to c. 1600 AD. The turtle figure may represent the turtle phratry of the Munsee speaking Delaware Indians who lived in this area prior to the coming of European settlers. From ethnohistoric accounts, we know that the turtle or tortoise is prominent in the creation myth of the Delaware Indians. Ac- cording to this creation myth, the first humans and thus life itself sprang from a tree which grew on the back of a turtle which was itself surrounded by water. The fact that the turtle touches the deer-elk figure suggests that some form of sympathetic hunting magic may have been intended at this site. The turtle and deer-elk designs may represent a spiritual attempt by the In- dians to procure success in hunting in the area. The petroglyph may also represent a trail marker or designate a hunting territory of the Delaware In- dians. The Hemlock Hill Trail Petroglyph may advance our understanding of Lenape kinship groups in the period before the arrival of Europeans. In the 19th century, anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan stated that one of the ten known clans that belonged to the Turtle phratry of the Delaware In- dians was the Deer Clan. This petroglyph suggests the existence of a Turtle phratry and the Deer Clan that belonged to it among the proto-Munsee In- dians of the area. 5 Historic Contact Period: The Written Record

The documentary record supports the argument that Indians were present in the northern Highlands region during the period 1600 A.D. to 1800. Ar- chaeologist Robert S. Grumet has compiled a documentary data base, an archive known as the Munsee File, containing all known published and unpublished records dating to the 17th and 18th centuries relating to the Munsee Indians. The Munsees were the northernmost group of Delaware Indians whose homeland extended across the uplands of northern New Jer- sey and southeastern New York from the lower Hudson Valley to the Up- per Delaware River valley. It is interesting to note that the name Munsee is derived from "Minisink" which means "gathered-stones-place," a phrase which aptly describes the topography and geology of this region. Grumet in his 1989 study of Munsee demography had identified forty-seven individually named people as present in a geographic area he calls "Esopus Country" during the period 1652 to 1778. The location of the Esopus Country is described as the area "between the lower Hudson and upper Delaware rivers in Ulster, Orange, and Sullivan counties, New York." Also, Grumet has identified fifty individually named people as present in a geographic area called "Northern New Jersey Country" during the period 1643 to 1762. This area includes the Hackensack and Passaic River Valleys extending west to the Musconetcong and Minisink settlements along the Upper Delaware River. While the geography of these two areas is considerably beyond the area included in this study, Grumet's analysis nevertheless documents the presence of Indians in this region. Thirty-three Indians have been identified as prominent signatories to land transactions in northern New Jersey and southeastern New York. These individuals and their activities in this region are briefly outlined in Table 3. This summary is based primarily on the research of Robert S. Gru- met (see bibliography) and George H. Budke's study of Indian deeds.

40 Historic Contact Period: The Written Record 41 TABLE 3: Major Indian Leaders in the Northern Highlands Area

Name Activity and Date Taphow: ...Sells land between the Pompton and Pequan- nock Rivers. 1696 ...Sells Kakiat Patent. 1696 ...Described as "Sakemau and Commander in Chief of all those Indians inhabiting northern New Jersey." 1701, 1702, 1703, 1714 ...Witnesses Wawayanda Patent deed. 1703 ...Sells land between Ramapo and Haverstraw Rivers. 1710 ...Listed in a sale of land located between the Passaic and Pequannock Rivers. 1714 Claes Ye Indian: ...Acts as witness and interpreter for sale of land located between Haverstraw, Hackensack and Hudson Rivers. 1671 ...Described as being "of Tappan." 1677 ...Pakami, his wife, sells land located between the Pompton and Pequannock Rivers. 1696 ...Sells Kakiat Patent. 1696 ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Egohohowen: ...Described as Chief of the Munsies; sells northern NJ and acknowledges payment. 1758 Hendrick Hekan: ...A Munsee Indian who participated in the sale of northern NJ. 1758 laiapogh: ...Participated in the sale of land located between the Pompton and Pequannock Rivers to Arent Schuyler. 1696 ...A place name near Ramapo. 1700 Joris: ...Described the bounds of the Kakiat Patent. 1736 Lappawinza: ...Sells land located between the Pompton and Pequannock Rivers. 1723 Marringgamahhan: ...Sells land located between Haverstraw, Hack- ensack and Hudson Rivers. 1671 ...Participates in sale of Kakiat Patent. 1696 ...Sells Cheesecocks land. 1702, 1703, 1704 Memshe: ...Sells land near Pompton. 1696 Manis: ...With four other Indians sells tract of land called Pothat (Sloatsburg, NY) 1737/8 42 Indians In The Ramapos TABLE 3: Major Indian Leaders in the Northern Highlands Area

Name Activity and Pate Nimham: ...Sells Kakiat Patent. 1696 Memerescum: ...Sells land at Ramapo. 1700 ...Described as "sole sachem of all the nations on Romopuck (Ramapo), Sadie, Pasqueek, Narashunk and Hackinsack Rivers and Ta- paan." Sells land between Haverstraw and Ra- mapo Rivers. 1710 ...Sells land located between the Pequannock and Pompton Rivers. 1723 ...Sells land located on the Ramapo River. 1727 Taparnekan: ...Sells Kakiat Patent. 1696 ...Sells land in Cheesecocks Patent. 1704 Nimham: ...Described as a chief of the Waping (Wappin- ger) or Pompton Indians. Cedes all of northern New Jersey at the treaty of Easton. 1758 Cobus 2: ...Listed as a Pompton Indian at the Burlington Treaty. 1756 Delaware Captain ...Listed as a Pompton Indian at the Burlington John: Treaty. 1756 ...Acknowledged payment for sale of northern New Jersey. 1758 Nackpunck: ...Sells land near Pompton. 1696 ...Sells land at Ramapough. 1700 ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Nowenock: ...Sells land between the Pompton and Pequan- nock Rivers. 1696, 1723 ...Participates in the sale of the Wawayanda Pat- ent. 1703 ...Witnesses the sale of the Cheesecocks Patent. 1704 ...Sells land on the Ramapo River. 1727 ...Sells land at Wanaque, NJ. 1729 Qualaghquainyou: ...Sells land at Wanaque, NJ. 1729 ...Listed as a Wapping or Pompton Indian at the Easton Treaty. Participant in the sale of northern NJ. 1758 Tammekappei: ...Sells Kakiat Patent. 1696 Historic Contact Period: The Written Record 43 TABLE 3: Major Indian Leaders in the Northern Highlands Area

Name Activity and Date Tomachkapay: ...Sells land between the Haverstraw, Hacken- sack and Hudson Rivers. 1671 Sakaghkemeck: ...Sachem of Haverstraw, with four other Indians (a.k.a.Sessikout) sells lona Island. 1683 Rumbout ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 ...Involved in land dispute, c. 1718 Chuckhass ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Chingapaw ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Oshasquemenus ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Quilaopow ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Rapingouick ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Wawassawan ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Cornelawaw ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Arawimack ...Sells Wawayanda Patent. 1703 Motorwas & Amichos ...Sell a tract of land at "Mackepin" (near Echo Lake, West Milford Township, N.J.) to Jacob and Garrett Vreeland in 1753.

