Department of Geography, McGill University Montreal, Quebec

Inuit Place Narnes and Land-use History on the Hawaqtuuq [Kazan River], Nunavut Territory

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the depof

Master of Arts in Geopphy

by

Darren Keith

Janury, 2000 Acquisitions and Acquisiions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 WeüinB(on Street 395. NS W~~ OciawaON KlAW OltavvaON KtAûN4 canada Canada

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The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse, thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced withouî the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRALT inuit Place Names and Land-use History on the Hmaqtuuq [Kazan River], Nunavut Territory Darren Keith

This thesis classifies Inuit place names and analyses their meanings to reveal Harvuqruurmiu~land-use history on the Hmaqtuuq [Kazan River], Nunavut Territory. The author collected previously unrecordeci toponyms hmthe territory of this Caribou inuit society, the Harvaqruuq [Kazan River], and corroborated the data of earlier cesearchers The Harvaqruuq landscape was organized hmfoci of subsistence activities by application of Inuktitut geographical terminology and concepts. These foci moved over time and betray changing land-use patterns. The Hmaqruuq was a hntier for Inuit. due to the need to depend on caribou and due to the conflict engendered by overiapping Dene occupation. The presence of anthroponyms, and the paucity of pan- inuit myths in the landscape allow for the speculative interpretation that the names support curent theories of a recent arriva1 of huit to the Hmaqmq. RESUMÉ Les Noms d'Endroits huit et 1'Histoire d'utilisation sur la Harvaqtuuq wvière Kazan], Temtoire du Nuuavut Darren Keith

Cette thèse classifie les noms d'endroits Inuit et analyse leurs significations pour révelIer l'histoire d'utilisation de Ia terre Hmaqtuurmiut sur la Harvaqmq [Rivière Kazan], Temtoire du Nunavut. L'auteur a coilectiomé des toponyrnes auparavant non reconnus des territoires de la societé des huits du Caribou, la Harvaqfuuq pvière Kazan], et a corroboré ces domées aux recherches antécédentes. Le paysage Hmya(tuuq était organizé en foci d'activitiés de subsistence par l'application de termes et concepts géographiques inuktitut. Ces foci ont migré avec le temps et démontrent les changements d'utilisation de la terre. La Harvaqtuuq était une frontière pour tes lnuits était dépendant du caribou et complique par ll'occupation Dene. La présence d'anthroponyrnes, et la rareté des mythes pan-huit dans ce territoire permettent l'interprétation spéculative des noms d'endroits supportant la théorie courante que I'anivée des inuits est récente dans la Hurvuqtutq. .. Abstract ...... u ... Resume' ...... 111 Table of Contents ...... iv List of Figures ...... " List of Tables ...... "i ... Ac knowledgments ...... wn

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Sources and Methodology ...... 4 1.1 .1 Field Methodology ...... 4 1.1.2 Translations ...... 6 1.1.3 Analytical Methods ...... 6 1.2 Contribution to [nuit Place Namc Studies ...... 7 1.2.1 Early Contributors ...... 8 1.2.2 Recent Scholarly Contributors ...... 9 1 2.3 Contribution to Toponyrnic Research ...... 10

Chapter 2: Harvaqtuurmiut History. Culture and Seasonal Round ...... 11 2.1 Origîns and History ...... il 2.2 Seasonal Round ...... 14 2.3 SociaI Organization ...... 23 2.4 Spiritual Beliefs ...... 24 Chapter 3: A Typology of Place Name Meaning ...... 27 3.1 GeographicaULiteral-Descriptive Place Names ...... -28 3.2 Mythological Place Names ...... 31 3.3 Historical Place Names ...... 32 3.4 Spiritual Place Narnes ...... 34 3.5 Resource Place Names ...... 35 3.6 Metaphorical Place Names ...... 36 3.7 Human Occupational Place Nmes ...... 37 3.8 Discussion ...... -37

Chapter 4: Anatysis ...... 39 4.1 Application of Typolog ...... 40 4.2 Analysis of Meanings ...... 44 4.2.1 Type A .GeographicaULitd Descriptive Place Names .... 44 4.2.2 Type B .Mythological PIace Names ...... 56 4.2.3 Type C .Historical Place Names ...... 57 4.2.4 Type D .Spiritual Place Names ...... 60 42.5 Type E .Resource Locative Place Names ...... 64 4.2.6 Type F .Metaphorical Pface Names ...... 71 4.2.7 Type G .Human Occupationd Place Names ...... 72

Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion ...... -78

Appendix: Spread Sheets of PIace Name Classification ...... 90 Figure 2: inuit Societies in the 2@ Century ...... 12

Figure 3: Study Area With Selected Toponyms ...... 42

Figure 4: Orientation of Qikiqtaiugiuoq Area ...... 51

Figure 5: Inuktitut Hydrological Feam ...... 52

Figure 6: Generic Lake with Bay Terminology ...... 54

Figure 7: Cross-sectionai view of river and adjacent shores showing the feamof a Naiiuq ...... 66

Figure 8: Addition of Resource Place Names at QiRiqtalugiuaq ...... 67

Figure 9: Addition of Human Activity P\ace Names at Qikiqtaiugjuaq .... 74 . Table 1: Hurvaqtuunnirtr SeasonaI Round ...... 15

Table 2: Definitions of Place Name Types ...... 41

Table 3: Results of Typology ...... 43

vii My supe~sorProfessor Ludger Müiler-Wie, and Professor George Wenzei were very helpfd to me in my time as a graduate student, providing invaIuabIe advice in matters of academic and procedumi importance.

1am indebted to my Eiiend and research partner Joan Scottie of Baker Lake, Nunawt who has been patient in her tutelage over the past five years, answering my many inquiries about inuktitut terminology, and huit cdture in general. Any accuracy 1 have achieved in representing huit culture in the pages herein is due mainiy to our collaboration.

1 am pteful to the Harvaqtuurmiut Elders: David Tiktdaaq, Peter and Marion Aasivaquk. Luke Tunguaq. and Elizabeth Tunnuq with whom 1 have worked over the years. I recognize the investment they have made in my understanding their culture and history, and 1 can only hope that my field reports and this thesis due justice to their efforts.

Field collection of the toponyms used in this study was conducted during 1994 and 1997 for Parks Canada as background research for the establishment of Fa11 Caribou Crossing National Historic Site. A Merresearch season was planneci for the mmmer of 1998 and supported by the Northern Students Training Ptogram and the Department of Gmgraphy. McGill University. This field trip was shortened due to a sudden death in the family which necessitated my earIy departure hmQman 'tuaq [Baker Lake]. i want to thank my friend and colieague Dr. Andrew Stewart for his constant support and encouragement during the witing of this thesis, and his assessments of the ideas and writing contained herein. He has my respect and admiration both as an academic and as an arçtic field researcher.

viii 1 also want to thank rny fiiend and coiieague Luke Suluk of Arviat, Nunavut for his encouragement in my endeavors, and his counciI on issues concemhg Inuit culture. I wouid like to acknowledge the assistance given me by rny feiiow graduate students and &ends Susan Woodey of Mcgifl University and Nancy Wachowich of the University of British Columbia. Thanks also to Professor Juiie Cruikshank for giving so fieely of her time to discuss issues surroundhg place names.

Many thanks go to Marie-Claude Lebeau my wife and partner in adventure, who disrupted her iife during two winters to join me in Montreal and give me her support and company. Thanks also to my beau-parents Pierre and Hugette Lebeau whose home was a refuge dusing my studies- Chapter 1: Introduction

Place narnes are part of the symbolic system used by societies to cornmunicate spatial knowledge, Through intimate expenence of their environment and the act of naming, people appropriate their geography (Basso 1990: 43) and establish their home temtory. Place names are irnbued witb cu1tura.i information that is coded in their meanings, and in their associated narratives. In this way. place names function as rnnemonics - archives of culturai knowiedge to be read fiom the land.

Because of their inseparable connection to specific ldities. place names may be used to summon forth an enormous range of mental and emotiond associations - associations of time and space. of history and events. of persons and social activities. of oneself and stages in one's Iife. (Basso 1983: 103)

As Keith Brno expiains place narnes are an expression, or reflection, of the individual and society. They are te= for individual or group teference. Because these texts are collectively known, they are an expression of a society 's perception of a Iandscape. Place names are the embodiment of the cultural and linguistic concepts that a society brings to bear on the enviconment. and that society's experience of subsistence in a specific environment. For Mark Nuttail" 'thought space' or 'mernoryscape' are more accurate terms to use when discussing how local areas are perceived and thougbt about by those living there (NuttalI 1993: 77)."

The Upernavik environment is ordered and conceptuaIized by huit through the interaction of imagination, thougiir, experience and language. The way people think and talk about their Iocd landscapes reveal a complex knowledge not ody about the physid environment but of ml, mmcal and imagineci pasevents that have significance for the culturai construction of commrmity (Nuttai11993: 80).

This thesis analyses the meanings of the place names of the Hmaqruunniut -ety whose traditionai territory is Iocated south of Qamani 'hur~[Baker Lake) on the Hmaqtuuq [Kazan River] (see Figure 1). in order to iIluminate what the names cm teil us about their land-use history. According to current ethnohistoricai theory, the Harvaqtuurmiut arrived in the area of the Hmqtuuq [Kazan River] around 1840, fier migrating inland hmthe Tariurjaq pudson Bay] coast. Analysis of the meanings of place names in Harvaqtuurmiut temtory reveal information about: the important locations, or foci from which the landscape was organized,. the application of geographical temiinology: the orientation imposed by the environmental forces of hydrology, caribou migration. and the relative location of the coast; the important subsistence resources and the human activities associated with acquiring those resources; the mythologicai and historid events that have occurred; and, the locations that are an expression of their spiritual beliefs. These information topics, in conjunction with a survey of North American Aboriginai place name studies, form the basis of a typology that is applied to Harvaqtuurmiut toponyms. The results of this classification will be compared with other studies of inuit toponyms, and names that were difficult to categorize wiII be discussed. The names are then addressed by each category in succession. and their meanings anaiysed for what they reveai about the history of Inuit land-use on the Hmaqtuuq. t speculate further about how the results may be interpreted as evidence of the recent migration of Caribou inuit inland in the 1840s.

The thesis is organized as follows: Chapter 1 provides the sources and methodology of this study and situates it in the field of Inuit place names studies; Chapter 2 provides the ethnogaphic background of the Hmvaqtuumiut as ceconstructeci fiom ethnographie sources and oral traditions Chapter 3 descni a typology of place name meanings; Chapter 4 contains the analysis of the meanings of Hmaqtuumi~~:place names; Chapter 5 discusses the results of the analysis. Figure 1: The Study Area 3 1.1 Sources and Meibodology

Field collection of the Hmaqtuunniur toponyms used in this study was conducted in coIIaboration with Joan Scottie during 1994 and 1997, and the data are containeci in two field reports (Nmuqtlcllrmiut Elders et al. 1994; Keith and Scottie 1997).

