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Miguel Covarrubias
Miguel Covarrubias: An Inventory of the Adriana and Tom Williams Art Collection of Miguel Covarrubias at the Harry Ransom Center Descriptive Summary Creator: Covarrubias, Miguel, 1904-1957 Title: Adriana and Tom Williams Art Collection of Miguel Covarrubias Dates: 1917-2006, undated Extent: 6 boxes, 12 flat file folders, 1 oversize print (184 items) Abstract: The Ransom Center's Adriana and Tom Williams Art Collection of Miguel Covarrubias is part of a larger collection of research material compiled by Covarrubias' biographer, Adriana Williams, and her husband Tom and is comprised of 169 original works and 15 posters. Call Number: Art Collection AR-00383 Language: English and Spanish Access: Open for research. Please note that a minimum of 24 hours notice is required to pull Art Collection materials to the Ransom Center's Reading and Viewing Room. Some materials may be restricted from viewing. To make an appointment or to reserve Art Collection materials, please contact the Center's staff at [email protected]. Researchers must create an online Research Account and agree to the Materials Use Policy before using archival materials. Use Policies: Ransom Center collections may contain material with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations. Researchers are advised that the disclosure of certain information pertaining to identifiable living individuals represented in the collections without the consent of those individuals may have legal ramifications (e.g., a cause of action under common law for invasion of privacy may arise if facts concerning an individual's private life are published that would be deemed highly offensive to a reasonable person) for which the Ransom Center and The University of Texas at Austin assume no responsibility. -
The Archaeology of Early Formative Chalcatzingo, Morelos, Mexico, 1995
FAMSI © 2000: Maria Aviles The Archaeology of Early Formative Chalcatzingo, Morelos, México, 1995 Research Year : 1995 Culture: Olmec Chronology: Early Pre-Classic Location: Morelos, México Site: Chalcatzingo Table of Contents Abstract Resumen Introduction Results of Field Investigations Excavations of the Platform Mound Excavation of the Test Units Excavation of New Monument Results of Laboratory Investigations Conclusion: Significance of Research and Future Plans List of Figures Sources Cited Abstract This research project reports on the earliest monumental constructions at the site of Chalcatzingo, Morelos. The site of Chalcatzingo, located 120 kilometers southeast of México City in the state of Morelos, is situated at the base of two large hills on the only good expanse of agricultural land for many miles. Resumen Este proyecto de investigación informa sobre las construcciones monumentales más tempranas en el sitio de Chalcatzingo, Morelos. El sitio de Chalcatzingo, ubicado a 120 kilómetros al sureste de la Ciudad de México en el estado de Morelos, está situado en la base de dos colinas grandes en la única extensión de tierra agrícola buena por muchas millas. Submitted 12/01/1997 by: Maria Aviles Introduction Monumental architecture, consisting of earthen platform mounds sometimes faced with stone, began appearing in Mesoamerica around 1300 B.C. during the Early Formative Period (1500-900 B.C.). Monumental architecture has been identified at several sites, but rarely in Central México, a region which later saw the first development of urbanism and the largest pyramids in México. This research project reports on the earliest monumental constructions at the site of Chalcatzingo, Morelos. The site of Chalcatzingo, located 120 kilometers southeast of México City in the state of Morelos, is situated at the base of two large hills on the only good expanse of agricultural land for many miles ( Figure 1 ). -
Religious Advisement Resources Part Ii