Robert S. Grumet has indicated that many Indians from western Con- necticut moved into northern New Jersey and southern New York by the middle of the 1600s. In New Jersey, they were referred to as the Pompton, Opings, Waping or Wappinger Indians. Daniel Nimham (fl. 1745—1777) was the last leader of this group which numbered approximately 200 to 300 people consisting of displaced Mahican and Munsee speaking Indians. On October 23, 1758 Nimham, "the Eldest principall chief of the Wappin- gers or Opings," signed the Treaty of Easton (PA) which conveyed the land rights of the Pompton Indians in northern New Jersey to the English. Archaeologist Marshall Becker, citing Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, notes that some of the "Wapings or Pumptons" were living near "Goshen," New York at the time of the treaty signing. In his discussion of Indians in the Ramapo Pass published in 1915, E.F. Pierson cites a tradition that a "tribe of the Delawares called the Ra- mapos" once inhabited this area. These "Ramapos," states Pierson, were once "sufficiently numerous to cope with the Mohawks." Historian John W. DeForest, in his mid-19th century discussion of Indian tribes in western Connecticut reported that, "the Ridgefield clan called themselves the 44 Indians In The Ramapos Ramapoo Indians." The "Ramapoos" sold their Connecticut land in 1708 and migrated west. DeForest also stated that the Windsor Indians "had their principal seat at Poquonnuc," a place on the Farmington River a few miles from its confluence with the Connecticut River. The name Ramapo refers to geophysical features and locales or places in New York and New Jersey: the Ramapo Mountains, Ramapo Pass, Ramapo River, and the Town and Hamlet of Ramapo. In the early eighteenth century, the locations of three Indian settlements were recorded on a map drawn by William Bond along the Ramapo River at the foot of the mountains. E.M. Ruttenber in 1906 noted that the name was written in New York documents as "Ramepog" in 1695, "Ramepogh" in 1711, and "Ramapog" in 1775. In New Jersey, according to Ruttenber, the names are given as "Ramopock," "Romopock," "Remopuck" and "Ramapough." Two disparate meanings have been ascribed to the word Ramapo. John Heckwelder (in Reichel 1872:50) records that "Romopack" means a round pond or lake. This presumably refers to the Ramapo River's origin at Round Lake in Orange County, New York. Ruttenber on the other hand states that the word means "slanting rock" or "place or country of slanting rock." Raymond Whritenour, however, in a letter to this author, suggests that Ramapo/Ramapough may mean "under a rock" or "beneath a rock" from the Delaware word "Allamapuchk." Today, the name Pequannock refers to a river, and a township located in the northeastern corner of Morris County, New Jersey. Pequannock was once a large territory that included the present political boundaries of Montville, Boonton, Butler, Kinnelon, Jefferson, Rockaway and River- dale. The name had various spellings in the early records including "Paq- uannock" in 1694, "Pagunneck" in 1709 as well as "Pequannoc" and "Poquannoc". E.M. Ruttenber believes it to be an Indian word referring to "all cleared land," while John Heckwelder (in Reichel 1872:50) records the word as "Pogunnock" meaning "the dark stream." Another interpretation by Raymond Whritenour, a scholar of the Lenape language, sees Pe- quannock as a form of the Delaware word "Pokawachne" (pronounced Pawk-ah-won-eh) meaning "a creek between two hills." The Pompton In- dians reportedly had a village at the junction of the now Pompton (formerly Ramapo) and Pequannock Rivers. As noted earlier, this Indian band migrated to New Jersey by the mid-seventeenth century from the mid- Hudson Valley-western Connecticut area. Based on the foregoing summary of Indian migrations and place Historic Contact Period: The Written Record 45 names it is possible to infer that several areas in the Ramapos were occupied by Indians from Connecticut during the Historic Contact Period. The Hopper-Van Horn House, built around 1750, stands on a narrow strip of land between Ramapo Valley Road and the Ramapo River in Mah- wah, New Jersey. An earlier dwelling, attributed to Lucas Kiersted in 1710, formerly stood on this tract of land which was originally called "Ra- mapough." The house and adjoining property are presently privately owned. One of the most interesting aspects of the early history of the Rama- pough area was the establishment of an Indian trading post around 1700. This trading post, first established by Blandina Bayard in the Ramapo section of her property, was later operated by her daughter-in-law Rachel Bayard and her nephew Lucas Kiersted. The exact location of the Indian trading post has not been established. However, Wm. Bond's Map of the Ramapo Tract, dated 1710, shows the existence of a house identified as belonging to Lucas Kiersted with three smaller structures surrounding it. This house and reported trading post are in the vicinity of the Hopper-Van Horn House. The 1710 Bond map also shows two Indian longhouses located approximately two miles upriver from the Kiersted House in the Mahwah, New Jersey-Suffern, New York area, another longhouse to the south in present day Oakland, New Jersey and two longhouses to the southeast in Wyckoff, New Jersey (FIGURE 11). We conclude that the depiction of longhouses on this map indicates the location of Indian settlements, one at the entrance to the Ramapo Pass, and another along the eastern edge of the Ramapo Mountains at Oakland, New Jersey. It is clear from Wm. Bond's Map of the Ramapo Tract that In- dians were present in the area in 1710.

W*it MiUord T.lhgy Btanrt Obv«r*« Side FIGURE 11: Portion of Wm Bond's Map of the Ramapo Tract dated April 25, 1710. Redrawn, with modern place names added, by Thomas Fitzpatrick. No scale. Continuing Presence of Indians in the Historic Period: Historical References, Observations and Folklore

The continuing presence of Indians in the northern Highlands region in the 18th, 19th and early 20th centuries is documented in several local history publications, letters, and newspaper accounts. These references to Indians are based primarily upon folklore or legends, stories which have been passed on over a long period of time and ultimately recorded as oral history. A few historic references to Indians, however, are based on direct individual observations which were recorded in letters, survey notes and journals. Table 4 is a summary-listing of historical references spanning the period from 1719 to 1993. Forty observations or comments relating to In- dians and places in the northern Highlands have been found in the litera- ture of the region.

TABLE 4: References to Indians and Places in the Northern Highlands Region Pate Description Location Reference c. 1709 Moringamen (one of Town of Cornwall, Hommedieu 1785:21 the Indians granting Orange Co., NY Cheesecocks) "lived near Mathews" C. 1715-20 Pocoremus and Town of Woodbury, Hommedieu 1785:5 Warodumoh (two Orange County, NY Indians) at Smith's house C. 1718 Land dispute with probably Town of Hommedieu 1785:17 Indians named Hany Warwick, Orange Co., Rumbouts and Romer NY

47 48 Indians In The Ramapos TABLE 4: References to Indians and Places in the Northern Highlands Region

Date Description Location Reference 1719 Indian plantation on near Southfields, Reading Ramapo River Orange Co., NY 1915:109-110 1724 400 acres sold by Town of Ramapo Cole 1884:263 Indians, on both sides Rockland Co., NY of Ramapo River near a place called Pothat (now Potake Pond) 1728 Smith and his father prob. eastern Orange Hommedieu 1785:5 talked with Indians in Co., NY the Highlands 1729 Anthony Beam lived Wanaque, Passaic Schenck 1886; among the Indians at Co., NJ Palatucci 1993 a place called Wild Plantation 1734 An Indian arrives at Pompton, Passaic Nelson 1895,2:359 Pompton Co., NJ 1735-47 Indian settlement at Town of Chester, Clinton 1735-47 Sugar Loaf Orange Ct., NY 1735-47 Indian settlement In the Clove, Orange Clinton 1735-47 along Ramapo River, Co., NY NY 1735-47 William Thompson probably Town of Hommedieu 1785:1! (chain bearer for C. Warwick, Orange Co., Clinton survey of NY Cheesecocks patent). They lodged one night in a wagon, saw and talked with the Indians 1740 Upper end of West Milford, Passaic Roome 1874-76: Wanaque River Co., NJ 163,7 referred to as Wewappo 1740 Ringwood River Ringwood, Passaic Roome 1874-76:7 referred to by its Co., NJ Indian name Topomopack 1740 Greenwood Lake West Milford Roome 1874-76 referred to by its NJ, Warwick, NY Indian name Quampium 1740 "Indian buryan (sic) Wanaque, Passaic Bergen Co. deed place" Co., NJ 1747 Indians assembled Rt. 202, 3/4ths mile Cole 1884:263 near Eisler House north of Suffern, Penfold 1955:24, 25 Rockland Co., NY Continuing Presence of Indians in the Historical Period 49 TABLE 4: References to Indians and Places in the Northern Highlands Region Date Description Location Reference 1753 Two Indians, Macopin, NJ Vreeland 1909:253 Motorwas and Amichos sell land. 1753, 1755 Cutlosses Plantation Portion of Riverdale, EJPR Survey returns; Butler, Kinnelon, NJ Whritenour 1995a, p.c. 1760, 1761, John DeFries/DeFrise/ Orange and Rockland Muster Rolls 1762 DeFrize an Indian Counties, NY 1891:334-335, born in Orange Co., 404-405, 460-461 NY in Captain Lents Company 1765 Letter describing probably Ringwood, Heusser 1923: 43-44 Indian lifeways Passaic Co., NJ 1780s Mrs. Isaac Sloat (nee Sloatsburg, Rockland Cole 1884:272 Lea Zabriskie) visits Co., NY Indian women living in wigwam on Ramapo River before 1785 Manuets (an Indian) Orange Co., NY Hommedieu 1785:21 left out of the deed and tract of land called by his name 1790 Indians observed near Woodbury Falls, McWhorter 1948:43 Mineral Springs Orange Co., NY 1790 A colony of Wanaque, Passaic Schrabisch 1922 Indian-Negroes Co., NJ 1803 George Ryerson West Milford, Passaic Welles 1933 trading with Indians Co., NJ living in Awosting Rockshelter 1807 Jacolo V. Belcher Glenwood, Sussex Sweetman 1993 marries Sara Conklin Co., NJ a Lenni Lenape Indian maiden 1827 Indians of mixed Mahwah, Bergen Co., Chinard 1959:162 blood living in NJ Ramapo Mountains C. 1836 A "half-breed" Indian Doodletown, NY Schrabisch 1936:81 lived in rockhouse probably "Last Indian" buried "Upper reaches of Sweetman 1961:10 early 19th c. on Thos. B. Vreeland Echo Lake" West property now part of Milford, Passaic Co., Newark Watershed NJ 50 Indians In The Ramapos TABLE 4: References to Indians and Places in the Northern Highlands Region