Before going to the field existing sources of data were studied. ïhe toponyrns of Harvaqruuq were fmt reçorded by anthropologist Knud Rasmussen of the Fifth Thule Expedition in the spring of 1922 (Rasmussen 1%Ob). Two Harvaqmrmiur -Kijùrur and Pukirluk- drew maps of the masurrounding Harvaqtuuq, upnwhich Rasmussen noted the locations of named piaces.

A second source of data was the extensive survey of Kikalliq [Keewatin region] carried out by Ludger Müiler-WilIe and Lima Weber Müller-Wille (1989-91) as part of their NUNA-TOP projects. This work induded the community of Qamuni'ttcaq [Baker Lake] and the territory of the Hmaqruurmiur [see Fipure 1 for Study Areal. Some of the Harvaqtininniur Elders that were interviewed by the Muer-WiIles during this work had passed away by the time of the 1994 field season.

I .1.1 Field Methodology

During the two fieId seasons, place names were collected on 1:50,000 NTS maps. The piaces were identifiai either by visual recognition during a site visit, or by reviewing maps at a site in the immediate area. Sites visible from the river, or river bank, were photognphed to pmvide a visual record. [nfonnation about the meaning of the names and stories associated with named places and spaces was provided by Elders dirring video and audio taped interviews both on the river and in Quntuni'riraq werLake], Nunavut. These recocdings are archiveci with: the inuit Heritage Centre in Baker Lake; the Prince of Waies Northern Heritage Centre in YelIowimife; and, with Parks Canacia. The field work confirmed and built on the data collected by the Miïüer-W'ies (1989-91), which consists of names recocded ont0 150,000 NTS maps as well as some meanings. The format which was used in the field reports is described in A Guide IO the ColZection of Native Place Names (CPCGN 1992). Each name has its own unique identification number which consists of its 150,000 map sheet number followed by a number of its own that was given consecutively as names were recorded. For example:

55 M- 12 001 Qurluqtuq Falls

Translation: "fatls" (Scottie 1995) - continned by ESzabeth Tunnuq and Thomas Oovayuk 1994.

Marked as 'Y25 qurlurtuq - the waterfall" on Kijunit's map (Rasmussen 1930)

Sources David Tiktaaalaaq Luke Tunguaq Peter Aasivaarjuk Bmabus Piryuaq Eiizabeth Tunnuq Thomas Oovayuk NUNA-TOP ( 1 989-9 1 ) Rasmussen I1930b)

The designator 55 Wi2 is the number of the 1 :50.000 NTS map sheet. The 001 is the number given to the first named place on the map. This combination provides a unique locator numtier for each named place (CPCGN 1992: 14). Underneath the name that is in bold is the entity [Le. what the narne designates], followed by the trandation or meaning of the name and a ceference to who translated it or what other source it was taken hm. Under the sub-headïing "sources" are the people who provided the location, meaning adorconfhnation of the name.

Many new names were added to the Muer-Wies' data during this study and many previously recorded names were confirme& in some cases the information provided by Elders differed fiom the Müller-Wilie data as to the location, speiiing or meaning of a place name. When the locations divergai, this was indicated in the field reports. Infurmation collecteci by the Müller-Wik conceruhg the meanings of the nautes was 0 included in my reports, regardless of wether new and old data wece the same. Spelling differences were not indicated.

1. I .2 Translations

Most of the English translations used in this thesis were provided by Joan Scottie of Qamuni'maq [Baker Lake, Nunawt], and are written in the standard Inuktitut Roman adopted by the Inuit Tapirkat of Canada and the [nuit Culturai institute in 1976. These transtations were based on: her knowledge as a native speaker of inuktitut and the Hmlaqtuurmiutdialect: and the guidance of Hmaqtwmiut Elders. In some cases, translations have kentaken fiom one of two published Inuktitut dictionaries; Uirnaisigutiit: An Inuktiiuf-EnglishDictionmy of Norrhern Quebec, Labrador and Eastern Arcfic Dialects written by Lucien Schneider (Schneider 1985); and Comparufive Eskirno Dictionaryr Wirh Afeur Cognates wdten by Michel Fortescue, Steven Jacobson and Lawrence Kaptan(1994). Both of these reference works were very helpfid in the maiysis of place name meanings, as they cover many dialects including those oftbe western Hudson Bay. This allowed me to determine whether specific words are found in many or féw dialects. in Schneider's dictiowy northem Quebec diaiects are strongiy represented and in Fortescue's dictionary the entire Inuit region is covered allowing for cornparison of dialects hmAlaska ta Greenland. I chose not to use Artbut Thi'bert's English-Erkimo. Eskimo-English Dicliontay because it was not explicit about the dialects represented by =ch defined word (Thiibert 1997).

The main thnist of the andysis in this thesis is to look at the semantic content, or meaning of toponyms. As a first step a typology is appbed to organïze the aames into categories based on meaning. As 1am not a fluent inuktitut speaker witb enough cultural contes to develop a typoIogy based on huit categories of place name meaning, 1 have turned to the only approach open to me which is to mate categories of significance hma western perspective. Application of the typology will in itself be a leaming process, challenging the assumptions of the typology, and illuminating the concepts underlying Inuit toponyms.

Derivation of the typology is based on my own assumptions of appropriate categories derived hm: my personai experience with Inuit Etders and the work ofscholars working in combination with Aboriginal Elders in the field of Aboriginal pIace name andysis. Many scholars have taken the typology appmach including those workhg with Athapaskans (Cruikshank 1984: Jett 1999, inuit (Hoher 1969; Ray 1971; Collignon 1996: Fair 1997). and other Aboriginal groups (Hum 1996). The typology used in this thesis is consmcted in Chapter 3 and draws heavily on the work of these schotars.

The second part of the analysis is to look at the rneanings of specific toponyms hmeach of the types. Inuktitur concepts are described by drawing on: translations &en by Joan Scottie: ethnopphic sources; oral traditions: or the dictionaries of Schneider (1985) and Fortescue et al. (1 994). Attention is paid to the existence of shared landscape concepts among huit cultirral groups and dialects. The dictionaries mentioned above were invaiuable in this regard.

1.2 Contribution to Inuit Place Name Studies

It is intended that this thesis Merthe study of Inuit place narres, an amof in- that has not had many adherents over the years. This section wiI1 begin with a look at the eariy contnïutors followed by a survey of more recent scholarly work. Lastly, 1 wiii exphin how this thesis goes beyond the existing work and pushes the field into a new direction. 1.2.1 Early Contributors

The £irst Formai study of inuktitut place names was undertaken by Franz Boas as part of his geographicai and ethnoIogical investigations of southeni Baffin Island in the years 1883 and 1884 (Boas 1885). in the introduction to the recent publication Fra= Boas Among rhe Imrit ofBafin Isfund the ecütor Ludger Mdler-Wille explains that the objective of Boas's research was to investigate the relationship between the inuit and their natural surroundings (Miller-Wille 1998: 1). Boas discerned a link between the conditions presented to inuit by the arctic environment and the fom of their settlement, economy and social organization (MU1Ier- Wikle 1998: 13). Boas coilected place names fiom the outset of his fieldwork. This idonnation, in concert with more extensive ethnographie material. provided him with "information on the Inuit's current and historical settlement patterns. migratory movements. distribution and utilization of resources. population distribution and density and linguistic and sociai relationships (Müller-Wille 1998: 15).

The Danish anthropoIogist Knud Rasmussen had a simiIar appmach to Boas to the study of inuit culture (1%Ob). Rasmussen and his colleagues combineci the documentation of social and spintual Iife with the documentation of Inuit place names. His toponym work enhanced his understanding of subsistence patterns and cuiturai beliefs, while at the same time elucidating the geographic extent of a groups territory. He came to understand travel routes and subsistence patterns through his familiarity with a named area and through the meanings of the names themseives.

As important as place names were to both Boas and Rasmussen as a source of ecoIogicaI information. the analysis of place names was not the prime focus of their work Their studies amount to inventories of names cross-referenced in larger ethnologicaI works. Other early contributors to the study of inuktitut toponyms were predominately 0 missionaries, but also whalers and traders who colIected but did not otherwise analyse place names. Some of the more extensive and systematic collections were made by the Oblate missionaries, most notably Father Guy Mary-Rousselière (194Os-l99Os; 1966) and Father Frans van de Velde (1930s-1980s) (Müller-Wie 1987: 22-23), These inventories are mosrly still in handwritten form and are archived with the Secretariat of the Canadian Permanent Cornmittee on Geographical Names, Department of Natural Resources Canada (Ludger Müller-Wille, personai communication 1999).

1.2.2 Recent Scholarly Contributors

Since the 1960s work has continued on the uiventory of Inuit geographiçal names. Much of this work was motivated by the land daims movernent and the associated stniggle for selfdetermination by inuit throughout the circumpolar world. Bernard Saladin d'Anglure (1968) followed by Ludger Mûlier-Wille and Lima Weber Miiiler-Wdle (19841995) did extensive inventory work in Nunavik resulting in the production of the Nunavik inuit Place Narne Map Series (Miilter-Wille 1990) and a Gazetteer (Müller-Wille 1987). in the Nunavut area inventory work was also undertaken by K.F. Dudley (1972); Mûiler-Wille ( 1973); Ludger Mûiler-Wille and Linna Weber Müiler-Wille. (1 989-1 99 1); George Qulaut. Nunavut Research institute (1 980s-1990s); Luke Suluk, Arviat Historicai Society (1993-1996); Hurvaqruurmiut Elders et al (1994); Tony Utuq, Luke Suiuk, and Darren Keith ( 1994); Darren Keith and Martba Dwyer ( 1995); Lynn Pepliiki (1990s).

The first scholars to anaiyticdly address the subject of Inuit place names were Nils Holrner (1969) and Dorothy Ray (1971). 60th anaiysed inventories of Inuit toponyms and identified categories of name types based on thei.meanings. Hoimer's was a comparative study over the whoIe inuit atea drawing on examples hmSiberia to Greenland (Holmer 1969). Ray concentraiecl her typolo@caiandysis on the toponyms of the Bering Strait region (Ray 1971). Neither of these researchers went beyond the exercise of categorizing huit place mesto andyse wbat the meanings of the names couid explain about the history of a society in its territory.

More recently, typologicai studies of huit topnyms have continued with the work of Beatrice Collignon and Susan Fair. Collignon's study of Copper Inuit place names and geographical knowledge involved the application of several typologies to a data set of 1,006 names (Collignon 1996: 107). Typological analysis of a collection of Alaskan tnupiat names was recently published by Susan Fair, a folklorist then associated with the University of Alaska, Anchorage (Fair 1997).