RELIGIOUS ADVISEMENT RESOURCES 2020 PART II Notice Regarding External Resources: The listed resources are provided in this document are operated by other government organizations, commercial firms, educational institutions, and private parties. We have no control over the information of these resources which may contain information that could be objectionable or which may not otherwise conform to Department of Defense policies. These listings are offered as a convenience and for informational purposes only. Their inclusion here does not constitute an endorsement or an approval by the Department of Defense of any of the products, services, or opinions of the external providers. The Department of Defense bears no responsibility for the accuracy or the content of these resources. 1 FAITH AND BELIEF SYSTEMS U.S. Department of Justice Federal Bureau of Prisons Inmate Religious Beliefs and Practices http://www.acfsa.org/documents/dietsReligious/FederalGuidelinesInmateReligiousBeliefsandPractices032702.pdf Buddhism Native American Eastern Rite Catholicism Odinism/Asatru Hinduism Protestant Christianity Islam Rastfari Judaism Roman Catholic Christianity Moorish Science Temple of America Sikh Dharma Nation of Islam Wicca U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) Religious Literacy Primer https://crcc.usc.edu/files/2015/02/Primer-HighRes.pdf Baha’i Earth-Based Spirituality Buddhism Hinduism Christianity: Anabaptist Humanism Anglican/Episcopal Islam Christian Science Jainism Evangelical Judaism Jehovah’s Witnesses -
The PARI Journal Vol. IV, No. 4
The PARI Journal A quarterly publication of the Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute Volume IV, No 4, Spring 2004 In This Issue: Glyphs for “Handspan” and “Strike” in Glyphs for “Handspan” and Classic Maya Ballgame Texts1 “Strike” in Classic Maya Ballgame Texts MARC ZENDER Peabody Museum, Harvard University by Marc Zender PAGES 1-9 • Part ritual, part recreation, and almost wholly mysterious, the ancient Maya ballgame has Sport, Spectacle long been regarded as an enigmatic entity. Literally dozens of ballcourts are known; untold and Political hundreds of pieces of ballgame paraphernalia are housed in Museums; and yet we know Theater: frustratingly little for certain about the rules of the ancient game, its purpose or its origins. New Views of Recently, however, the veil of obscurity has begun to lift from these most intriguing of all the Classic Maya relics of the Mesoamerican past. Archaeological investigations have revealed the construc- Ballgame tion history of ballcourts, disclosing their Preclassic origins and convincingly embedding by Marc Zender them in cultural, historical and political trajectories of which they form an integral part. PAGES 10-12 Further, anthropologists’ and historians’ diligent sifting of ethnohistoric documents and • careful comparison with surviving ballgame traditions have begun to reveal something of Return to the the rules, purpose and underlying rationale of the game. Great Forests The aim of this paper is to further refine our understanding of Classic Maya ballgames Frans Blom's (ca. A.D. 250-900) through an exploration of two previously undeciphered logographs. The Letters from first represents a right hand shown palm down and with thumb and forefinger spread Palenque: (Figures 1b, 1c, 5a and 5b). -
Knowledge of Skull Base Anatomy and Surgical Implications of Human Sacrifice Among Pre-Columbian Mesoamerican Cultures
See the corresponding retraction, DOI: 10.3171/2018.5.FOCUS12120r, for full details. Neurosurg Focus 33 (2):E1, 2012 Knowledge of skull base anatomy and surgical implications of human sacrifice among pre-Columbian Mesoamerican cultures RAUL LOPEZ-SERNA, M.D.,1 JUAN LUIS GOMEZ-AMADOR, M.D.,1 JUAN BArgES-COLL, M.D.,1 NICASIO ArrIADA-MENDICOA, M.D.,1 SAMUEL ROMERO-VArgAS, M.D., M.SC.,2 MIGUEL RAMOS-PEEK, M.D.,1 MIGUEL ANGEL CELIS-LOPEZ, M.D.,1 ROGELIO REVUELTA-GUTIErrEZ, M.D.,1 AND LESLY PORTOCArrERO-ORTIZ, M.D., M.SC.3 1Department of Neurosurgery, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez;” 2Department of Spine Surgery, Instituto Nacional de Rehabilitación; and 3Department of Neuroendocrinology, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez,” Mexico City, Mexico Human sacrifice became a common cultural trait during the advanced phases of Mesoamerican civilizations. This