Date Description Location Reference early 19th c. "last" Indian families West Milford, Passaic Norman 1989, p.c. living east of Union Co., NJ Valley Rd. and north of Gould Rd. early 19th c. Indians at Sun Down West Milford, Passaic Otten & Weskerna Farms and Terhune Co., NJ 1976:11 homestead mid 19th c. Indians living in the Riverdale, Morris Co., Reuter 1973 mountains behind NJ (west) the Riverdale, NJ elementary school ? to 1870 Phoebe Jane Conklin Town of Ramapo, Smeltzer-Stevenot born in Orange Ct. A Rockland Co., NY 1993:30 "Mohawk" Indian Grippo 1994:1-12 living at Pine Meadow 1868-78 Silas Mount Pleasant Route 202, Town of Johnson 1894:161 a Tuscarora Indian Ramapo, Rockland Penfold 1955:25; worked for and lived Co., NY Grzybowski n.d. on land belonging to Augustus Coe 1908 John Sisco, an "old Ladentown, Rockland Speck 1908 man showing Indian Co., NY features." c. 1922 A settlement of Town of Tuxedo, Schrabisch 1922 Indian-Negroes within Orange Co., NY Tuxedo Park 1936 John Hathaway, a half Bloomingdale, Stapler 1977 p.c. breed Indian and his Passaic Co., NJ mother a full-blooded Pompton Indian 1975 Indian burying ground Town of Ramapo, Tholl 1975:47 off Split Rock Road Rockland Co., NY 1975 "Dance Rock," a place Along road from Bear Tholl 1975:47 where Indians Swamp to formerly danced Havermeyers; Mahwah, Bergen Co., NJ 20th c. Ramsey Conklin has Town of Ramapo, Sessions 1985:3 Indian ancestors Rockland Co., NY Continuing Presence of Indians in the Historical Period 51 In July, 1719 surveyor John Reading Jr. traveled from Mahackamack (Port Jervis, N.Y.) east then southeast through Orange County enroute to Pompton, N.J. In his journal, Reading records his arrival at an Indian plantation called Chechong located on the Wallkill River about three miles west of Goshen, N.Y. Reading describes this site as being "in good fence and well improved" and notes the presence of a canoe while crossing the river. From Goshen, Reading continued his journey southeasterly and records arriving at an Indian plantation by the side of the Pompton (Ramapo) River. My analysis indicates that this Indian encampment was near present day Southfields, New York. Charles Clinton, who surveyed the Cheesecocks patent beginning in 1732 noted the presence of Indian settlements within this large tract of land located in Orange County, New York. Clinton in his field book that spans the period from 1735—1747 described the presence of Indian "wiggwams" and settlements including one at Sugar Loaf and one in "the Clove" along the Ramapo River. The Indian settlement at Sugar Loaf probably refers to the site now known as the Substation Site which is described as a Historic Contact Period village located a short distance southeast of Sugar Loaf Mountain in the Town of Chester, New York. Clinton's reference to an In- dian settlement in "the Clove," along the Ramapo River, may be the same site near Southfields, New York which was previously visited by John Reading in 1719. While folklore and legends regarding Indians are extremely difficult to verify in terms of their location in time and space, they nevertheless can be important clues to people and places on the landscape. For example, the Reverend Garret C. Schenck, in his 1886 history of the Pompton Valley, New Jersey area, described a place known as "the Wild Plantation where the Indians had a settlement" around 1720. Schenck states that Anthony Beam lived among these Indians for many years and subsequently bought the land from them in 1729. Schenck in 1886 reported that the Wild Planta- tion was located "north of Cap'n Beam's Place" in present day Wanaque, N.J. The expression "Wild Plantation" comes from the Dutch "Wilde Pla- tage" (Jersey Dutch "Welde plontasi"), meaning "Indian Plantation." The Dutch word "wilde" means savage and in America it was applied to the native inhabitants. In 1922, archaeologist Max Schrabisch wrote that "as late as 1790 there was quite a colony of Indian-Negroes on the Wilde Plantasies around Haskell." The location given, Haskell, is most likely incorrect as this refers 52 Indians In The Ramapos to the southern section of the present Borough of Wanaque, New Jersey, whereas the site is actually at the northern end of the borough. More recently, Wanaque borough historian Frank Palatucci stated that the Wild Plantation was located near present day Lakeland Regional High School in Wanaque, N.J. on land that was sold to the Beam family in 1729. My research indicates that the Beam house, a stone structure, still stands on the north side of Conklintown Road at the corner of McKinnon Street near the Lakeland Regional High School. Furthermore, a search of the New Jersey State Museum's prehistoric site files revealed that an In- dian site designated by its Smithsonian registration number as 28Pal21 was recorded in the area between the Beam stone house and present day Skyline Lake. This site was located in "Upper Midvale" on elevated ground north of a swamp and was occupied by Indian groups during the Middle to Late Archaic Periods and the Late Woodland Period. Unfortu- nately this site has been destroyed by development. Surveyors and naturalists who encountered Indians and their habita- tions provided well-observed eyewitness accounts. To the journals of land surveyors John Reading and Charles Clinton, previously discussed, we add the name of Victor Jacquemont, a French naturalist who visited the Ramapo Valley in Mahwah, New Jersey in 1827. Jacquemont, in a letter to a friend mentioned the presence of "Indians of mixed blood" in the Ra- mapo Mountains. Jacquemont describes these Indians as living in log cabins located in the forested mountains with a subsistence economy that included the cultivation of small cornfields and the raising of livestock such as a cow and a few pigs. Jacquemont's letter states that they have "the wandering and independent instincts of the Indian race" which suggests that these Indians continued to practice a hunting and gathering way of life in addition to their small scale horticulture and animal husbandry. Thus, it appears that these people continued to employ subsistence activities that were characteristic of Indians during the Late Woodland Period of prehistory and adopted new techniques from their Euro-American neighbors. During his visit, Jacquemont lodged at what is now known as the Hopper-Van Horn House on Ramapo Valley Road (U.S. Route 202) in Mahwah, New Jersey. He describes the house as the place where "General Washington had his general headquarters in a small building which actually served as the kitchen to the house where I live." Another historical document pertaining to Indian occupation in the Ramapo Mountains is a letter that describes Indian lifeways in the region in the 18th century. This letter written by Peter Hasenclever to a friend in Continuing Presence of Indians in the Historical Period 53 Germany is dated August 16, 1765. Peter Hasenclever, a German mer- chant, purchased and operated the ironworks at Ringwood, New Jersey and Long Pond (now Greenwood Lake) on behalf of a group of London in- vestors. He lived in the Manor House at Ringwood. His eyewitness account of the Indians published in 1923 by A.H. Heusser in his book Homes and Haunts of the Indians is as follows:

Certain it is that the native Americans are, on the whole, weaker than the Europeans. Yet they are of medium height and their food and mode of life do not permit them to become stout. They dwell in the woods, roaming about constantly and subsisting almost entirely on the chase. Occasionally, they have more food than necessary, but for the most part they suffer the pangs of hunger. Of vegetables they use mostly Indian corn or maize, planted and harvested by the women. Pounded in a wooden mortar, they make of it a sort of mush. If the harvest miscarries, as sometimes happens, their misery is great. In winter they live on smoked meat of deer, bear, or beaver. Nor is hunting always good. Yet they are frugal and quite inured to famine. The men only go on the chase, while the women do all kinds of do- mestic chores. If the man shoots a bear or deer near his hut, his wife must drag it home; all he does is to blaze the way to it by breaking off twigs. Whenever the family moves from one place to another, the women are compelled to carry the baggage, blankets, kettles, etc. Babies are placed on top of the bundle, and when not yet weaned, they are wrapped up in mattings and fastened to a small board. When squatting down in the woods or building a fire, they place board and child against a tree or suspend it from a branch as a precaution against snakes; and, in this position, with the wind blowing, it is likely to swing to and fro. Often I was amazed to see the small creatures on the backs of their mothers, with the sun glaring in their face or the rain running into their eyes, and yet they never cried. The hovels, which they build here and there on their wanderings, are wretched. They consist of bark, peeled off the trees and spread out over poles in such a way that the water can run off. But in their settlements, which are made up of several families, the wigwams or huts are comfortable enough. As a rule, they are circular, with a fireplace in the centre, and directly above is a hole in the roof for the smoke to escape. Round about the fire are their couches of bear, beaver or other skins. This peltry improves after they have slept on it through the winter. In point of moderation and charity they certainly set an example to civi- lized peoples. When the savage has something, he divides it in equal parts with his family and friends; even an apple he will cut up in six or more por- tions, if there be so many persons present. 54 Indians In The Ramapos

They talk very little among themselves; they have few subjects which they might discuss, and for this reason their language is not rich in words: for their work and occupation consists almost wholly in hunting and fishing. Their way of expressing anything is usually allegorical, and in this manner they will make their meaning very clear.