13.3 Contribution to Toponymie Research

The intent of the author is that this thesis go beyond sirnpIe inventory and classification and achieve an insightfùt analysis of the meanings of Inuit geographical names resulting in observations about the history of Harvaqtuurmiut land-use on the Harvaqiuuq River]. The anaiysis is undertaken in the spint of the place name work of Franz Boas and Knud Rasmussen. Their toponpic collections provided vaiuable additional information to enhance their extensive ethnographie materials and helped them elucidate the huit relationship to the specific conditions of their envitonment, including cwent and histoncai land-use patterns.. Chapter 2: Hawaqtuurmiut Origias, =tory, Culture and Seasonal Round

The members of the Fifi Thde Expedition included the Hmaqruu~miutin a category of cultural affiliation that they called the "Caribou Eskimo" (Csonka 1995: 4; Burch 1988: 82; Rasmussen 1927: 57)' a classification that continues to be applied by contemporary anthropologists. The designation was chosen primarily due to the overwheiming importance of the caribou to the livelihood of Paallirmiut, Ahiarmiut, Hauniqtuumiut, Qairnirmiut and Harvaqtuurmiut societies, who share a common cuitural and linguistic heritage (see Figure 2').

As to the origin of the Caribou huit, it was hypothesized by Rasmussen (1930a) and Birket-Smith (1930), influenced by Steensby (1917; Burch 1988: 84), that they represented the rernnants of an orighd Eskimo culture that developed in the interior, and subsequentiy spread throughout arctic North America and Greenland (Csonka 1995: 7; Rasmussen 1930a). Therkel Mathiassen of the same expedition had another theury, however. that postulated the in situ deveIopment of historic inuit societies, including Caribou inuit. hmresident Thule culture popuIations who originally migrateci fiom Alaska (Mathiassen 1927). Mathiassen's theory has since been supporteci and elaboraîed by arctic archaeologists (See Burch 1978 for discussion). The rnost current theory of Caniu inuit ongins however is that of Ernest Burch. Burch argues in support of a

'The names of the groups have been placed in within the general area of the historic temitory of these societies and is not meant to accurately depict territorial extent. 1 have constructed the map partialiy based on that of Csonka (1995: 187) and partly bas4 on my own knowledge. Joan Scottie (personal commuuication October 28,I9W) was told by Qairnhiut EIders Titus Seeteenak and Martha TaIiniq, in October 1999, that designation Qairnirmiut comes hma hiil named Qaimq Iocated close to modem day Cotbett InIet. Seeteenak said that the Society moved to the Chesterfield Inlet ara in the early 1920s as there was a fin trader in the area. Later they moved up the idet and into the Qamani 'tuaq [Baker Lake] area For this reason 1 have placed Qairnirmiut between Qaimiq and Chesterfield idet. 0 II Figure 2: Caribou Inuit Societies in the 20th Cwtury theory originating with William E. Taylor (1972), that historic Caribu huit were descendants of a group of migrants bmîhe Copper inuit area of the arctic coast in the late 1Th century (Burch 1978): This corroboration of Taylor's hypothesis rats on two pieces of evidence: the sudden appearance in the archaeological record of the West coast of Hudson Bay of dwelling designs dated to the late 1Th cenhuy and typical of, then, contemporary Copper [nuit buiIding style; and, evidence of the level of linguistic relatedness of present day Capper and CmhuInuit dialects (Burch 1978). in the most contemporary study of a Caribou inuit Society, Yvon Csonka point out that this version of events remains an hypotbesis (Csonka 1995: 393).

No matter what their origins, ancestors ofcontemporary Caribou huit were defmitely on the Tariurjuaq [Hudson Bay] coast in first balf of the 18b century, when they traded with Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) vessels sailhg no& of Fort Prince of Wales (Churchill). Csonka (1995: 393) has them there as early as 1619. Based on historical documents, it is Burch's opinion that around the 1820's the Caribou huit of the Tarizqjuaq [Hudson Bay] coast split into two different societies: one to the south, oriented toward the HBC post at Kuugjuaq [Churchill]; and one oriented towards Igluligaarjuk [Chesterfield Met] and Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake] (Burch 1986: 1 13). Following this initiai sptit, a shortage of caribou dong the coast in the 1840s forced members of the southeni group to move t'inzher and Meriniand - as far as Hqtyaqtuuq @ Rivw] (Burch 1986: 1 14; Burch 1977: 143). By 1858 there was an inland population that had nothhg to do with the sea (Csonka 1995: 394). Many stayed and thrived, and as the population pw,the original two societies of Burch's reconstruction, became five societies by 1880 (Burch 1986: 114).

The peciod 1880-1 9 15 has been referred to a 'Classic Period' for Can'bou Inuit, in which the five distinct societies, continueci to grow, and Myelaborate a way of lie based on

Yvon Csonka (1995: 72-77) reviews this arguement in his ethnohistorical study Les rihimiut. caribou (ibid: 1 15). A pend referred to as the 'Great Famine' foUowed the 'Classic Period', lasting hm t 915 to 1925 and devastating Can'bou huit populations as a whoie. Dramatically, a population of some 1500 individuals in 19 15. was reduced to only 500 by 1925 (Ibid: 129)- Recent archaeological research dong the Harvaqtuuq [Kazan] and KangiVuuq melon] Rivers has supported Burch's thesis that there were once very large populations aggregating at campsites dong those rivers, as evidenced by the size of their camps, and theù invernent in dweihg structures (Friesen and Stewart 1994).

The 'Great Famine' was rooted in two causal factors: fithe additional hardship of a cyclical population low in the caribou population made the already risky business of intercepting the annuai migration a daunting task; second, to compound the situation mer. the traditionai emergency resource of muskox was absent due to their king hunted to an extremeiy [ow population by 1900 (Burch 1986: 24 Burch 1977). Harvaqtuurmiut were nearing the end of this stage theù history when the Fifth Thule Expedition visited the Hmvaqtuuq in May 1922.

2.2 Seasonal Round

The reconstruction of the Harvaqtuurmiut seasonal round below is based on the oral traditions of the people themselves, as well as my own field notes hmtwo research seasons. Where there are no specific ceferences the reader shodd assume that the source is my field notes (Keith 1997)3. A summary of the Hmvaqiuurmiut round is presented in Table 1.

'This specific description of the Harvaqtlnnmiut seasonal round fits the general descriptions offéred by previous fieldwotkers (Rasmussen 1930a; Arima 1984; Burch 1986; Csonka 1995). 14 Table 1 : Hanaatuurmiut Seasonal Round

tànzüiesmovenOmiglusintoqtmuqadihenrkintrarr -huit move to sp~gannp skwith pod drainage duc to mcIung m. - Qangrallat caribou had anives whcn the ia is stin on the rivaand aona the nm moving north. -Inuit shoot 4bou fiom Ming plaots. -faribouskinsarc notgoodforclMhingasthyiuesheddmg and fuil ofwarbkfS larva. -huitmakcdryrneatandmmamm. - huit repair kayaks and recover than with skim

- lcavcs stan to diangc color on fundra vCgtrniim - wcalhw nim~colda - chc Mon the auih skiris bccomcs the hghl Utidmes for winta ctoihina. - canbou arc hunred by kayak is in Upinnm. - caribou mcat not dricd but cachai as weiaha cold cnougti- to woid spoilagc. - Inuit amid ment inland to k cachai at aldwintcMg location a ushing laites. - Inuit prroarr and wrt caribou skim for ust ar daihirtg skk -inLR;iaqhsqthtmmthathills~tays~ihepd. - latex whihc mnds and auddIcs over for ihe season ihis u callcd &a',. - mow accumulata on the doddsidc of laka and hiüs dfming people to move into iglus. -whaim igimwomniuwnowwintcrdothingfmmgiitbacd skim Members of the Fifth Thde Expedition arrived on Hmuqtuuq in May 1922, dm îhe huktitut season of arpinngraqhmq. It is the season when the snow begins to melt, and &arespots appear on the land- In this perid Hmqtuunniut abandoneci their iglus and moved on hot to their spring camp sites (auhiNiif= mehgplaces), where they wodd first move into qurmat (or convert their igiu into a qmaq),and then into tents. Tents were erected on high ground where they codd have a flmr of large pebbles (twrpaq) that ailowed meltwater to drain away bom the site, while the occupants of the tents stayed dry (David Tiktaaiaaq 1994, personal communication). Any cached rneat or dry mat left over fmrn the winter was brought along to the sprhg camp to sustain people whr'le they waited for the return of the caribou (George Tatanni'q in Mmik 1998: 224). When meat supplies were low. people wodd jig for lake mut (Julie Hanphaaq Tuluqtuq in Mannik 1998: 200).

Spring camp site Location was dictated by peoples' knowledge of where the migrating caribou herds were iikely to pass. The fïrst herd of caribou arrived in upinngraqhuaq in May or June and are calkd Qungrulla~or the *shedding herd" (Peter Aasivaaquk in Mannik 1993: 26). Qungrailat usually arrived at the Harvuqmq when there was dlice on the river. and the himters hid at places on the land along theu migration route and shot animais as they passed. Dwing some yeam the ice conditions on the river would home unstabie, and bdupwodd begin before the QangraZIut had crossed. This forced the herd to pass tirne on the south side of îhe river und breakup was finished. Many caribou couid be kiIled by Hmaqruurmiur when these conditions mse. Sometimes the Qcmgrallut did not arrive due to the herd moving through a different area and not passing hugh=me, or dl. of the Hm~qtuunniwcamps. This meant bardsbip for al1 (Peter Aasivaaryuk in Mannik 1993: 3 1 ).

Caribou harvested diuing upinngraqhaaq that were not immediately needed would be processed into dried meat (nipku). In addition to nipky ptWt was made by removing the mmwhm caribou long bones and storing it in caribou stomachs. Openings in the stomach were tied off and it was then left in the shade to dry (EIizabeth Tmuq in Harvaqruurmiut Elders et ai 1994: 123; Elizabeth Tunnuq in Mannik 1998: 240). Patqutit and whole mmwbones were cached for kater consumption (Barnabus Piryuaq in Mannik 1998: 167). Although it was possible in times of plenty, to kill many caribou, huit wodd not kif1 too many as the meat could spoii, and warblefly infestation made skins useless for clothing (Peter Aasivaaryuk in Md1993: 3 1). in addition to the harvesting and processing of caribou, upinngraqhaaq was aiso the season that kayaks were built, repaired and recovered, Wood colIected during the winter months fiom trips to Tipjalik [Beverly Lake] to the northwest of Hmaqtzmq, was wd to build or repair kayak frames (Julie Hanguhaaq Tduqtuq in Mannik 1998: 200). These new t'rames (or oId hesthat were removed hmwinter stotage) were covered with bu11 caribou skins chat had been used as bedding skins over the winter. It was important to have the thick skins of bulls to cover the kayak, and these nodystiffskins were softened by king sIept on for a season. The skins wen soaked and the hair removed. Wet skins were sewn together and allowed to dry on the kayak frame that was held in rock forms on the ground to maintah its shape.