phenomenon, influenced by complex religious beliefs, included several practices such as decapitation, cranial deformation, and the use of human cranial bones for skull mask manufacturing. Archaeological evidence suggests that all of these practices required specialized knowledge of skull base and upper cervical anatomy. The authors con- ducted a systematic search for information on skull base anatomical and surgical knowledge among Mesoamerican civilizations. A detailed exposition of these results is presented, along with some interesting information extracted from historical documents and pictorial codices to provide a better understanding of skull base surgical practices among these cultures. Paleoforensic evidence from the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan indicates that Aztec priests used a specialized decapitation technique, based on a deep anatomical knowledge. -
The Jolja' Cave Project
FAMSI © 2002: Karen Bassie The Jolja’ Cave Project Research Year: 2001 Culture: Contemporary Ch’ol Maya Chronology: Early Classic to Post Classic Location: Misopa’ Mountain, Chiapas, México Site: Jolja’ cave Table of Contents Abstract Resumen Introduction Site Location and Name Regional Description Sacred Caves Regional Archaeological Reports Postclassic and Colonial History The Previous Studies of Jolja’ The 2001 Jolja’ Cave Project Field Season Description of Jolja’ Cave #1 The Paintings Group 1 Group 2 Painting 1 Painting 2 Painting 3 Group 3 Group 4 Group 5 Group 6 Group 7 The Nature of Don Juan The Day of the Cross List of Figures Sources Cited Abstract The site of Jolja’ consists of three caves on a mountain cliff at the headwaters of the Ixtelja River, Chiapas (N 17 20.916’ W92 19.509’). The caves are on the property of the Ch’ol Maya ejido of Joloniel. All three caves contain pre-Columbian pottery shards. An Early Classic Maya mural and seven groups of hieroglyphic texts are painted on the walls of Cave #1. These are the only Early Classic cave paintings ever found in the Maya region, and they refer to rituals performed in the cave between A.D. 300 and A.D. 435. The Ch’ol Maya of the region believe a god named Don Juan inhabits Jolja’ and each year at Cave #1 they perform a Day of the Cross ceremony in his honor. Resumen El sitio Jolja’ está conformado por tres cuevas ubicadas en la cima de una montaña en la cabecera del Río Ixteljá, Chiapas (N 17 20.916’ W92 19.509’). -
The Blue House: the Intimate Universe of Frida Kahlo
The Blue House: The Intimate Universe of Frida Kahlo “Never in life will I forget your presence. You found me torn apart and you took me back full and complete.” Frida Kahlo By delving into the knowledge of Frida Kahlo's legacy, one discovers the intense relationship that exists between Frida, her work and her home. Her creative universe is to be found in the Blue House, the place where she was born and where she died. Following her marriage to Diego Rivera, Frida lived in different places in Mexico City and abroad, but she always returned to her family home in Coyoacan. Located in one of the oldest and most beautiful neighborhoods in Mexico City, the Blue House was made into a museum in 1958, four years after the death of the painter. Today it is one of the most visited museums in the Mexican capital. Popularly known as the Casa Azul (the ‘Blue House’), the Museo Frida Kahlo preserves the personal objects that reveal the private universe of Latin America’s most celebrated woman artist. The Blue House also contains some of the painter’s most important works: Long Live Life (1954), Frida and the Caesarian Operation (1931), and Portrait of My Father Wilhelm Kahlo (1952), among others. In the room she used during the day is the bed with the mirror on the ceiling, set up by her mother after the bus accident in which Frida was involved on her way home from the National Preparatory School. During her long convalescence, while she was bedridden for nine months, Frida began to paint portraits. -
Mexico - the Country 1