The letter quoted above clearly indicates a first-hand account of the Indians and their lifeways. Hasenclever states that the Indians lived in settlements consisting of circular wigwams or huts which were occupied by several families. He further states that they practiced horticulture, and raised vegetables such as Indian corn. Unfortunately, Hasenclever does not describe the exact location of these habitation sites. However, it is likely that they are located somewhere in the region since Hasenclever's travels were primarily in the Ringwood area and New York City. The word "circular" used by Peter Hasenclever to describe their dwellings suggests that the Indians he saw were Lenapes or Delawares. Wigwams (from Lenape "wikwam") were circular lodges without parti- tions that housed individual families. Archaeological evidence of such a dwelling was found at the Wilder Mons Kerk-Hoff Site located near the Hackensack River in Old Tappan, Bergen County, New Jersey. In 1975 historian Thomas Demarest reported finding an "Indian house" that was sixteen feet in diameter at that site. Demarest also reported the recovery of a considerable quantity of European-made trade goods. The Wilder Mons Kerk-Hoff Site, also known as the Indian burial ground, probably dates to around 1737. In summary, the historic references discussed above provide strong evidence for the continuing presence of Indians in the northern Highlands region long after they had presumably migrated from this region. Although these accounts are of variable quality they all contain important elements of historical fact and serve as vectors of further research. 8 Research Directions

The study of Indian occupation of the northern Highlands region is accelerating under the pressure of increasing commercial, residential and related infrastructure development. Most, if not all, of the current research is being conducted by cultural resource management firms and is driven by varied development projects. Such investigations are framed by federal or state regulatory provisions and client-business needs and focus primarily on the discovery and identification of Native American and historical sites within a prescribed tract of land. A major example of such a cultural resources investigation in the Highlands was the early 1990s study of a proposed development of 18,000 acres of the Sterling Forest tract located in Orange County, New York by Louis Berger & Associates. While the discovery, identification and preservation of Native American sites is certainly a worthwhile goal, the standard cultural resources survey methodology is being supplemented with other research approaches in order to fully explicate the Native American culture history and lifeways in the Highlands. Such additional approaches include the detailed recording and study of the following:

1. cellar holes, pits and other enigmatic human-made depressions on the landscape, 2. reported burial sites together with any above-ground physical manifestations such as head and or foot stones, mounds, depressions or other grave markers, 3. structural features such as cabins, stone fish weirs, 4. trails, trailmarkers, boundary markers, cairns (see for example the 1785 report by E.L. Hommedieu and the 1994 study by S.C. Jett listed in the bibliography), 5. museum and private collections of artifacts and ethnographic material, 55 56 Indians In The Ramapos 6. sacred sites, 7. local legends and folklore associated with Indians.

This last approach, for example, was successfully employed in 1992 during a cultural resources investigation of a proposed sewer line route at Budd Lake in Morris County, New Jersey. At Budd Lake, local legends dating to the nineteenth century stated that many Indian artifacts had been found along Sand Shore Road, that Indian "lodges" once stood and "high councils" were held near the Forest Hotel on High Street, and that an In- dian trail formerly led to a spring of water near the Saunders House. Subse- quent archaeological testing at these loci revealed evidence of former Indian occupation and use.

Structures, Walls and Cellar Holes

In 1987, Sheffield Archaeological Consultants conducted a cultural resources investigation of an undeveloped 1,235 acre tract of land situated around Potake and Cranberry Ponds in the Town of Ramapo, Rockland County, New York. This survey was conducted in advance of the development of a portion of the property as a residential community. A number of cultural resources were found including a Native American site on the shore of Potake Pond and a nearby rockshelter. Based on the analysis of surface collected artifacts, the Potake Pond campsite was occupied by Na- tive American bands during the Late Archaic, Woodland, and Contact- Early Historic Periods. One of the most significant finds of the Potake and Cranberry Ponds area investigation was the discovery of a small fieldstone cellar hole which was located near the 18th milestone at the New York-New Jersey border. A dwelling was first recorded here in 1774 by surveyors James Clinton and Anthony Dennis who were in the process of establishing the border between these colonies and setting the 18th milestone. The cellar hole, situated on a flat plot of land near a fresh water spring measured twelve feet three inches by ten feet six inches (FIGURE 12). Analysis of early maps and other records indicate that no non-Indian people lived in this specific area of the Ramapos. Therefore, the conclusion is drawn that this cellar hole is an 18th century log cabin site belonging to mountain dwellers, people who were later (1827) described as Indians of mixed blood. This im- PETER MANN HOUSE SOUTH ELEVATION', showing original log Dormer cabin with cross- section of basement, first and attic etorie, and croEE-section of interior.

Sealed PLAN of original /up door (c. 1805) log cabin, first floor. (Later building- additions denoted by broker, lines)

FLAN of dry-laid basement under original log cabin.

Scalei• Ft.

FIGURE 14: Field sketch of Peter Mann House, a log cabin home of Ramapo Mountain dwellers. (Recorded by E.J. Lenik and Thomas Fitzpatrick, 1991) 60 Indians In The Ramapos floor beams laid on top. A Stairway, with twelve stairs, leading up to a loft was present at the southeast interior corner.

Second Floor Loft:

One room with log construction clearly visible on the north and west walls. The logs are hand-hewed and the horizontal spaces between them were chinked with mortar. Modern interior siding covered the east and south walls. The interior roof consisted of wide beams on log rafters on the north side slope while the south side had shingles nailed to slats.

Cellar Interior (under main block):

The cellar was constructed of large cut stone blocks generally rectangular in shape and laid up without mortar. The floor of the cellar was earth. There was a possible stone chimney base on the west wall of the cellar at its northwest corner. Seven sill beams extended north-south over the cellar; six of these were hand-hewed and rectangular in cross section. The sev- enth, a center beam, was a log with its bark removed and cut flat on one side only. There was a window opening on the north wall of the cellar and a stairwell with five stairs was on the east wall.

Artifacts, Baskets, Brooms and Bowls

In the early twentieth century, anthropologist Frank Speck collected items of woodcraft from several Ramapo mountaineers for the American Museum of Natural History in New York. In 1908 Speck observed that two soup ladles looked "quite Indian" and that some of the "square bowls" were "identical with the Iroquois bowl in the museum." Later in 1911, Speck also described the baskets he had procured as similar to Algonquin and Iroquois articles. Unfortunately, Speck did not detail the similarities or Indian characteristics he observed. Recently, a hand-carved wooden bowl was recovered by J. Talamini from the bottom of Hessian Lake in Bear Mountain State Park, N.Y. Hes- sian Lake is approximately ten miles north-northeast of Ladentown, NY 62 Indians In The Ramapos the European settlers. Controversy remains, as to whether this method of manufacture was a pre-contact native skill or was a skill developed at His- toric Contact. Anthropologist Frank Speck believed that it was a native craft. Later scholars, such as Ted Brasser, feel that the skills were learned from the European settlers. The baskets were decorated using a number of techniques. One, stamping with blocks cut from vegetables and other items, again, presents the question of native craft or acquired colonial skill. Speck and Brasser take similar positions on this as they do on the splint basketry. A deed from 1740 between Cornelius Brinkerhof and Helmig Van Wagenen transfers 625 acres of land "upon Pahaques River" in present day Wanaque, New Jersey. According to Raymond Whritenour, the word "Pa- haques" is interpreted as a form of a Lenape word meaning "one who cuts splints of wood for baskets." Native craft or acquired colonial skill, wood splint baskets, many decorated by block stamping, were produced by Delaware or Lenape Indi- ans living in the Ramapos. Four baskets from Passaic County, New Jersey, eight baskets from Northern New Jersey, five baskets from Orange County, New York, and one from Rockland County, New York were among those from the Philhower Collection on exhibit in 1997. The dates of manufacture for these baskets ranged from the 1800s to the early 1900s, most of them dated between 1850 and 1900. Here is strong evidence of a continuing Indian presence in the Ramapos. The baskets range from small to large, some intricate and ornate, some plain and utilitarian. One is a sieve. Another has such an intensity of ribbonwork, a technique which uses curled and twisted narrow splints, that it resembles a small porcupine. Some are block stamped, some painted freehand, some patterned by the interweaving of dyed and natural stripes (FIGURE 16). The inks and dyes, for the most part are the earth tones produced by vegetable dyes, but here and there surprising pinks and greens, apparently store bought paint, appear. Minnie May Monks, writing in 1930, of her childhood memories of her grandparents' farm at the base of Winbeam Mountain in Ringwood, New Jersey, says, "When I picked the blossoms (of Bloodroot) a red-orange juice came from the stems. I was told it was In- dian paint, that the Indians used it to dye their baskets, and the roots of the plant were used for medicine." Her grandmother, she reports, "had a more thorough knowledge of medicinal herbs than any one in these parts, having gained this knowledge from an old Indian Doctor." Research Directions 63