ûther bedding skins were aIso soaked, and the hair femoved, for the purpose of making hairless summer clothing, hiksand waterproof footwear (Eiizabeth Tmuq in Keith and Scome 1997).

!&mgmg (JuLy/early August)

When the weattier became hot, usdly in July, the season is referred to as upinngraaq. During upimg~aaqa portion of the berd which crossed the river moving mrth duriag upinngraqhaaq returns, moving south. Qivirat, or the renrming herd, crosses the now open Hmaqtmq at traditional mssing places. The Qivirat are the Iast of the large herds of the season at the Harvaqtuuq.

During upinngraaq Harvaqtuurmiut would move to their camps on the south shore of caribou water crossing places (nalluit), sornetirnes several families together, to intercept the caribou and hunt them fiom kayaks (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 225). Caribou hunten in kayaks (uphr)would work together as a group if there were enough hunters and kayaks. The leader of the group, usuaily an Elder, directed the hunt. Hunters in kayaks hid dong the shoreline until the herd entered the water and the lead caribou passed. Once the herd was deemed to be committed to crossing the river, the htmten came out fiom their hiding places and surrounded a group of caribou in theu kayaks. ïhe Lead hunter. and perhaps another, were at the back of the swimming group of cmiuand lanced the caribou that they selected. Other hunters surrounded the caribou on both sides and forced them to swim slightly upsûeam, slowing them down and keeping them together (Keith 1994-1998). If a good animal, or animais, escaped and were about to reach the other shore, the lead hmter cailed to other members of the camp, who ran around on shore making noise and waving their arms to force the caribou back into the centre of the river (Tunguaq in Keith and Scottie 1997. Appendix: 20).

During these upinngraaq hunts at the caribou crossings many cariiu couid be killed. However. Hmaqtmiut wouid limit their kiii due to the huge job of ptocessing the meat into nipku or dry mat. The heat during upinngraaq meant that it wouid not be long before meat that was not properly dried would rot, The number of caniu that could be processed was Iimited to the number of members of the camp available to do the work. Meat was dried by cutting it ail into thin strips and Iaying these strips out to dry on bushes or pebbles (tlrapaq),allowing it to dry quickly and evenly, provided the weather conditions cooperated, Meaî that was set out to dry on a flat surface did not dry qui~kiy and would taste bad (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Mannik 1998: 240). In addition to nipku. Hàrvaqiuunniut wouid continue to pqarePatqutit by the same method it was prepared in upinngraqhaaq. Patqutit, marrow bones and dried meat were cached during upinngraaq. This was done by packaging them in separate packages made of caribou skins. The skins of buils taken during upinngraaq were caiied itsat, as they were often used to make tents (George Tatamiq in Mannik 1998: 228). Skins that were not good enough to be used for tents wouid be staked out to dry, and used to package items for caching.

Caribou bulls' skins were stretched and pauqtuq [cut dong the edge of the skin and nailed down with old ribs and dried this way] to use for bundlmg. The spring [upingraaq] skins were used for this purpose. Everything was bundled into skins for storage. Nipku and al1 the intestines were packed separately. Even the bones were bundled separately and stored. They were dl bundled and stored so well that they did not get wet in the fa11 min. Blackberry grass was placed on top to pcevent water leakage. It was also put in holes for sealing. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Harvaqtuunniut Elders et ai 1994: 123)

When we had a lot of dried meat hmthe spring and we were going to be travelling or moving to another land we wouid dig out the earth to make a hollow and put some of the dried meat into caribou skins. We wodd use buiI caribou skins that had been caught in the spring, and stretched to dry. Twa skins wouid be put together by tying ropes through hdes dong the edges of the skin, and the dried meat wouid be placed on the sküis, whicb would then be tied together, making sure there wouidn't be any leaks. The skias fui1 of dried mat wouid be placed in the hollow, with flat rocks around and over it, then eaah and lichen wouid be used to cover up the holes. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Mannik 1998: 240-241)

The type of cache dehbed by Tunnuq are called Hirluaq and are constructed out of flat Stones piled so that they have the appearance of a smdshelter when îhey are empty. Tâe gaps between the rocks were dedwith blackberry grass or other vegetation to make them water tight. The rest of the hot part of the summer was spent huuting the scattered individuaIs and groups of caribou. People wodd oflen visit other camps by boat or on foot to keep up communications (Tunguaq in Keith and Scotrie 1997, Appendix: 19). in August the leaves on the tundra vegetation begin to tum colour, marking the season called aujahajuq. This color change can readily be noticed on the uvaalaqiaq or dwarf birch. Caribou continued to cross the river hmnorth to south in August, although not in great herds like the Qivirur and QangraIIat. Only smd groups wouid cross for the rest of the migration. Caribou taken in the early to middle of August, when the weather twns cold - Aujaq - are referred to as hagalaar or short hair, as their hair is just beginning to grow longer afkr sheddimg.

Later in August their hair becornes long enough to be good for making inner clothing for winter. and this is refend to as urquqsat ("future warmth") (Peter Aasivaarydc in Hmaqtuurrniut et ai 1994: 1 1). Even later in aujaq, the caribou's hair gets longer, and these skins are good for outer winter ciothing (Tunnuq in Keith and Scottie 1997, Appendix: 17). Beginning when the caribous' skins reach urquqsat it was important for Hmaqfuurmiut to be at the water crossings to again hunt the caribou by kayak. huit might remto the same crossing hunted in upinngraaq, or move to anoîher that was predicted as more kely to be used by the caribou, based on available information about their movements . The method of kayak huuting did not change hmupinngraaq to aujaq. There were changes, however, in the processing of the meat that was harvested.

The weather is significantly colder in qaqthen in upmngraaq. By the time the caribou skins are right for inner winter cIothhg the weather is cold enough that butchered carcasses can be cached without drying the mat. Cooler temperatures also meant that Hmaqlu~nniutcould maximize their kiU, as there was no danger of wcasses mttmg before people couid process them. This was very important as it was surpluses that were so important to the survivd of the group through the winter until the retum of the Qangrc~flar.Caribou harvested at this thewere at their seasonal peak of health as evidenced by thick layers of fat (runmk). Tunmk was boiled dlit formed a kind of Iard which was used to fùel the qulfiq or soapstone lamp in winter.

likiaahaa/O'kiaa (October/early November)

When the snow started fdling and staying on the ground this season is calIed ukiaAhaq. Later when the ponds and puddles keze so that they will not melt again this is termed ukiaq. This was a period of transition for Hmaqtuurmiuf, when the caribou migration was over and there was very Little snow on the ground for travelling. Women wodd use this tirne to sew the winter clothing that would soon be needed in uhq

At the beginning of ukiuq. when the lakes are Erozen solid and it is very coldJ. Hcrrvaqttmiur would move away hmthe river to one of the surrodig lakes. Selection of winter camping locations was based on an evaluation of available resources in the area. Availability of tish, wintering caribou and fuel (willows) for coo king and drying out clothing would al1 be assessed as early as the suminer and early fa11 when cache locations were chosen (David Tiktaalaaq in Mannik 1993: 58-59). In the months before Christmas people would start travelling by dog team to get close to their cached meat and winter camp near theü cache ai1 through the winter.... (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 228)

The codoa of Inuit families through the winter was largely dependent on the success of the fall caribou crossing hunt. If families did not have ampie cached meat, they would have to try and augment their cesources by: hunting the scattered carihou which femained

' Joan Scottie (1999. personai communication) expIained that ukiuq usuafly started about mid- November when all the lakes are fiozen and the weather has tumed very cold

2 I around the Kaan year round: jigging for lake trout in the lakes; or hunting ptarmigan 0 and arctic hue. Priorities were set in an emergency and the £ktmembers of the pup not to eat were the dogs. If the situation was bad enough the dogs died leaviug the family much Less mobile (Luke Tunguaq in Keith and Scottie 1997, Appendix: 10).

The ptermobiiity afforded by the snow blanket allowed Inuit to travel further afield. in addition to trips to the trading post at Qmnani'tuaq Paker Lake], the opporhiaity was there to obtain valuable wood supplies fiom sources to the south, or the Tipjalik peverly Lake] area

Men wouid bring meat with them when they were going to go out to bring some wood for their use. They'd go to the tree line in the Paaliqmiut area to get wood and to around the Thelon tree line. So during the early winter Harvaqtuuqmiut would go to these two places to get wood for tent ples or qayaq or qamutik or anything they want to make. (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 228)

People who had qayaqs probably went to Tipyalik [Beverly Lake] to get the wood to build them. They needed large bushes and branches. The bushes were used as ribs across the qayaq and the ribs would be covered with caribou skihides ... (Julie Hanguhaaq Tuluqtuq in Mannik 1998: 200) 23Social Organization

Historical Harvaqtuurmiut society consisted of a group of people who were liedby kinship ties. individual camps consisted of extended families, and it was this level of social orgaoization that was most important in Hmaqfuurmiu~Iife (Burch 1986: 1 16). Any hierarchy that existed amongst these egalitarian hunter-gatherers was limited to the extended family unit. Older generations had authority over younger generations, with men having authority over women wiutheü generation (Bincb 1986: 1 19). The leader of the camp, or ihumataq, was usudly a rrjddIe aged or older man who had demonstrated his leadership skills, superiority in hunting and physical prowess (Burch 1986: 1 19; luima 1984).

The tightness of kinship ties within the goup and within Hmaqfuurmiut society as a whole was maintained through a preference for first cousin mariages, with the most preferentiai match king a brother sister exchange between two families (Burch 1986: 1 16). Manipulation of maniage partnerships for sociai purposes is evident as marriages were arranged at a very young age between the parents.

The level of social integration of the group, facilitated by bIood and marital kinship ties, was further enhanced through other mechanisms such as adoption, spouse exchange, partnerships and namesaices (Guempk 1976; Burch 1986). AU of these sets of reIations meant that flarvaqtuurmiut socfety was one wtiere an individual could reckon kinship ties with any other rnember of the pupand therefore resoms were shared kly.

Hmaqtuwmiut interrelatedness pIayed an important role in their subsistence strategy, which was defineci by the pm*tof caribou, Although huit were very aware of the traditionaI water crossings and travel routes of caribou, hmyear to year the animals could not be counted on to use any of them. An extended family or groups of extended families wouId pIace themselves at aii of the known mssings during upinngraaq and aujaq. This strategy would spread an east-west network of hunting camps across the path of the migrating herd. If caribou crossed at one point and a number were killed then many would tum away and either remto the same area later, or move dong the river to the next çrossing, where another extended family(s) would be waiting (Luice Tunguaq in Keith and Scottie 1997. Appendii: 18). in this way they could maximize their harvest of caribu as a group.

Results of the hunt were shedevedy among the members of a camp (Keith 1994-1998), but often the caribou crossed oniy in one area, or in greater numbers in one area. Therefore. some families would have a much greater surplus than others, who rnay have none. The web of km and quasi-kin relations described above. ensured a redistribution of cesources among the members of the society. This becarne very important towards the end of ukiuq when some families wauld nui out of cached meat, and depending on their success at fishing, may have had to travel to reach another family that still had surplus.