Mexico - The Country 1. 758,278 square miles in size. 2. 1,100 miles long ••••• 1,900 miles wide. 3. One-Fourth the size of the United States. 4. 2,000 miles of border with the United States. 5. Two-Thirds of the country is mountains or desert: A) The geography has created some bad \ economic problems. B) It has created difficulties in transportation. C) It has created difficulties in communication. 6. Also has: A) Fertile plains. B) Tropical areas. C) Rivers••••• Etc. 7. Highest point in the country••• Mt. Orizaba: A) 18,700 feet high. ( 8. Annual average temperature••••• 62 degrees. / \, 9. Primary Barrier to••••• Economic "Well-Being"••••• Absence of sufficient moisture: A) Northern Mexico••••• Parched - "Water Hungry." B) Central Mexico••••• Barely enough moisture to sustain plant life: I. Rains are seasonal! C) Southern Mexico••••• Saturated with water. 10. Rain: A) One-Half of the country: I. Insufficient rain year-round. B) 130/0 of the country: I. Sufficient rain year-round. 11. Permanent Snow Line: A) Between 14,600 and 15,000 feet. 12. Is a country of small villages: A) 940/0 of these villages have less than 500 people. 13. Capital ••• Mexico City••• 7 ,650 feet above sea level: A) Largest city. B) From Mexico City to Veracruz ••• 265 miles. 14. 2 nd largest city••• Guadalajara. 15. 3 rd largest city••• Monterrey. 16. 4th largest city••• Puebla. 17. 21 cities ••• Population of 25,000 or more. 18. Population: A) Density is over 27 per square mile. B) 70% live above 3,000 feet sea level. C) 29% live above 6,000 feet sea level. -
Selling Mexico: Race, Gender, and American Influence in Cancún, 1970-2000
© Copyright by Tracy A. Butler May, 2016 SELLING MEXICO: RACE, GENDER, AND AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN CANCÚN, 1970-2000 _______________ A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By Tracy A. Butler May, 2016 ii SELLING MEXICO: RACE, GENDER, AND AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN CANCÚN, 1970-2000 _________________________ Tracy A. Butler APPROVED: _________________________ Thomas F. O’Brien Ph.D. Committee Chair _________________________ John Mason Hart, Ph.D. _________________________ Susan Kellogg, Ph.D. _________________________ Jason Ruiz, Ph.D. American Studies, University of Notre Dame _________________________ Steven G. Craig, Ph.D. Interim Dean, College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Department of Economics iii SELLING MEXICO: RACE, GENDER, AND AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN CANCÚN, 1970-2000 _______________ An Abstract of a Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By Tracy A. Butler May, 2016 iv ABSTRACT Selling Mexico highlights the importance of Cancún, Mexico‘s top international tourism resort, in modern Mexican history. It promotes a deeper understanding of Mexico‘s social, economic, and cultural history in the late twentieth century. In particular, this study focuses on the rise of mass middle-class tourism American tourism to Mexico between 1970 and 2000. It closely examines Cancún‘s central role in buttressing Mexico to its status as a regional tourism pioneer in the latter half of the twentieth century. More broadly, it also illuminates Mexico‘s leadership in tourism among countries in the Global South. -
The Great Forests
Return to the Great Forests FRANS BLOM'S LETTERS FROM PALENQUE December 1922 - March 1923 Translated and with an introduction and notes by Jesper Nielsen & Tore Leifer letters, published as I de store Skove – Breve fra Meksiko ("In the Great Forests – Letters from Mexico") (Blom 1923)3, and she planned to have a sequel published, entitled Atter i de store Skove ("Return to the Great Forests"). Apart from some excerpts that appeared in a Danish newspaper, this idea never came off. When Blom, still a young amateur, arrived at Palenque near the end of 1922 he already knew the site from firsthand experience. Earlier the same year, on April 25, Blom had visited the ruins for the first time. (See Figure 1.) He was immediately overwhelmed by the beauty of the place, and although he was officially an oil scout on an oil expedition Figure 1. The Temple of the Sun, Palenque, April 1922 (photograph (see Nielsen 2003 for a short biographical sketch), he