Catholic schools in Scotland: Mapping the contemporary debate and their continued existence in the 21 st century. by Stephen John McKinney A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of Glasgow Faculty of Education University of Glasgow September 2007 1 SUMMARY The faith school debate in Scotland focuses almost exclusively on Catholic schools because they are the predominant form of faith schooling. Historically, the Catholic schools have had strong links with the Catholic Church and the wider Catholic community – a post-Reformation Catholic community that has a variety of national– cultural expressions but, ultimately, has strongest roots in the critical mass of immigrants who were part of the Irish Famine Diaspora. This Scottish-Irish Catholic Church and community, in some periods of history, have been subjected to structural and attitudinal sectarianism and appear to continue to be viewed with some ambivalence, and some suspicion, in contemporary Scottish society. This ambivalence often extends to Catholic schools, despite recent (widely publicised) educational success and perceived ‘social and moral’ success. This thesis seeks to understand this unique situation from an academic perspective. The history of Catholic schools and the Catholic community are examined using a variety of conceptual tools (primarily ‘postmodern critique of historiography’, ‘insider stories’ and ‘immigrant typology’). The postmodern critique of historiography is used to construct smaller narratives which also help to clarify the strengths and limitations of previous research and scholarship. The identification of the insider status and insider stories of the academics engaged in this debate enables insight into the emergence of a variety of histories and stories of a historically marginalised group. The application of immigrant typology provides frameworks to explore both the generic and unique nature of the experience of the Catholic community in Scotland. The thesis contextualises contemporary Catholic schools in Scotland within two major academic discussions: (1) the faith school debate in England and Wales (arguing that the debate in Scotland lacks the scope and conceptual sophistication of the debate in England and Wales) and (2) the key Catholic Church teaching and Catholic academic insights into Catholic schools. Adopting the qualitative method of expert interviews, the thesis maps out the contemporary debate concerning Catholic schools in Scotland. The debate is re- 2 conceptualised using a uniquely constructed spectrum of views and the projected future of Catholic schools in Scotland is discussed within this spectrum. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to the Faculty of Education and the University of Glasgow for the financial support that enabled me to undertake this thesis. I am grateful to the Faculty Deans, Dr Hirek Kwiatowski and Professor James C. Conroy for their unreserved support and for the study leave in 2005 which, while not directly focussed on PhD research, allowed me to concentrate on associated academic publications. I am further grateful for the support of the Research Committee who funded the transcription of the interviews. I would like to record my thanks to my supervisors, Professor Christine Forde and Dr Alastair McPhee. This thesis could not have been produced without their critical insights, sensitivity and highly conscientious approach to supervision. During the earlier part of this thesis, Professor Norman Reid acted as co-supervisor and I record my thanks to him. I would like to acknowledge my gratitude to those experts who agreed to be interviewed for this research and agreed to check the transcript of their interview: the Anonymous Academic; Dr Joseph Bradley; Professor Steve Bruce; Professor David Carr; Mgr Joseph Chambers; Dr Cecelia Clegg; Professor James C. Conroy; Dr Bob Davis; Bishop Joseph Devine; Professor Tom Devine; Dr Alison Elliott; Professor Gerry Finn; Mrs Frances Gilpin; Professor John Haldane; Mr Michael McGrath and Dr James MacMillan. My colleagues in the Department of Religious Education, past and present, have supported me throughout this process: Dr Kate Adams; Fr John Bollan; Roisin Coll; Professor James C. Conroy; Geraldine Copeland; Dr Bob Davis; Professor Doret de Ruyter; Leonard Franchi; Dr Paul Gilfillan; Dr Tom Greene; Dr Victoria Harrison; Fr John Hughes; Mary Lappin; Fr Gordian Marshall; Sr Andrea MacEachen; Deirdrie McGovern; Catherine O’Hare; Sr Patricia Orr; Professor Alison Phipps; Dr Karen Wenell; Leon Robinson. A special thanks to Liz Brown, Denise Bula and Sharon Cumming who were always willing to help with some of the more practical tasks, often at short notice. 