2.4 Spiriaal Beliefs

The respect and reciprocity that characterized Harvuqfuurmiuf social life also extended to the non-human environment. The Harvaqtuurmiut world was inhabited by indwetling spirits (Ime)in the earth, rocks, animals and the weather. The most important of these indwelling spirits was Hila - indweller of the wind. As both ahaiand human sods (or life forces) were equated with breath (unirniq), ail life participated in Hila (Merkur 1991: 35) and in this way Hila constituted the universal life force which underlay ail phenornena (Merkur 199 1 :45; Burch 1986: 125). The pervasive force of Hila was respomile for the many rules by which Inuit lived. Althou& Hila was the source of desof behaviour it was Hila's fernale form Pin& ('the one up there') who dwellcd in space, that was responsibie for watching over human activities (Burch 1986: 125- 126: Rasmussen 1930: 49). Pingnn's ultimate role in judgement of a person's behaviour was at death. Mer dying, the sou1 of a person who had lived according to the desof Hila would rise up to Pingnu and be returned to earth by Pingna's heIper, the spirit of the moon, as a human king or animal. The soui of someone who didn't Iive life according to the deswouid spend etemity in misery underground (Burch 1986: 125- 126; Rasmussen 1930: 50).

Rules or taboos were numerous in Harvaqtuurmiut tradition and many of the deswere related to the treatment of animais. the hunt and the land (Burch 1986: 126). When caribou were killed. ail the parts that they were not carrying home had to be covered up with rocks (Rasmussen 1930: 50; Tony Utuq, personai communication 1994). They had to be careful not to be seen by Pingna to be disrespectfid of caribou (Rasmussen 1930: 50: Merkur 1991: 89/90). in general animals were to be respected and oniy hunted when needed for food. Nothing was to be wasted.

The most important hunting method for the Hmaqtuunniut was the hunt at the can'bou crossing. The caribou crossing had many des. People were not to work on skins or materiais derived hmthe animds of the Coast, as this could offend the caribou (Rasmussen 1930: 48)- The land on the side of the river where the caribou wouid enter the water was also not be disturbed. again, as this couid offend the caribou and divert them fiom theu migration route (Keith 1994-1998).

When people did traasgress the desand taboos concernhg the hunting of caniu there couid be consequences: someiimes for the individuai hunter, but often for the entire band. Pingna was tesponsible for the delivery by the spirit of the moon, of the souk of

According to Joan Scottie (persona1 communication 1999) the proper spehg is Pingna, not Pinga as it was first relateci by Rasmussen (1930a: 56). 25 caribou back to the earth to rep tenish the herd (Rasmussen 1930: Merkur 199 1: 157). She was capable of withholding the cariiu Eom the people and Hila codd expose them to the bad weather and natddisasters This fact rneant tbat people in a camp would watch each others befiaviour closely, to enme that no one broke the desand brought bad Iuck tcl the pup(Burch 1986: 126)

Among the Caribou huit, Hila is responsibie for the traditional observances. She sees everything that occurs on ea&, and she punisha violations of taboo by means of the weather and sickness (Merkur 199 1: 56).

Harvaqtuurmiut spirimal beliefs were Uistitutionalized through the desof Hila. To transgress these mies was to invite the consequences. However if one behaved correctly, they could expeçt to have more success in hunting. Chapter 3: A Typology of Place Name Meraing

This chapter describes a seven ciass typology deriveci hmmy own understanding of the information contained in place name meanings, and a review of the fiterature on Aboriginal place name systems in North America. These place name types reflect the classes of information that can be interpreted hmnames to aid in understanding a society's land-use history. The typology reflects my perspective as a westeni researcher who is not fluent in inuktitut language and culture, and therefore does not represent an -emicTperspective. Typing the data resdted in workable sized subsets of names for analysis. in chapter four, the results of the application of this typology to Hanaqtu~miut toponyrns will be discussed and compared with other studies of huit place names. The toponym types are: GeographicaULiteral-Descriptive. Mythological, Historical, Spintual, Resource. Metaphorical and Human Activity.

Place names aid in the appropriation of Iandscape by an AboriginaI societyb. Naming is a creative process that anchors a society to a specific geographical area and acts to integrate the group socially. implying collective rights. privileges and stewardship. in addition, it broadcasts these territorial Iimits and implications to adjacent societies. For huit, and humankind generally, territory is occupied not onIy physically @anduse] but linguistically bowledge] by the application of language through place names (Correll 1976: 173; Fair 1997: 473). Amongst the Alaskan Athapaskans the Literal meaning of the term -person* is "'the one who possesses territory', and place names knowledge is a key measure of one's credentials" (Kari 1989: i 34).

Ka.Birket-Smith originally termed su&-groupsof the Caniu huit "triinto denote "a population that is territonally descrete and characteriseci by a paaicuiariiy high ievei of dialectical and culturai uniformity", however 1 will use equident terni preferred by Burch which e is "society" (Burch 1988: 87). Tfrrough place names home is dehed, and the social dichotomy of 'we and bey' is relliforced. Cornmon throughout Aboriginal North America is the practice of designating societies with the name of an important focal point in theu temtory. Inuit simply add the sufix -miur ("people of 3 to the name of the focal point (Ray 1971: 29; CorreU 1976: Fair 1997: 473). This practice of societal naming is also gendized amongst Athapaskan groups (Kari 1989: 136; Basso 1980: 83) and occurs in the sociaüy complex clan system of the Thgit.

An important but ofien overlooked aspect of Tiingit clans is their geographical basis. Two aspects of clan geography are particdady significant: origin and distribution. Origin refers to the location where the clan was founded as a distinct sociai group and is typically hmwhere it derives its name. The majority of Tlingit clans adopted their names hm the specific places where they were formed (Thornton 1997: 297).

The named place assoçiated with a society usually forms what Correll(1976: 176) calls a 'focal area' that is 'rhe nexus of that populations activity [and is] an infionnation centre out fiom which directions, distances, proximal relations, routes and bcations are determined," For human beings home is the centre of their world and acts as the benchmark for the orientation of their surroundings (Tuan 1977: 35).

3.1 Geogra phicorniteral-Descriptive Place Names

At the most basic level place names are merely labels for the communication of relative location and direction in a field of known spatiai objects. However, North Amencan Aboriginal place names commonly contain ethno-geographical information concerning directionahty and orientation. Place names expressing information about "direction, cardinal points or similar relations" are very common amongst Eskimos7 and AIeuts hm the Aieutian Islands to Greenland (Holmer 1969: 146). These directions are not reckoned

' 'Eskirnt is a term used in the study of linguistics to refer to people using the Inuit and Yupik Ianguages (Dorais 1990). in a cartographie sense but in relation to Iocai geographid and ecological conditions (Holmer 1969: 146). As with many Aboriginal groups environmental indicators such as wind direction, sun position and the bearings of celestid bodies are used for gauging direction, The Navajo, whose names have directionai elements, do not use cardina1 directions (Jett 1997: 485)-

In addition ta the directionality provided by the factors discussed above, place names ais0 contain ethno-geographicai concepts concerning the sidedness, contiguity and adjacency of spatial objects and temtories. Relative to the -focai ma', spatial objects or areas are understood to be 'in Front', 'behind', 'above'. 'below', 'across', %eside', at the 'beginning' or the *end'. This type of information is contained in the place names of Eskimos and Aleuts (Holmer 1969: 146; Ray 1971 :29) as well as Athapaskan groups like the Western Apache (Basso 1983: 1 1 1). For Western Apache the orientation of spatial objects is due to the vantage point from which these objects were viewed by the ancestors (Basso 1983: t 1 1). ûrientation is detennined by the vaditional or habituai way members of a society have traveled through a territory, and the means by which they have traveled.

For Caribou Inuit (Correlt 1976) and other Aboriginal groups Like the Sahaptin (Hum 1996) rivers have been very important for travel through their territory and detennines directionality and orientation. The direction of travel by is also relevant to orientation for Athapkan groups (Kari 1989: 136; Basso 1980; Jett 1997)- Place names are an expression of a society's placement and orientation in the landscape. Orientation is aiways reckoned hma honie place or 'focal point'. and place names contain specific information ahut the directionaiity and the reIative sidedness of spatial objects in their tenïtory.

The great majority of place mesin aii Aboriginal place name systerns faü into the category of geographicaVIiteraldescriptive. in the North Americitll context, Aboriginal languages are rich in geographic terms. GeographicaV1iteraldeScriptivetoponyms sometimes use generic terminology such as 'Iake', 'river' or 'hW but often they are combined with modifiers that describe their relative size, shape, color, or other qualities. Alternatively they may describe the qdtyof a geographic feature alone, without ceference to an ethno-geographical term These are literaidescriptive toponyms.

Correll's (1976) term for geographicaVtiteralaesCriptive toponyms in the Caniu Inuit area is 'imderived" names. Underived aames are "simply descriptive for Iandscape features (1 976: 174)." in inupiat studies this place name type has been cailed "descriptive or geographic toponyms" (Fair 1997: 473) and "generic descriptive toponyms"(Ray 1971 : 29). Athapaskan place name systems Iargely conskt of geographicaiAiteral-descriptive toponyms (Jett 1997: 491 ;Basso 1984: 30). Jett (1997: 491) believes that this is due to the %II-known Navajo pragmatism" found generaily in Athapaskans and that geographicaüliteraidescriptive place names are adaptive: Traditionai Athapaskans are ai1 higy mobile, and to the extent that place- names were rnnemonic devices faciIiîating iraveI, stable geographic/literai- descriptiveness had adaptive vahe (Jett: 1997: 49 1).

The geographic tems employed in geographicaVtitera1-d-ptive toponyms are demonstrative of a culture's geographic concepts. For instance the Alaskan Athapaskan concept of water shed is implicit in Kari's (1989: 135) observation that thek

Names for stream mouths, headwaters, and daciers are derived hmthe basic stream name. A stmname never changes in mid-course (Kari 1989: 135).

Whereas the Alaskan Athapaskan bmad understanding of watershed comectivity is demonstrated through the conservation of a root name throughout the system, Caribou huit are an exarnple of an opposite system- Rivers mvel hundreds of kilometres across the barrens of the Keewatin region of the Northwest Territories. A river is perceiveci as a drainage made up of sections of flowing water, and wider riva-Iakes. Some flowuig sections may be named, but this name does not apply to the whole lm& of the river (Keith 1994- 1998).

The category of literaldescriptive place names is the most common in ail North Amencan Aboriginal place name systems. AnaIysis of the geographic categones used in these names is indicative of a society's landscape perception.

3.2 Mythological Place Names

Place-names systematized territorial features within a tribe, and provided the Eskimo with continuity to the land from time immemoriai (Ray 1971 : 2).