FIGURE 16: Delaware Indian basket with block stamp decoration dating to the 1800s. Philhower Collection, New Jersey State Mu- seum. (Drawing by Thomas Fitzpatrick) One item in the 1997 New Jersey State Museum exhibit bears a legend, just barely legible, about its origin. This is a broom collected by Char- les Philhower in northern New Jersey, dated to the late 1800s to early 1900s. The legend reads, as best it could be deciphered, "Indian broom called bonder or Hund— de—Dord, probably Dutch. Make -o—en De- Grout." "Bonder" is a Jersey Dutch subdialectical word form meaning according to Whritenour "broom maker." An earlier exhibit, "In Search of the Lenape. The Delaware Indians Past and Present," was presented in July 1996 at the museum of the His- torical Society of Rockland County in New City, New York. This exhibit included a reed basket purchased by Phoebe Allison in 1793 from an In- dian squaw and handed down through the family. Several wooden bowls also were displayed. One, a knurl bowl, was reported to have been purchased by Alfred Ronck in 1889 from John Hemmian who claimed that it was made by "a Ramapo Indian and that it has been the property of Conrad Fredericks who was one of the first settlers at Ramapo." A second knurl bowl was described as "Purchased from the Indians at Upper Nyack in 64 Indians In The Ramapos 1822 by Mrs. Derick DeClarke, a Nyack resident as a wedding gift to her daughter Catherine who married Henry Volk April 30th that year. The In- dians on their annual visits to Nyack used decamp (sic) at the foot of Hook Mountain where they made wooden ware and baskets which were sold to the inhabitants of the surrounding country. (George H. Budke)" It is evident, therefore, that Indians in the Highlands region participated in the Euro-American economy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries through the sale of craft items including baskets and wooden- ware that were made to meet the needs and tastes of the settlers who purchased them. The analysis of artifacts such as baskets, wooden bowls, spoons, shovels and tool handles raises several questions for researchers. What characteristics do they have that suggest they may be of Indian origin? Are additional craft specimens to be found in private and museum collections in the region? Can a Ramapo Mountain style be recognized and defined? What items of material culture, attributable to Indians of the historic period, are likely to be found in the archaeological record?

Burials and Cemeteries

The number of Native American burial sites which have been found in the Ramapo Mountains is small. Most of them were discovered in the course of construction activity but details regarding the finds are meager. In 1893, the Ramsey Home Journal published the following brief account of such a discovery: "Workmen digging in a sand pit near William Van Horn's house in Darlington unearthed a skeleton of a man standing up- right. Since arrowheads and other relics were found with the bones it was presumed to be Indian." This site was located on the west side of the Ra- mapo River in Mahwah, New Jersey; no further information regarding this site has been found. In 1962, Bergen County historian John Y. Dater reported that an In- dian campsite was once located on a hill at the "foot of the mountains" north of Darlington about one-half mile from the Ramapo River in Mah- wah, New Jersey. Dater stated that several "large fireplaces" or hearths were found at the site along with projectile points and waste flakes. He further noted that an Indian skeleton was excavated here by staff members of the "museum of Natural History" and that the hill-site had since been "removed." Research Directions 65 Further south along the Ramapo River, on the eastern edge of the Highlands, two burial sites have been found in Oakland, New Jersey. In 1976, a local collector reported that Indian projectile points and blades, some made from stone found in Ohio and probably part of a "mortuary complex" were discovered by workmen digging a house foundation. This site was dated to the Early Woodland Period of Indian cultural history. In 1990, archaeological test excavations were conducted along the river by a cultural resources firm for the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers flood control project. Two flexed burials were found at a site called the Salwen Site. (Skeletons in a "flexed" position have their knees pulled up against the stomach, arms folded with hands near the head.) One of the burials at the Salwen Site had ten post molds surrounding the grave pit. The presence of these post molds suggests that the grave was enclosed. The Salwen Site was dated to the late Woodland Period. Two burial sites were excavated by archaeologists associated with the Trailside Museum at Bear Mountain State Park, New York. In 1937, J.G. Veith, a museum volunteer, excavated a burial located near Grape Swamp in Harriman State Park. The skeleton was found in a flexed position and several projectile points were recovered. The disposition of the remains and artifacts are not known. Also in the 1930s several skeletons were uncovered by road building work along Route 9W in New Windsor, New York. Known as the O'Rourke Burial Site, several of the graves had been removed by construction activity but "salvage" archaeology was conducted by Trailside Museum staff. The date of these burials was not determined. According to Erskine Hewitt, son of Ringwood ironmaster Abram S. Hewitt, a "large number of Indians" are buried within what is now referred to as the Old Revolutionary War Cemetery at Ringwood Manor State Park in New Jersey. Another local tradition states that Indian graves were encountered by workers during the construction of Glenwild Lake in Bloom- ingdale, New Jersey in the 1920s. Further research is needed to confirm these oral history accounts. A Bergen County deed of 1740 mentions an "Indian Buryan place" near "Wanaqua Hill"; the property described in the deed was at the southern end of the present day Wanaque Reservoir (FIGURE 17). It must be noted that the "Indian Buryan place" is located near the reported "Wild Plantation." Three cemeteries of the Ramapough Mountain Indians exist on Ho- evenkopf Mountain which straddles the New York-New Jersey border. N A

0 0 I I

FIGURE 17: Tract of Helmig van Wagenen, April 12, 1740. Drawn from title description by Mead Stapler. Research Directions 67 Two are located in Mahwah, New Jersey while the third is in adjacent Hill- burn, New York. These Indian burial grounds date to the historic era. Two seventeenth century historical accounts present eye-witness descriptions of Indian burial customs in the region. In 1642, David Pietersz DeVries wrote that the Indians lined a grave with "boughs of trees," placed the deceased into the pit and then covered it with clay to form a mound "seven or eight" feet high. "Palisades" were then placed around this "sugar-loaf or mound. The Salwen Site burial surrounded by ten post molds, described above, may be the archaeological remains of such an en- closure. In 1670, Daniel Denton, an Englishman, described Indian burials on Long Island in the following manner: "they fence their graves with a hedge and cover the tops with mats to shelter them from the rain." Another avenue of future research should be the location and study of the Indian cemeteries so often mentioned in oral history accounts. If they can be found, what is the nature of the cemetery landscape? What were the burial practices of Native Americans of the historic period? Are funerary monuments present and what are their form and content? What particular characteristics identify them as Native American? To illustrate this discussion I present the following as an example of an approach to the study of the material culture of death. In 1936, headstone data were recorded at the Orangeburg-Clausland Cemetery which is located about ten miles southeast of the Highlands in Rockland County, New York by the Rockland County Planning Board. One headstone was identified as that of an Indian and reported as follows:

There was an old Indian who worked for the Van Houtens, who is buried in this cemetery and who has an arrow-shaped headstone with this inscription on it:

ANOMAA EMS2KL-MMS VAN HOUTEN

This inscription is puzzling. The first line is presumably the name of the deceased, but is it an Indian name? Or, was the recorder's determination influenced by the triangular shape of the headstone? (The stone could not be found on several visits to the site.) The second line as recorded is un- intelligible. Although the date of death is not evident on the stone, the deceased probably died in the 1700s. The third line is the name of the Van 68 Indians In The Ramapos Houten family for which the Indian reportedly worked. The Orangeburg- Clausland burial ground was reportedly "chartered" by the Van Houten and Depew families. The stone was probably ordered and paid for by Van Houten; perhaps as an act of paternalistic gratitude for the services of the deceased. This stone with the presumed name of the deceased and his/her employer visually links these two individuals. While the name of the deceased is presumed to be "Anomaa," Whritenour believes that it is not a European nor a Lenape name. Whritenour suggests that it might be a Mahican word "anammau" which means "she cooks (it)" or "he cooks (it)." Thus it could be a personal name and might describe "Anomaa's" duties in the Van Houten household. While this interpretation appears to be a reasonable one it must be considered as speculative at this point. 9 Nineteenth Century Genealogical Evidence