spent by Frans Blom, in the Blom collection of the Bancroft Library, Uni- page after page in his notebook on drawing, photographing versity of California, Berkeley; courtesy of the Bancroft Library). and describing the site and its monuments. He carried quite In 2002 the authors and Toke Sellner Reunert published a few archaeological books and maps with him, but he was a new, extensive biography on the Maya archaeologist and convinced that many details on the existing maps and plans explorer Frans Blom (1893-1963), the first ever to appear in were wrong and consequently corrected them in accordance Blom's mother tongue – Danish (Leifer et al. -
Chalcatzingo:Abrief Introduction Special DAVID C
ThePARIJournal A quarterly publication of the Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute Volume IX, No. 1, Summer 2008 Chalcatzingo:ABrief Introduction Special DAVID C. GROVE Chalcatzingo Issue University of Florida containing: In 1934 archaeologist Eulalia Guzmán trav- bas-relief carvings. The largest of them Chalcatzingo: A eled to the remote hamlet of Chalcatzingo (Monument 1), nicknamed “El Rey” by Brief Introduction near Jonacatepec in the Amatzinac valley the villagers, depicts a personage seated of eastern Morelos state to investigate re- in a cave-like niche above which are rain by ports of “stones with reliefs.” The village clouds and falling raindrops (Guzmán David Grove sits near two conjoined granodiorite hills 1934:Fig. 3) (Figure 2). In addition, in a PAGES 1-7 or cerros—the Cerro Delgado and the larg- small barranca that cuts through the site er Cerro Chalcatzingo (also known as the Guzmán was shown a unique three di- • Cerro de la Cantera)—that jut out starkly mensional sculpture—a “mutilated stat- against the relatively flat landscape of the ue” of a seated personage, minus its head. Chalcatzingo valley (Figure 1). The archaeological site Guzmán also found pot sherds dating to Monument 34: A that Guzmán viewed is situated just at both the “Archaic” (Preclassic or Forma- Formative Period the base of those cerros where they meet tive) and “Teotihuacan” (Classic) periods, “Southern Style” to form a V-shaped cleft. The ancient oc- leaving her uncertain as to the date of the Stela in the Central cupation extended across a series of ter- carvings (Grove 1987c:1). Mexican Highlands races below the twin cerros. -
La Huasteca: Correlations of Linguistic and Archaeological Data
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Calgary (Working) Papers in Linguistics Volume 11, Summer 1985 1985-06 La Huasteca: correlations of linguistic and archaeological data Thompson, Marc University of Calgary Thompson, M. (1985). La Huasteca: correlations of linguistic and archaeological data. Calgary Working Papers in Linguistics, 11(Summer), 15-25. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/51328 journal article Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca I I La Rua•tec:&: Con:elatiou of Li1S9Ubtic and Archaeoloqical Data I Marc Thompson Introduction I In modern Mexico and Guatemala there are between 2 and 2.5 million speakers of 28 Mayan lanCJU&qes. As a qroup they rank next to Quechua speakers of Peru and Equador as one of the most I impressive survivinq Amerindian linquistic and cultural units in the western hemisphere (Voqt 1969). As qeoqraphy and modern distribution suqqest, with the exception of the HUastecs, various Maya qroups have been in contact for many centuries. Linquists qenerally define three major subqroups of Mayan: l) Huastecan, I 2) Yucatecan and 3) southern Mayan. Today, Huastecan speakers are comprised of two linquistic units: l) Veracruzano, distributed alonq the tropical coastlands, and I 2) Potosino, spoken in the interior hiqhlands, correspondinq to the states of Veracruz, and San Luis Potosi, Mexico, respectively. Modern distribution of Huastacan speakers is represented by small, rather nucleated vestiqes of Precollllllbian territories: I "Only five towns in northern Veracruz and an equal nlllllber in Potosi could boast a population of l8 per cent or more Huastec speakinq inhabitants, and no town reqistered over 72 per cent.