Place names play an important mle in anchoring a society to a geographical area, reinforcing a groups rights, responsibilities and ancestral origins in that temtory. The history of a group's involvernent witb a geographical area is recorded in narnes through the geographical anchoring of historical narratives (discussed below) and mythological narratives. A society's myths are the source of its epistemology and cosmology. For Abonginai peuple myths concerning ihe origin of: the world; the heavens; human beings; landscape featuns; animais; and, the mies by which thcsc clcmcnts arc to intcract, arc situated in their immediate sumundhgs. The names of sites where mythical activities have taken place are linked to these narratives.

The landscape of many Aboriginal peoples can be interpreted as a "mythscape" where mythical characters moved about theù territory (Cruikshank 1990)- in a mythscape the landscape is understood to have been created and shaped by forces and events in mythical time. There are many examples of names refening to this activity amongst Athapaskan groups for whom toponyms originated in that mythicai time (Cruikshank 1990; Jett 1997; Basso 1984). Sahaptin Plateau Indians pIace names aiso originated in mythicai time and refer to the activities of mythicai persons (Hum 1996: 1711 8). In con- Inuit place names are applied by humans, however, inuit also have what Fair (1997: 473) cds "creation texts" in their landscape. Mythical characters hown in much of the huit tenitory such as Kiviuq and the giant Inukpmgiuk are impticated in narratives that result in the creation of topographie features and other environmental phenornena.

Place names associated with mythological narratives strengthen a societies clah to specific rights and responsibilities for stewardship in a definecl territory. They imply ancient genealogicai links to the land and reinforce niles of behaviour towards the environment and other human beings. It is incumbent upon the current generations of these societies to uphold these traditional values.

33 Aistoncal Place Names

A society's comection with its temtory is also anchoreci by place names that refer to historical events. As with mythologicai place names, historicai place names invoke the ancestors and strengthen territorial claims and obligations. Cnhhank (1990: 56) explains that in an oral society, where there is no universal measure of the, history is recordeci in places. Historical events are recorded in ali North Amencan Aboriginal place messystems that have been studied thus far. including: inuit (Ray 1971: 29; Fair 1997: 473), Navajo (Jett 1997: 489; Jett 1990: 182), Apache (Basso 198430) ,Alaskan Athapaskans (Kari 1989: 142), and Iroquois (Gordon 1984: 221).

Place names which record historic events strengthen a group's comection to the land by referring to the acts of their ancestors. Thomton (1997: 300) provides an example of this in his discussion of the link between ïiingit clan members and named places associated with the historical travels of clan ancestors. The historic actions of the ancestors exernplifv interpasonal reIations within the society, or the group's relationship with the environment and neighbouring societies. Basso (1984)has descrii in detail the Western Apache use of historïcal place names for moral persuasion:

Like myths histoncal tales are intended to edify, but their main purpose is to aiarm and cnticize social delinquents.. .thereby impressing such individuals with the undesirability of improper behavior and alertiug hem to the punitive consequences of Mermisconduct (Basso 1984: 34).

The most direct invocation of the ancestors through place names is through the use of personal names. [n many Abonginal place name systems this is not acceptable practice. Athapaskans do not use personal names in toponyms (Jett 1997: 488; Kari I989: 129, 142). Kari (1989: 142) explains that "it would be an overt insult to the ancestors for Athabaskans to intermix personal names and place names." Sahaptin Plateau indians did not use personal names due to the fact that the naming process was controlled by the mythical figure Coyote (Hum 1996: 18). In the case of inupiat, the practice of naming places using personal names is in question. Ray (1 971 :3' 28) feels that this practice was conceptually improper due it's consequences for the name-soul, but this is contradicted by Burch (1994: 419) who insists that it was cornmon (Fair 199'7: 469). The practice is quite common in the Kivalliq [Keewatin] tegion of Canada in Cmhu huit &tory (Keith and Scottie 1997; Harvaqtuurmiut et al 1994; Utuq, Suiuk and Keith 1994).

Kistorical place names also record significant events involving difterent peoples/iribes. Caribou Inuit toponyrns record events of engagements with Dene, and kidnappings of Inuit women by Dene (D. Keiîh 1994-1 998). These specific narnes will be discussed in Chapter 4. Navajos aiso reference enemies in their place names (Jett 1970: 182).

Histocy is also cornmernorateci in toponyrns for old sites associated with previous occupants of a temtory. Inuit name many sites associated with the T~itand huit-Tmiit relations (Keith and Dwyer 1995). ArchamIogical sites afnliated with the people who came before Navajo (Amsazi3 are sometimes named and avoided due to the cuituraI association of ruins with burial places and ghosts (lett 1997: 487).

Toponyms dso keep account of changes in the environment and animal behaviour (Cruikshank 1990: 63). Fair (1997: 473) documented "memory names" in the iuupiat iandscape that preserve the memory of rivers and lslands hthave disappeared. Past locations of animal behaviour such as caribou crossings that are no longer used may aiso be remembered through names, as is the case with southern Yukon Athapaskan systems (Cruikshank 1990: 63).

Like rnythologica1 place names, historical place names reference a band's ancestral claims to their temtory. For Aboriginal people this implies certain privileges with respect to the resources in the territory. Narratives associated with historical place names underline ancestral obligations to care for the land and the animais, and obligations to act in a sociaily appropriate manner. These narratives may be used to persuade those who would not uphoId these obligations. They aiso preserve a record of inter-trii relations, and dernographic and environmental change.

3.4 Spiritual Place Names

In Aboriginal lmdscapes there exist more beings than cm be accounted for by humans and wildlife species. Spiritual beings, or powers, are understood to dwell in the Iandscape. and therefore their presence or actions can sometimes be Iocalized to a geographicai area. Place names often record these locations and flag these areas as places to be avoided, or places to perfom speçial observances, cites or ceremonies.

An example of a name connoting spiritual observances is Alaskan Athapaskan me Neqetsalyaexden. 'Where We Tuni Arouud', a hi11 on the upper Matanuska River where the last view of the sacred mountain QéItaeni, Mts. WrangeIVSanford- It was to this point that the Ahtna would carry a handfüi of soi1 hmtheir homes as they starteci down the trail to Cook Inlet. At Neqetsalyaexden they turned around, scattered the mil, and made a prayer for a safe Journey (Kari 1989: 143).

Inuit have spicitual place names for sites that require specific observances or avoidance. In the Caribou Inuit area the inuktitut name for Ferguson Lake is ARIirnaqtuq, meaning Iiterally "a place of many taboos" (Keith 19941998)- Some named sites of spiritual activity in Inupiat territory are said to inspire "cautionary toponym tales" (Fair 1997: 474). These "dangerous locations" are also named in Western Apache place name sysrems (Basso 1984: 30).

Place names identifying the sites of spirituai activity are comrnon in Aboriginal place name systems. Spicitual place names are associated with cultural knowledge about the nature of these locations and about the proper behaviour demandeci to ensure they are dealt with dely.

3.5 Resource Place Names

Maintenance of environmental knowledge is a key bction of place names in ail North Amencan Aboriginal toponymic systems. Place names are archives of information about where to find the resources necessary for subsistence such as water, wiidlife, plants and other resources. Athapaskan "place names and their associated stories perpetuate us& knowIedge for locating resources* (Jett 1997: 491; Nelson 1983: 244, lett 1970: 180). Inuit place names designate sites where animais may be harvested by refhgto the species' behaviour. The southern shore of a weU known caribu water crossing on the Harvaqtuuq is identified only by reference to the specific way cariiu wak before entering the water (Hiaqruu~miutEIders et ai 1994). The resoucces identified in place names are indicative of the ecologid relationship a society has with its environment. In Aboriginal toponymic systems generaiiy, place names identa resource areas in three ways: simple description of the resource; description of human actions or technologies associated with acquiring the resourœ; or in the case of wildlife, allusion to animai behaviours. in this study, place narnes referring to human behaviour are included in the classification "Human Activity' that wiII lx covered below.

3.6 Metaphorical Place Names

A common category in North American Abriginal place name systems is metaphoncal toponyrns. Human and animal body parts are the most popular metaphors. Hum (1996: 16) identifies a category he calls "matornicd place narnes" in Sahaptin tradition that allude "to the resemblance between some physical feature of a site and the shape of the organ for which it is named." Body part ternis are very popdar in huit place name systems also, with many examples of hiils named "breastn or "buttocks" fiom Alaska to Canada (Ray 1971: 14; Keith and Dwyer 1995; Utuq, Suluk and Keith 1994). Metaphoricd place names have also been mentioued in the toponymie systems of the Navajo (Jett 1997: 491) and the TIingit (Thorton 1997: 304). Hum (1996: 16) recorded a Sahaptin place name for a mountain which has the shapes of full human figures:

The sensuous slopes of this gentle peak are envisioned as a young man with a wife on each arm, one of whom holds his baby (Hum 1996: 16)

Metaphoncd place names are found in most of the literature on Abonginal and other place name systems. It is clearly a common mode of narning, although it seems generally to represent a srnaIl percentage of the totai names associated with a geographical area.

3.7 Euman Acîivity Place Names

Place names can designate preferred sites ofhuman activity in a society's tdorythat have been proven through years of experience. These names may indicate the location where specific resource may be had, or in the case of hunting, a strategic location. Human activity place names demarcate traditionai locations of ceremouies, mg, celebrations and trading. Sites with favourable environmentai conditions may also be named.

In many Aboriginal place name systems, toponyms record the locations of human activities. flagging locations of subsistence or materiai murces. For the hupiat of Alaska Susan Fair (1997:474) identified a category of toponyms she called 'activity toponyms'. The most common in this subset were names which refer to subsistence pursilits. Narning a location for associated human activities is another strategy to conserve knowledge of valuable resources or conditions at that site. In addition b conserving knowledge of a site as a source of wildlife, names sometimes specifL preferred locations in the strategy of the hunt. Festival, trading or other sites of cultural activity may dso be designated by inupiat place names (Fair 1997: 473). Fair also inciudes sites of activity related to traditional taboos in the category 'activity toponyms' (1 997: 474), but in this thesis they have included under spirihiai place names. Athapaskan swieties have place names that would fall into the human activity category. in the canyons of the Navajo landscape trails are important to mobility and they are sometimes named for the human activities associated with them (Jett 1997: 488).

3.8 Discussion

The histoiy of human-environment interaction is expressed in place names. The history of a society's land-use involves the interface of cultural and linguistic concepts with the specific environmental forces of an ma The meanings of topnyms can be sîudied for what they communicate about this interface and this chapter has defiaed place name types according to what information their rneanings offer this study. The relationship of a landscape with its human inhabitants is documenteci through geographicaYliteraI- descriptive, mythological, bistorical, spirituai, resource, metaphorîcai and human activity place names.