Several family surnames are predominant among the Ramapo mountaineers. Among the oldest names in the region are Conklin, DeFreese, Van Dunk, DeGroat, Maguiness, and Mann. Documentary evidence has been found that indicates a number of individuals bearing such surnames spe- cifically claimed Indian ancestry in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The earliest of these was a John DeFries who was born in Orange County, New York and who is listed as an "Indian" in the Orange County Militia in 1760. The 1870 Federal Census lists Richard DeGrote of Calumet County, Wisconsin (born in New Jersey) and Florence Ma- guiness of Orange County, New York as Indians. The 1875 State Census of New York lists another Richard DeGroat and his brother DeWitt Clin- ton DeGroat as Indians. The 1920 Federal Census lists Tena Gertrude (Van Dunk) Morgan of Rockland County, New York as Indian. Genealogical research on the Indian ancestry of the Ramapo Moun- tain People is ongoing; though it is too early to present any firm conclusions on most lineages. The search is hindered by a lack of documentary records—a circumstance arising from their long isolation from the general population; and by the fact that anyone with a "drop" of African ancestry was regarded (and so recorded) as Black, Negro, Colored, etc., in those public records which do exist. Even so, this line of search looks particularly promising. The following material on the DeGroat family demonstrates the type of information that can be gleaned from this complex research. The 1870 Federal Census for Stockbridge in Calumet County, Wis- consin lists three households composed of nineteen individuals named "DeGrote." All nineteen persons were listed as "Indians." The oldest, "Richard DeGrote," was born in New Jersey while the rest were born in New York or Wisconsin. The 1870 Federal Census was the first to list In- dian people as Indians. In fact, the above-named Richard DeGrote and his 69 70 Indians In The Ramapos immediate family appear on the earlier 1850 Federal Census for Stock- bridge, Madison County, New York, where every member of the household is listed as "Black." Here he is listed as "Richard DeGroat" and his birthplace is given as New York. It remains to be proved whether Richard was born in New York or New Jersey. However, the 1850 census lists Richard DeGroat's wife as "Elizabeth" and his daughters "Lydia" and "Almira," the same as those in the 1870 census. Thus, we are looking at the same family twenty years apart. (Stockbridge in Madison County, New York is the town from which the Stockbridge Munsee Indians migrated to Wisconsin in the early nineteenth century.) The 1870 Federal Census for Stockbridge, Calumet County, Wiscon- sin, also lists a "Francis DeGrote" an Indian twenty-three years of age. In the 1850 Federal Census of Onondaga, Onondaga County, New York, "Francis DeGrout" age three is listed as a child in the household of "John M. DeGrout." This 1850 census of Onondaga shows twelve DeGrouts in three families. "John DeGrout" age fifty-seven and "Richard DeGrout" age fifty-seven and his wife "Phebe" are all listed as being born in "New Jersey" about 1793. All are listed as "Mulattoes." The fact is that all of the above-mentioned "DeGrotes, DeGroats or DeGrouts" are descended from, or related to, James (alias Jacobus) De- Groot (c. 1775—1840), who first appeared in the Franklin Township, Ber- gen County, New Jersey tax lists in 1795, as a householder with two horned cattle and no real estate. Near neighbors included "Solomon Sis- coe" and "Solomon Day"—two men with surnames well-known among the mountain people. By 1802 James DeGroot owned two horned cattle, a horse, a dog and thirty acres of land. In Book F, pages 392-3 of Onondaga County, N.Y. deeds a transac- tion is recorded wherein George W. and Polly Olmsted sell fifty acres of land "in the late Onondaga Reservation" to "James Degroot late of the Town of Franklin State of New Jersey." Other deeds (Book 123, page 231; Book 123, page 240 and Book 155, page 400) and Onondaga Surrogate's Office records (Book BB, pages 12, 49, 52, 134) prove that both Elizabeth DeGrote (the "Indian"), wife of Richard DeGrote (the "Indian"), and John M. DeGrout, father of Francis DeGrote (the "Indian") were children of this James DeGroot. Thus the In- dian Richard DeGrote (born c. 1812) and his wife, the Indian Elizabeth DeGrote (born c. 1822-5), derived their Indian heritage from different sets of DeGroot parents. In summary, the census data presented above indicates that the fami- Nineteenth Century Genealogical Evidence 71 lies of Richard, Elizabeth and Francis DeGrote were Indians who originated in the Ramapo Mountains. They migrated from the Ramapos to upstate New York. The Bureau of Indian Affairs has pointed out that the descendants of these DeGrotes claimed status as Indians through Phebe Fowler, mother- in-law of Richard DeGrote (born 1812), who was a Stockbridge Indian. However, this does not explain why her son-in-law, Richard DeGrote, was listed as an Indian in 1870. 10 Archaeological and Historical Interpretations

The mountain inhabitants of the northern Highlands region, both past and present, are a complex people whose history is very distinct from that of their neighbors. Isolated both geographically and socially, they developed a unique culture history that contains elements of continuity and change resulting from the acculturation process. In a major study of preindustrial New Jersey, Peter Wacker (1975) detailed European and African population-settlement patterns in the period 1660 to 1765. The first European settlement in northern New Jersey was by the Dutch in the 1630s in Pavonia, what is now Hoboken and Jersey City. This settlement and subsequent other towns, were established on the fertile lands of the Piedmont Physiographic Province which borders the west bank of the Hudson River. Peter Wacker's study indicates that a large section of the northern Highlands, which includes the Ramapo Mountains, was unsettled as late as 1765. Furthermore, the European population den- sity of Bergen County, which included present day Passaic County, ranged from five persons per square mile in 1722 to thirty-nine persons per square mile in 1810. Cartographic evidence, maps of Bergen and Passaic Counties in New Jersey and Orange and Rockland Counties in New York, dating to the early 20th century continue to show sparse or no settlements in the mountains. These maps show that land use and development was generally concentrated along river and stream valleys and corridors. Mountain areas were not settled due to their limited agricultural potential. Vast tracts of land in the Highlands were acquired by iron producing entrepreneurs primarily for the fuel resources they offered (wood for charcoal) and iron ore deposits for use in nearby furnaces and forges. Activities such as woodcutting, charcoaling and mining inhibited permanent settlement in many areas. Historians and archaeologists have long debated Indian population figures for the period prior to and following European contact and settle-