4 This thesis could not have been completed without the help of some key people whose skills proved to be invaluable. In particular, I would like to mention: Jacqui Doogan who transcribed the tapes of the interviews with enviable efficiency and accuracy; Honor Hania, the Faculty Librarian who, with great patience and good humour, undertook numerous literature searches and offered excellent advice. A number of colleagues in the Faculty of Education offered a significant amount of academic support and advice: Dr Raymond McCluskey and Leonard Franchi who advised throughout the thesis, especially the last few years, and kindly read penultimate and ultimate proofs. Other colleagues shared their expertise: Dr Paul Gilfillan who advised on contemporary conceptualisations of secularism; Dr George Head who advised on SEN /ASN. I am indebted to John Hall, Research Officer in SCRE (Scottish Council for Research in Education), for assisting me with the pie charts and tables. Many other colleagues in the Faculty of Education and other Faculties (especially my colleagues in AERS) offered advice and support. I record my gratitude to various research communities, especially: Scottish Educational Research Association (SERA); International Seminar on Religious Education and Values (ISREV); Centre for Research on Nationality and Ethnic Minorities (CRONEM), Catholic Theological Association of Great Britain (CTA) and the Graduate School of the Faculty of Education. Many of the key themes and ideas in this thesis were tested in papers at conferences: SERA (2004, 2005, 2006); ISREV (2004, 2006); CRONEM (2005, 2006, 2007); CTA (2006) and Graduate School (2006, 2007). In all of these conferences, academic colleagues offered helpful critical comments. My enormous thanks to family and friends: Fr Andrew, Anna, Bill, (uncle) Bill, Brian, Caroline, Christopher, Clare, Dave, Des, Ella, Emily, Frances, Hannah, Harry, Hugh, Jack, Jackie, Jimmy, John, John McK, Kate, Kenneth, Kevin, Martin, Maureen, Mary, Peter, Sarah, Sheila, Stephen, Tara, Tony and William. They have supported me throughout these years with great patience and encouragement. 5 Finally, this thesis would not have been possible without the support and love of my wife Sheelah and my children Stephen Conor and Lucy. 6 CONTENTS Page SUMMARY 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 4 CONTENTS 7 INTRODUCTION: RATIONALE, SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY 17-32 Scope and rationale 17 Methodology and heuristic tools 22 Postmodern critique of historiography 22 Insider status 25 Immigrant typology 26 Versions of the past 27 Sources 28 Overview of thesis 29 Introduction 30 Part One: review of literature 30 Part Two: presentation of findings and initial analysis of expert interviews 30 Part Three: analysis and discussion 31 Conclusion 32 CHAPTER ONE: THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 33-44 Introduction 33 Catholicism 33 Protestantism 35 7 Church of Scotland 35 Sectarianism 36 Ecumenism 38 The Catholic Church and Ecumenism 39 Secularism 40 Immigrants 41 Irish Catholic immigrants 41 Faith schools 42 Catholic schools 42 Concluding remarks 44 CHAPTER TWO: FAITH SCHOOLING AND CATHOLIC SCHOOLING 45-69 Introduction 45 Faith Schooling in England and Wales 45 Brief overview of the history of faith schooling in England and Wales 45 Period 1: Pre-1944 46 Period 2: 1944 to 1980s 46 Period 3: 1988 to 2007 47 The contemporary debate in faith schooling in England and Wales 48 (1) State funding for faith schools 49 (2) Faith schools and selection (on grounds other than religion) 51 (3) Faith schools and divisiveness 52 (4) Faith schools and social cohesion 53 (5) Faith schools and rational autonomy 54 Catholic schools 57 Introduction 57 Catholic schools: contemporary rationale and justification 57 The theological foundation of Catholic schools 58 8 The right to establish Catholic schools 61 The distinctiveness of Catholic schools 63 The complementariness of Catholic schools and their Contribution to education and society 66 Concluding remarks: the five key issues and Catholic Schools in England and Wales 68 CHAPTER THREE: THE HISTORY OF SCOTTISH CATHOLIC SCHOOLS AND THE SCOTTISH CATHOLIC COMMUNITY 1864-2007 70-94 Introduction 70 Period 1800-1863 71 The Catholic community: the early 19 th century 71 Catholic schools: origins 74 Period 1: 1864-1918 74 The Catholic community: the arrival of the Italian, Lithuanian and Polish Catholics 75 Catholic schools: expansion and retained independence 76 Period 2: the 1918 Act 77 Catholic schools: the beginning of a new era 78 Period 3: the 1920s and 1930s 78 The Catholic community: effects of economic depression 79 Catholic schools: gradual growth 80 Period 4: the 1940s to 1970s 81 The Catholic community: development and growth 81 Catholic schools: a new dawn 84 Period 5: 1980s to 2007 85 The Catholic community: progress and internal divisions; ecumenism,