By reIèrence to a focus point in the landscape, place names can cornmunicate the orientation and the relative location of spatial objects and areas. Mythical and historical place names promote the ancestrai connection of a society with its sunoundings, and underlinc territorial claims to obligations. Mythical and historical place names provide modets for how individuals are to relate to: their environment; other members of society; and adjacent societies. Abonginal landscapes are inhabited by spintual beings and forces that can be geographically located by place names. Environmentai knowledge about the location of wildlife, plants, water. Stone, wood and other resources is refereaced in resource place names. Geographical features in the landscape are most otlen Iabeled with geopphical/literaldescriptive place names. Fewer are represented with metaphorical place names that oAen draw on the anatomy of the humans and animals. The activity of people in their subsistence and cultural lives is recorded in human activity place names.

The place names of the Hmaqtuurmiut were classifieci into the seven place names types defmed in this chapter. The results of this process will be analysed in the folowing chapter. Chapter 1: Analysis

Essentiaily, the [Navajo] place-names represent an ongoing interplay between the habitat on the one hand and the perceptions and preoccupations of its inhabitants on the other (Jett 1997: 486).

Place names are the product of a çociety's adaptation to a specific landscape. They are a product of a process of mutual influence 'ktween the society and the environrnent. People constmct a conceptual landscape by categorizing, organizing, and orienting spatial phenomena according to their cuhural and linguistic heritage, and their experiences of the environrnent, Landscape sets sorne limits on this expenence due to the presence of specific resources and environmental conditions (Le. wildlife, plants, raw materiais, weather) and thereby prescribes the parameters for human adaptation.

In the preceding chapter, a typology of place name meaning was specified. It descni the different types of information names contain that reflect the history of a society's land-use. in this chapter. the analysis of Harvaqr~~~rmiuttoponymy is carried out in two distinct sections. First, the corpus of Hffrvaqtutlrmiutnames is divided into the seven typological categories and the results are compared with the findings of other studies of Inuit toponyms.

The typing process resulted in the division of the data set into workable subsets for andysis. and the second part of the analysis involves sdigthe meanings of the names. These meanings are discussed in ternis of the Inuit concepts and ideas they express. and what they illuminate about the history Hmaqttnamiut land-use on the Hmaqtuuq. 4.1 Application of Typology

The classificaîion scheme devetoped in the preceding chapter was applied to place name data avaitable from the Hmaqtiwmiut temtory. The data set consists of 272 toponyms, 1 am confident of the accuracy of the English translation of the meanings, by Joan Scoiiie, of these 272 names. A tord of were dropped hmthe data set because theu meanings were not confidentiy known? Allocation of individual place names to p~viouslydefined types was based on assessrnent of the meaning of the name against the short definitions of each of the 7 classes (see Table 2). . Any translations present in original NUNA-TOP (Millier WilIe and Müller-Wille 1989-91) data were either confkmed or rejected by Joan Scottie and the Elders. A few of the meanings were co~medby, or derived hm, the msiations of Knud Rasmussen (1930b) or hmone oftwo huktitut dictionaries (Schneider 1985; Fortescue et al 1994).

For the purposes of this adysis ail 272 toponyms were entered into an eIectronic database using the program Corel Quattro Pro 7. Each place name was entered as a record under 4 fieIds: ID number: the spelling of the name; the lanûscape entity named; and the category type. A tifth fieid records the category type from A-F in which a particular place name fits. The results of his process is prllited out and included in ihe Appendix of this thesis.

u The rneanings of these 54 names were imknown for two reasoas: 1) due perhaps to their age or the obscurity of their references they have no meaning to modern huit, or, 2) there were 0th discrepeacies in Roman orthographie spelling between the NUNA-TOP (Miiller WUe and Müller-Wille 1989-91) projet and my own work When tfie Eiders with dom1 worked hew the name for a location recorded in MA-TOP the spebg codd be comcted, but when the named place was imknown spehg was a sornetimes a barrier to cornprehmsion. 40 Il Table 2: Defmitions of Place Name Types Type A - GeographicaüLiteral Descriptive: Place names which employ geographical terrninology with or without modifier information (Le. big Me); and names that are simply d-ptive of some sensory aspects of the location.

Type B - Mythological Place Names: Place names that locate an event in traditional Inuit myth. These nories usually have aetiological implications for some aspect of the environment.

Type C - Historical Place Names: Place names that record the locations of historical events or genealogical relations.

Type D - Spiritual Place Names: Place names that refer to supernatural phenornenon, religiws objects or religious observances.

Type E - Resource Place Names: PIace Names that record the location of floral. faun& minera1 and other material resources.

Type F - Metaphoncal Place Names: Place names that point out the analogy between die named site or area and something else due to morphoIopicai simfiarity. Figure 3: Study Area with Selccted Toponyrns 42 Category # of Toponyms % of Total Type A - Geographical/Literal Descriptive 124 45 Type B Mythological 2 - 1 l Type C - Historical 28 10 Type D - Spiritual Place Names 6 2 Type E - Resource 49 18 Type F - Metaphorical 3 1 II

Type G - Human Activity 37 13 Total 272 100

Separation of the data into categories showed that almost half of the mesin the data set are of the geographicaüiiteral descriptive type. Aithough their studies were not quantitative this result is consistent with the general observations of Ray (1971)with respect to Aiaskan Eskirno naming, and of Correll's (1976)in his investigation of Paallinniut linguistic occupation of the southem Kivalliq [Keewatin]. Collignon's ( 1996: 107) study oCCopper [nuit place names was based on a much larger data set then this study ( 1.006 names). She applied severai typologies in her dysisof this data set, one of which included the categories "milieu physique" and "milieu humanisé* (ibid: 13 1). The subdivision "milieu physique" corresponds to the category geographic/LiteraI descriptive in this study and represented 62% of the her total data set- A resuit comparable in magnitude to that found here. Collignon aiso had a category in the same typology calleci "reguIar activities" which corresponds to "human activity" in this study (Collignon 1996: 13 1). interestingly. 30% of Copper Mt toponyrns fdl into this category (ibid: 134), double the percentage found in the Hmaqnnamiut area. Based on my experience working in the Utkuhiksalingmiut and PaulI~iutareas (refer to Figure 2, page 15), 1expected a higher number of place names in both the mythological and spiritual categories. Paallirmitrt in particular have many sites of spirituai signincançe towards which one must act in a prescribed mamer. Also in botIr the Utkuhikalingmiut and Paallinniur areas, major myths such as kiviuq are understood to have happened in the vicinity. and there are named sites where mythical events occurred. Both these phenomena are alrnost totaily lacking in the Hmaqtuunniut area

In general Hmuqruurmiur toponyms separated well into the srpology used in tiiis study. However. as the classification scheme was derived hma western perspective, there were dificulties in typing some names. It was this very difl'iculty, however, which caused me to look more closely at the meanhg and use of a meand anive at some conclusions. There were cases. when names were initially ciassified as metaphorical place names, but, upon Meranalysis were found to be part of the systematic geographical terminology of [nuktitut. in addition some names related to caribou crossings appear to be regularly applied tenns for the structurai features of crossings. in fact, the can'bou mssing is conceived of by huit as a geographical or physical feature and therefore names ushg caribou crossing terms could be counted as geographical/literal descriptive place names.

This category of place names is the most cornmon in the Htnvaqtuurmïut . This type captures names of two kinds: those that contain inuktitut geographical tem: and those that simply contain a Iiteral description of the physicai characteristics of a place. The Concise Mord Dictionary dehes "geography" as "the main physicai features of an amarea*-The same source defines Tem" as "a word used to express a demeconcept. .." . Therefore, my intent in the delineation of this category was to tag those names that are made up of huktitut tems for physicd features on the land.

What became apparent to me mon afkcommençing the separation of the toponyms into the different types was that geographicai tenns could not be cleanly separated hm Resource (Type E) and Metaphoncal (Type F). Some names that I originally ciasseci as Type F rely on analog to designate physical Features, but they are used systematicaüy for those features. in Inuktitut they are geographic ternis for those environmental concepts and in the end 1 moved them to category A,

The other category that appears to contain inuktitut geographic terminology is Resource (Type E). The Resource category includes toponyrns that describe animal behaviour. Of particular interest to Harvuqiuurmiut was the movement of caribou through the area. It became clear in the andysis was that some of the toponyms for cariiu crossings are in fact tems and that caribou crossings and their constituent components seern to be recognized as geographic features by Inuit. I have not moved these names into category "A'' however. for reasons 1 wi11 discuss below in the section on Resource (Type E) place names.

Relief Features

The environment of the Hamaqtuuq is quite flat and what relief exists is most ofien in the form of rolling hills. The Lnuktitut tem for hi11 is kinngaq, a term that can stand on its own in a toponym or with further modifier information such as: kinngafuaq (big hill) or kinnga 'nuaq (Little hili). Wls cm be named as a gmup if they are located together Le. kinngurjuit (big hills). Quite often a hiIl or a series of hiils is named in association with another prominent feature and in accordance with Inulctitut grammar they are possessed by that Feature as signified by the suffix -nga which is ofien shortened to -a in spoken language. Itimniup Kirmgaa (65 Pt9 0 15) or ItimnQYs hiII is an exampIe of this construct. This phenomena of "clusters" of mesrelated to a prominent featlrre bas been documented by others (Müller-Wiile and Weber 1983).

Hiils are ofien narned based on a descriptions of their specific qualities. Ungavaittuq (65 P/09 069) rneaning "it has no fai' is the name of a hiIl visible when traveling upstream from Itimniq. Due to a mirage, the hi11 appears close but when traveling it takes a longer thethen expected to reach it. Qaliarulik (65 P-10 049) "hi11 with another Little hiii on top" is also named for its appearance as it seems to have another srna11 hiIl on the top of its base. It is common to name bills according to what can be found on them. Some exampIes are: Imkruli'naaq (65 Pl1 0 059) "a small hi11 with an inukshuk"; PamiaZuktaZik (65 PA0 048) 'place with a caribou hip bone"; Urkuhi&uaqtalik (65 Pl9 066) "place of a big soapstone pot": Hungaujaqtalik (65 P/14 002) "there are beads therew. Hills with extreme dopes or cliffs are also noted with the term imnaq "cliff" (Schneider 1985: 83). Imnalik "it has a ciir (55 WI4009) is an example of this application in the study area. Another tem for a relief feanire is the sloped beach or sand dune calleci ikpik (65 PA 0 023) (Schneider 1985: 92).

An esker named Qingaugaqtzrq (55M114 008) is one exampie of a name that 1 originally classed as a metaphorical. Its mot qinguq means "the lower middle of the forehead" and it seems to be drawing an anaiogy between the bridge of the nose and the shape of an esker (Schneider 1984: 305). However the word Qingaugaq is the inuktitut geographic term for esker and so this name belongs in category A.