72 Archaeological and Historical Interpretations 73 ment. Peter Wacker estimates there were between 2,400 to 6,000 Indians in New Jersey at the time of contact with Europeans but their numbers rapidly declined as settlements were established. Herbert C. Kraft in his book The Lenape: Archaeology, History and Ethnology reports that there were about 8,000 to 12,000 Indians in New Jersey prior to the arrival of Europe- ans, but by the 18th century these numbers had decreased to 2,400 to 3,000. By the time of the French and Indian War, 1754-1763, the total number was less than 1,000. Robert S. Grumet, in a 1995 personal communication with the author, on the other hand, states that the Munsee Indian population ranged between 1000 to 2000 by the year 1800 with less than 100 of them remaining in their "homeland," i.e., northern New Jersey and southeastern New York. By the early years of the nineteenth century, the Native Americans in the Highlands sought refuge in the mountains and isolated themselves from mainstream society. As a result, they disappeared or became invisible as a people. Nevertheless, despite their limited number and marginal status they survived and were successful in maintaining much of their way of life. The Indians in the Highlands adapted to their environment; they camped adjacent to ponds, swamps, and streams living in wigwams and under rockshelters. Living in remote areas, they later learned how to build log cabins. As late as 1905, in an anonymous newspaper article, their dwellings were described as "dugouts and log huts of the rudest description." They cleared the flat hilltops and terraces for the cultivation of com, beans, squash and potatoes, a continuation of their former small-scale hor- ticultural or gardening practices on the valley floor and river floodplains. Documentary research indicates that there were a number of small subsistence oriented farms which operated in the mountains. One mid-20th century map, Atlas Sheet 23, State of New Jersey shows the location of such small farmsteads within the Ramapo Mountains. Other cultural survivals, the result of isolation, are evident. Most items essential to their existence could be acquired in the surrounding forest and nearby swamps and streams. Their tradition of hunting and gathering continued. Guns replaced bows and arrows and steel tools replaced stone tools. They developed their woodworking skills and produced such items as shovels, bowls, spoons, ladles, tool handles and baskets which were needed and desired by their Euro-American neighbors. According to historian James H. Ransom, by 1904, the mountain people in the area of the Village of Ladentown in Rockland County, New York were producing 74 Indians In The Ramapos 200 dozen baskets and 100 to 140 dozen scoops weekly which were sold at the village store and then marketed elsewhere. Finally, a word about folklore. W.S. Simmons (1986) observed that folklore "is the primary domain where an Indian spirit still survives" and is an important medium "for expressing and perpetuating a persistent Indian identity." Ralph Sessions, in his 1985 book Woodsmen, Mountaineers and Bockies: The People of The Ramapos states that in 1929, a newspaper re- porter by the name of George Britt recorded "the story of the devil, in flight from Manitou, breaking his apron strings and spilling the rocks that are scattered about the Hoevenkopf." Houvenkopf is a high promontory in west Mahwah, New Jersey and Hillburn, New York that overlooks Route 17 and the Village of Suffern, New York to the east. On the summit of this mountain is a huge glacial erratic known locally as Split Rock by virtue of it being in two pieces. The Ramapo Mountain folktale cited above is re- markably similar to stories of the English Devil and Maushop a Wam- panoag Indian culture hero known to Indian groups that live in southern New England. The folklore motif of a devil dropping stones from an apron, has been a recorded part of Indian lore in southeastern Massachusetts since 1904 (see Simmons, Spirit of the New England Tribes, 1986:85, 197). Simmons notes that this legend "could derive from local tradition" but was "probably" Yankee or British in origin. However, it more likely originated in Native American folklore. This story may have been brought to the Ra- mapo Mountains by the Indians who migrated here from Connecticut in the eighteenth century. The story of the "devil in flight from Manitou" was collected from the Ramapo Mountain People. The use of the word "Manitou," which in Le- nape is "manitto," meaning "spirit being," may indicate a survival of at least one word from the Lenape language as late as 1929. In August 1876, the Reverend George A. Ford of the Ramapo Church at the Ramapo Ironworks in New York witnessed a corn ceremony practiced by the Ramapo Mountain People. At the cabin of William DeGroat situated on top of Hoevenkopf Mountain in West Mahwah the Reverend Ford saw "two venerable men, Samuel DeFrees, Sr. and John DeGroat" carefully saving and praying over a "handful of corn" seeking a bountiful harvest. In relating this observation, in 1915, the author E.F. Pierson finds Christian authority for the ceremony observed by Ford in the Bible, the 72nd Psalm that states "there shall be a handful of corn in the earth upon the top of mountains and the fruit thereof shall shake like Lebanon." This passage prophesied a good harvest. The term "venerable" as used by Pier- Archaeological and Historical Interpretations 75 son to describe DeFrees, Sr. and DeGroat indicates that they were of some advanced age and prominence and presumably worthy of reverence. The "handful of corn ceremony" observed by the Reverend Ford is clearly a Native American rite that survived albeit with some Christian embellishment. Christian embellishment is similarly found in the "Corn Legend" of the Delaware Indians. In the Delaware Indian Corn Legend, a boy was driven from his camp for refusing to hunt. While he was starving to death, the boy has a vision of "Great Father Jesus" who shows him where he will find corn to eat but tells him he must save and leave some seed-corn for planting. The following year the boy harvests his corn and triumphantly returns to his people. Another Delaware Indian story, the "Disappearance of Mother Corn" has a more striking similarity to the handful of corn ceremony witnessed by the Reverend George A. Ford among the Ramapo Mountain People in 1876. In this story, as related by J. Bierhorst in 1995, Mother Corn, a living spirit, was scorned by humans and proceeds to leave the Earth thus causing corn to disappear and resulting in a great famine. An Indian, upon advice from the Great Spirit, stated that the corn would return if someone could be found to "communicate with the Spirit of Corn." Two "very poor and needy" boys had such mystical power to communicate and proceeded to do so. They journeyed to the dwelling of Mother Corn in "the great region above," and persuaded her to return to the Earth by making a burnt offering. The boys came back to Earth and their people "each bringing with them a handful of corn." Thus, the actions of Samuel DeFrees, Sr. and John DeGroat can be viewed as a ritual reenactment of this ancient Delaware In- dian myth. In October 1877, the Ramapo Mountain People brought gifts of ears of corn to a Foreign Aid Mission gathering held at the Ramapo Church. According to E.F. Pierson, this gathering, an annual event, was called the "corn festival." However, this type of offering, ears of corn, was later replaced by the introduction of a "money barrel" among the church congre- gation. I note here that fragments of a miniature ceramic pot were recovered from the Spring House Rockshelter in Sloatsburg, New York. This pottery rim contains a corn motif on its castellation (FIGURE 18). It is a type of pottery called Shantok Incised, a style that is found in southern New Eng- land. The vessel was found in association with a clay tobacco pipe fragment of European manufacture. Shantok incised pottery has a temporal range from 1650 A.D. to 1700 A.D. The presence of the miniature pot with FIGURE 18: Ceramic rimsherds from the Spring House Rockshelter, Sloatsburg, N.Y. Top: Munsee Incised type rim-collar with effigy face consisting of two oblong depressions representing eyes and another representing a mouth. This vessel fragment was found in a hearth radiocarbon dated to 370 ±80 years B.P. (1580 AD). Bottom: A Shantok-like miniature vessel containing a corn effigy on its castellation. (Drawing by Thomas Fitzpatrick) Archaeological and Historical Interpretations 77 its corn effigy at this Ramapo Mountains site suggests a possible Connecti- cut origin of the pot, potter, or design, and its use as a container for seed- corn. In 1910, William DeFreece who was seventy-five years old and a la- borer on the Abram S. Hewitt estate in Ringwood, New Jersey recited a magical "charm" to Professor John Dyneley Prince. Prince described Mr. DeFreece as a negro mixed with Minsi (now Munsee) Indian and recorded the magical charm as follows:

Negro Charm Always in summer stand the seven trees; ash and oak and all along past they cannot proceed. What are they standing on?

DeFreece stated that the seven trees represented the seven stars. Clearly then, this charm is a survival of an ancient Delaware Indian mythic motif. Although Prince called it a Negro Charm, its Delaware Indian origin can be seen in "The Myth of Red Cedar And The Seven Stars," a story recorded by Frank Speck in 1931 and J. Bierhorst in 1995. In this myth, seven men disappeared but were found by a group of "pure youths blessed with a vision" who saw them as seven stones. People frequently visited these "prophet men." One day, they suddenly disappeared, but after a long time they reappeared as seven trees, pines and cedars. Again they disappeared and after a long time they were found again, this time as seven stars, the Pleiades. Pines and cedars were used for medicinal purposes. Because of this they were called "meteinowak," meaning "medicine men." The following narrative is an interpretation of DeFreece's charm vis- a-vis the Delaware myth suggested by Raymond Whritenour, an ethnogra- pher of Delaware Indian culture, in a letter to James (Lone Bear) Revey of the New Jersey Indian Office:

"Always in summer stand the seven trees" They always stand in summer because they are ever green (evergreens); i.e. pines and cedars. "ash and oak and all along past they cannot proceed." The ash and oak and all other deciduous trees cannot continue past summer as the evergreens do. In the autumn, these trees lose their pow- ers and do not regain them until Spring. They also cannot proceed to the 78 Indians In The Ramapos heavens where the seven trees go as the seven stars, nor surpass them in greatness or power. "What are they standing on?" They stand on the firmament of heaven, just off the Spirit Path (i.e., the Milky Way), in the night sky.

In sum, Whritenour concludes that the charm alludes to the myth of red cedar. Furthermore, Professor J.D. Prince states that "DeFreece regards this (the charm) as an excellent cure for rheumatism." The Delaware Indian use of red cedar as a treatment for rheumatism has been documented by Gladys Tantaquidgeon, a Mohegan who collected primary ethnographic data among the Oklahoma Delawares and other tribes during the 1920s and 1930s. Another cultural parallel between the present day Ramapough Moun- tain Indians and the Lenape can be found in the act of storytelling (FIG- URE 19). In an interview with students of West Milford, New Jersey Public Schools, Ronald "Redbone" Van Dunk, former chief of the Rama- poughs, made the following statement regarding the telling of stories by his elders:

"They would never tell a story 'less they had a skunk skin laying there. I don't know what ... don't ask me what that's for. But, they started settin' around a fire, and started tellin' a story about years ago, if they didn't have a skunk skin they wouldn't tell it. And they were serious about that. And, I never found out, to date, why that was, you know."

The answer lies in the practices of Lenape storytellers. In his book, The White Deer and Other Stories Told by the Lenape, John Bierhorst writes, as follows:

"That stories must be told only in winter is a very old rule, widespread in native America. Delawares used to say that if tales were told out of season 'the bugs would chase you' or 'all the worms would take after you.' Some said the ground had to be frozen; if it were not, and if stories were told, snakes and lizards would crawl into bed with you. As explained by others, there should be stories only 'when things around cannot hear'—never in summer, when 'everything is awake'."

"According to one source, if you do tell stories in summer you need to an- 80 Indians In The Ramapos nounce beforehand, 'I'm sitting on twelve skunk skins.' This is sufficient to ward off the harmful creatures, so they will not crawl all over you."

It is clear that the Ramapough practice was a variation on this same theme, even though knowledge of the reason for using the skunk skin had been lost. It is another example of a cultural survival from their past. David Steven Cohen in his 1974 study of the Ramapo Mountain Peo- ple recorded forty-two ailments which were treated with some sixty medicinal substances, thirty-eight of which were plants. Cohen notes that nineteen of the remedies were also known to the Delaware Indians and "may be the only survivals of authentic Indian culture of the Ramapo Mountain People." However, Cohen dismisses this evidence stating that Indian remedies were "borrowed" by European and African settlers. Other researchers such as C.A. Weslager (1973), C.K. Tholl (1975) and T.F. Fitzpatrick (1984) describe many additional Delaware Indian treatments that are identical with those of the Ramapo Mountain People. Table 5 summarizes the Indian herb cures and folk remedies practiced by people in the Ramapos. These data show that there is a strong correspondence between Delaware Indian and Ramapo Mountain People medicinal practices. In 1993, the Bureau of Indian Affairs stated that "No documentation has been located indicating that Munsee related Indian bands did in fact move into and remain in the Ramapo Mountains after the Treaty of Easton Pennsylvania." This study has demonstrated that many of the people who settled the Highlands region were Native Americans. The mountains of the Highlands were occupied by small bands of Indians beginning around 12,500 years ago and continued until historic times. Despite European settlements and continuing developmental pressures, they stayed and survive. Today, the mountains of the Highlands remain sparsely inhabited largely due to the establishment of public parks and watersheds, but development continues and may ultimately change this frontier-like environment for- ever. Archaeological and Historical Interpretations 81 TABLE 5: Native American Herb Cures And Folk Remedies Practiced By People In The Ramapos

Maladies Treatment/Medicinal Substances bleeding cobwebs arthritis rattlesnake oil bursitis rattlesnake oil caked breasts mullein leaf chest cold skunk or goose grease baby's cramps catnip tea earache tobacco smoke or sweet oil sore eye sassafras fever snakeroot; crushed onions; burdock leaf infection salt pork or bacon ends grippe or pneumonia coltsfoot; prince's pine back pain from kidneys pitch pine piles mullein leaf rheumatism snakeroot stomach cramp snakeroot stomach pain calamus root, tansy sore throat skunk cabbage root; slippery elm; salt pork, black pepper and turpentine worms tansy; wild cherries; flowering dogwood; wormwood (seed) festering wound slippery elm sore joints, sprains, bruises, witch hazel swelling, insect bites

Sources: Weslager 1973:26, 141; Cohen 1974:206-211; Tholl 1975:49, 51; Fitzpatrick 1984:7, 8 Epilogue

It has been long assumed that by 1800 all Indians had left the Ramapo Mountains and migrated to reservation lands to the north and west. This study challenges that assumption and shows that Indians remained behind, adapted to the new dominant culture and survived. They existed quietly on the edges of Euro-American society but did not disappear (FIGURE 20). The Ramapough Mountain Indians lack reservation land, treaty rights, and Federal recognition as a tribe but have a continuous record of settlement in the Highlands region. They have persisted, and maintain a distinct identity and heritage. Despite acculturation, rejection, opposition, and racism they have managed to sustain their Indianness through family, kinship, community and traditions. The Ramapough Mountain Indians were incorporated in 1978 with three official geographic divisions called clans. The three clans situated primarily in Hillburn, New York and adjacent Mahwah and Ringwood, New Jersey provide leadership, continuing a tradition that is apparent in earlier descriptions of tribal lifeways. They have firm beliefs about their group identity and are actively interpreting their Indian heritage and traditions through education, pow wows, participation in archaeological and historical research and museum exhibitions. A goal for the coming millen- nium is to establish an environmental, economic, cultural and recreational center in the Highlands for Native American people of the area.

Appendix

An Indian Tale 87 An Indian Tale by Hudson Fredericks When on these Bearfort Mountain slopes, still roamed her forest child, And the new homes of the York sons, were rising in the wild; Upon a clearing in these woods Thomas had built his cot, Tilled his little farm and lived contented with his lot. A just, peace-loving man was he, kind unto all and true And well his ever open door the wandering Indian knew. But often the settlers their land by fraud or force attained And in the Redmen dispossessed, revenge alone remained. But Thomas feared not although his home all undefended lay, And still his never bolted door was open night or day.

One morn a neighbor passed in haste, Indians they say are nigh So Thomas bar your door tonight, and keep your powder dry. "Nay friend," he said, "the God I serve commands me not to kill, And sooner were to yield my life than disobey his will. But one gun have I, but used alone against the wolf or bear, To point it at my fellow man my hand would never dare; But I will put the thing away, they shall not see it here For the old gun in hands unskilled might do some harm I fear. Besides, the Indians are my friends, they would not do me ill, Here they've found an open door, and here they shall find it still." "Well," said the neighbor as he went, "my faith is not so clear, If wretches come to take my life, I mean to sell it dear!" But the good wife of Thomas stood and listened with afright, "Unless," she said, "the door you fast, I shall not sleep tonight."

And with the words as woman can, she urged her husband sore Till for the sake of household peace at last he barred the door. They went to rest and soon the wife was wrapped in slumbers deep, But Thomas turned and tossed about and vainly tried to sleep; Then came a voice within his heart, a mild rebuke it bore: It whispered, "Oh thou of little faith, why hast thou barred the door?" "What is that poor defense of thine against a hostile band, stronger than strongest fortress is the shadow of my hand. Hast thou not said these many times that I have power to save, While my trembling servants feet were sinking in the wave. 88 Indians In The Ramapos

Now let thy actions with thy words in full accord agree, Arise quickly and unbolt the door, and trust alone in me!"

Then Thomas from his bed arose and softly trod the floor, Crept down the stairs and noiselessly unbarred the cottage door. As forth he looked into the night, starlit it was and still And slowly rose the yawning moon behind the tree-fringed hill; He looked with trustful reverent gaze up to the starry skies, As meets a child with loving hands a tender father's eyes. The cloud was lifted from his mind, his doubts were over now, The cool air breathed the kiss of peace upon his tranquil brow, Then back to his forsaken bed he softly groped his way, And slept the slumbers of the just until the dawn of day.

That night a painted warrior band through this dark forest sped With steps upon the leaves as panthers stealthily tread, They reached this farm, "We make no war with good and faithful men." The foremost Indian turned and said, "Here dwells a son of Penn." "Brethren if his heart be right, how shall we surely know?" Answered another, "Time brings change and oft turns friend to foe." Then said the first, "I will go and gently try the door If open still it proves his heart is as it was before." It yielded, they entered in, across the floor they stepped Came where Thomas and his wife, calm and unconscious slept; With tomahawks and scalping knives they stood beside the pair A solemn stillness filled the room, an angel guard was there. Then eye sought eye and seemed to say how sound the good man sleeps, So may he rest and fear no ill whom the great spirit keeps.

Then noiselessly they left the house and closed the door behind And on the deadly war trailed path some others pray to find. And horror shrieked around their steps and bloodshed marked their way, And many homes were desolated when arose another day, But Thomas, with a thankful heart, greeted the morning light And knew not until after years, how near death was that night! THE HIGHLANDER, Vol. II, No. 1, West Milford Township Historical Society 1961 Acknowledgments

This study would not have been undertaken and written if not for the en- couragement and support of my friends and colleagues Thomas Fitzpatrick and Nancy L. Gibbs. Tom and Nancy were enthusiastic participants in field exploration work and recording of data. Tom produced the drawings for this report and Nancy edited the manuscript and suggested many im- provements. I am extremely grateful for their help. Over the years, several individuals have provided me with research material and assisted in the field reconnaissance. Raymond Whritenour provided me with much research assistance and insightful comments and I owe him a major debt of thanks. I am also grateful for the tremendous assistance given to me by William Trusewicz, Robert S. Grumet, Mead Sta- pler, Ronald J. Dupont, Jr. and Paul Grzybowski. I also extend my thanks to Chuck Stead for bringing to my attention the Corn Ceremony of the Ra- mapo Mountain People. Special thanks also goes to Jack Focht, Director of the Trailside Mu- seums for his continuing support of my research into the Native American history of the Harriman-Bear Mountain, New York State Parks. The Wayne Township Historical Commission has supported my research in the region for many years by its establishment of the Archaeological Research Laboratory at the Van Riper-Hopper (Wayne) Museum. I am very grateful for the commission's support.

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