Other Physical Features of the Land

As indicated by the name fkpik ("sand dune"), the presence of sand is woah noting for the Hmvcrqtuurmiut. The term for a beach in Inukti~is sirnply hiwaq which means "Sandn (Schneider 1985: 367). Sandy kaches are not common in an environment dominated by bedrock outcrops and tundra Including WR, there is only one other beach inciid m the study area and it is named Hiura 'iuaq (55 Ml1 2 009) "the big sand". In an area consisting mainly of exposed rock, tundra and water, Inuit distinguish between different surfaces on the land. Exposed bedrock (qaiqruq)is disthguished hmIoose or independent rocks (ujarak);pebbles (iuapak);and sand (hiwaq), Qiuqfr.qturns up once in the data set in the name Qiaqru 'inaaq (56 D/03 0 15) %e iittie bdrock outcrop". The term fuupak does not show up in a place name for the snidy area This does not mean that it is not an important concept as pebbles or grave1 are an essential substrate for successfully ciryïng meat, and are also preferred when selecting a site for a spring campsite. The pebbie or ruapak surface was good during the rnelting season as it would allow water to drain undernath the tent allowing the occupants to stay dry,

Islands and points tend to be quite distinct reference feamin the environment and are ofien named. There are two tem for point [promontory or headlandl in inukti~- mk and tikiraq (Shneider 1985: 23 1.405). Although many points of land extending into water are named in other ways. these two terms are also employed. Evamples are: lVuvuhiwik (65 P/10 007) -a point discovered"; and, Tikiralugiuaq (65 Pi09 029) "big point". The term tikiraq is defined by Schneider (1985: 405) as "acape or point of land, promontory" and by Fortescue et al (1994: 338) as "point of land". It has the tenn tikiq

"index tlnger" as a root and may be a metaphorical toponym in this sense, but it is ço systematicaIIy applied that it must be considered a geograpbical term (Fortescue et al 1994: 338).

Points cm. of course. be named using a literaldescriptive name. AlaniriRtuq (65 P-11 006) "it has a big shadow when the sun shines on itn is an example of such a toponym. in addition to action of the SUU on a location. the wind conditions can be very important to camp Iocation. One name which I have identified in different areas is adguq&iniq meaning ivindwards- (Schneider 1985: 3). There is an example ofthis in the study area in the name Adgrrq&inhjuaq (65 P-09 055). This was a camping amand, based on my own eqerience with camp site selection, 1 would posit that it is favourable in mosquito season to iocate tfie camp where it would get the maximum knefit of the whd.

The [nuktitut term for island is Qikiqtrrq. This tenn is ofkn found in place names for islands. and tends to iaclude reference to rdative size. A very important area for the Hurvaqt~~(rrniutwas the area of Qi&talugjuaq (65 P/10 0 19) "huge island". The island is in the centre of a traditional can'bou water crossing. One place name in the QikiqtaIug/uaq area shows that there is an understanding of the geological process of isostatic rebound. ~Vtrvuksc~r(65 Pl1 0 043) is a numkof dlislands adjacent to the shore of the river. It means %turc points" as they will soon k connected to ttie shore by dry land. On the Hmaqmuq there are rnany former islands that are now points. This can be accounted for both by isostatic rehund and the IUWwater levels of ment years. A site that is perhaps a little furtfier advanced in this process is a point in the Qmiq Forde Lake] area which has a veq narrow land bridge connecting it to the shore that is cdled tltani hauq (6jP- 1 1 0 18) "Mecomection".

The hukti~equivalent of river is the term Atnrff,however this does not mean that the entire lwgth of wht wouid be cdIed a river in EngIish is recognized by Inuit as king a single entity to be named. For instance the name Hmaqtmq is the name for the Kazan River hmits outlet at HikuIi@uuq vathkyed Lake] to its mouth at Qamani 'ruq [Baker Lake]. ihïs is only a tiaction of the rivet's length as it originates in northern Saskatchewan. A river is conceived of as sections of rnoving water and intervenùlg widenings in the river or what the Müller-Willes (1989-199 1) categorizes as river-lakes or river channeis (Mailer-Wille 1987). A lake wtiich is the obvious pmduct of an input river or stream and which is also drained by a river or stream is a river-lake or qmnaniq. This type of lake is set apart hma lake which is not part of a moving mer system but is either spring fed or fed by smali feeder sûeams. This is cded a fahi+ A tahiq may even be drained by a stceam or river, as long as it is not dso fed by one. Perhaps what is important is that the qamaniq is a lake that is seen to have some directionality with respect to the drainage. It is an intervening body of water in the river's course.

The Penguin Dictioq of Geography defmes Iake as foiiows:

An extensive sheet of water enclosed by land, occupying a hoiiow in the earth's sudice. The name is sometimes loosely applied, too, to the widened part of a river or to a sheet of water Iying dong a Coast even when it is connected with the se&-.. (Moore I988: 120)

In English one may speak of a "widening in the river" and a "lake" ,but there is no comparable term to the huktitut qamaniq. There is some arbitrary point at wtiich, in English, a widening in the river achieves a critical size for it to &e called a lake. In Inuktitut a qamaniq rem* a qamaniq, no matter how large, if it meets the criterion of king fed and drained by a sizeable Stream.

The terms qamaniq and tahiq are often found in place names. The huktitut name for Baker Lake is Qumani'tuaq "huge Iake". The term ofien stands on its own as a name or is associated with a dominant Iocal featufe such as in îhe case of 65P-06001 that is known as either Qamaniq or T~tgfinrripQamania nT~gIi~tiksriver-lake". Many narned places are sirnply geographicai ternis. in order to be more precise about the exact location. the name of a feature is ofien tied to a n&y prominent feature. An exampte of this is the narne qamanaarjuk meaning %as the appearance of a qamaniq". There are two kquented places named qammaet(k in the Baker Lake area: one on the Hmqîuuq [Kazan River] and one on the Kmgiiuaq melon River]. To be precise, the one on the Hmaqtuuq is cailed Hmaqtuup Qmanaarjua. A Hmaqtuurmiut person speaking about hisher own Iand wouid not have to add this madcer however, and codd simpiy refer to it as qmanaa@k as the reference wouId be in the context of his/her geographical focus. The above exampIe demonstrates the façt that the Harvaqtuuq area is what Correii (1976: 176) cdsthe 'focal area' of the Hmaqtuurmiut. It is %e nemis of that population's activity [and is] an information centre out fiom which directions, distances, proximal reiations. routes and locations are determined (Correll 1976: 1X)." Within the main focal amthere are what we may cal1 sub-foci - areas that were important camping areas or significant points of ceference within a certain portion of the overail territory. Tugliruriq (65 P/06 007) is a significant hi11 in the western portion of the Hmaqtuurmiut area and was a traditional camping location. Tberefore, it acts as a sub-focus and it is referenced in the cluster of names for features in its immediate vicinity such as Tuglirutip Qamania (65 Pl06 00 1) or -Tuglirutiq's river-lake".

Tahiq is also a very popular designation either as it is or with some adjective information such as big or small. Sometimes. though, there are so many lakes with the same name in a small area that there must be a way to sort them out. This is done in reference to one's focus. Between the Harvaqruuq and Tipjalik peverly Lake] there are three lakes named Tahitjuaq that are named by Harvaqtuurmiut according to their relative distance fiom the Hmaqtuuq. Seen hmthe Harvaqtuuq they are named Tahirjuaq Tugliq, Tahirjuaq .-lhdliq and Tahirjuaq Ungalliq - the closest. the middle and the fùrthest. The designation of closest and furthest would reversed if one was standing at Tipjalik [Beverly Lake]. This example is another demonstration of the concept of a Harvaqruurmiur focus. People travelled away fiom home towards Tipjalik by dogteam in the wllzter. and these lakes lay on the route and therefore have an order with respect to the focus [home] - the Harvaqtuuq.

Anoîher example of a named feature within the context of a sub-focus is the lake Tumhuk (65 Pl1O O 1 1) Iocated south of the Hmaqtutiq in the Qikiqtalugjuaq area (F$yre 4). The name means rhe back section" and the backness of the lake is determined with respect to the traditiond campsite locations around Qikiqtalu~uuq- the centre of this sub-focus. On the south side of the river there are three popular campsites dong the shore: Pappikuq (65 PJIO 024). Hannirut (65 Pi10 010) and Ikpik(65 PfIO 023). if these campsites are thought of as facing the river and the direction that caribou move through the river crossing located there, then 'fiont' is to the no& of the campsite. The lake is located immediately bebdthese camps in this orientational scheme and so is part of the "back section".

The outlet Eorn a qamaniq is te& a mujungniq in lnuktitut (Schneider 1985: 177) (Figure 5). Conversely. the inaow to a qamaniq is called an ukuq (Fortescue et al 1994: 14). There is no equivalent tem in EngIish unless the widening in the river is judged to be large enough to be called a Iake in which case this wouid be termed the mouth. The tenn akuq is dehed by Schneider (1985: 15) as 'the tail on the parka wom by huit women". The use of this tem for where a river entes the relatively stüi water of a tuhiq, qamaniq or the ocean may be due to the characteristic shape it has which is reminiscent of the shape of a woman's parka tail. Thrire is also another term for where moving water mers a tuhiq. qamaniq or the ocean and that is pua. Fortescue et al (1994: 245) defines paa as meaning "opening, entrance, mouthn. Beside the binary pair of muq+ungniq/akuqthere is another which delineates the a simiiar phenomenon - aariaq/akuq. Am*aq is the area in a body of watm Iocated in a shallow bay just above and to the north of a mwjungniq (see Figure 5). Aariaq has the meaning of 'bpper back and shouiders" (Schneider 1985: 3) and is yet another example of a metaphoricaliy based geographical tem. Both Aariaq and Akq could have been included ia the metaphorka1 place name category, however they are applied systematicdly to the same phenomena and so qualiQ as hydrologicd terminology. This binary tenninology is demonstrated in a pair of names for the two hills Aaria&iq (65 Pl1 1 007)and Akuq&iq (65 P/I O O 15) which are at opposite ends of a flowing water section including a signif~cantarea of rapids cdled Bimninguq (65 Pf 11 0 16).

The huk, qumaniq, uariuq/ahq, mqungniq/akrrq sysystern organizes the environment according to the flow of the t.lztchment. Rivers are a force that give Iandscape an orientation. Another source of orientation, even as far dand as the Hurvaqruuq is the direction of the sea vis-à-vis the [and. The binary terms kangïlZiq/Rilfiniqrepresent this relationship. Acconiing to Schneider (1985: 139) kangilliq means "thing thai is Mer inland than another". Fortescue et al (1994: 157) agree wiîh this definition and adds that the mot 'kangi' means "bottom of bay, direction towards [and, source of river". Schneider (1985: 139) gives the meaning of Killiq as %haî is furthest toward the sea (opposite of Kangilliq),..-. This binary opposition is well known to Iinguists and is in use in Kaladlit Numat [Gfeenland], Nunavik morthem Quebec], SanikiIuaq [Belcher Islands], Kivalliq [Keewatin] and the Qitinniuf ~tikmeot]region [Canadiau central Arctic coast] (Fortescue 1988: 6-16). In some areas it has a Iimited or local application, while in others it is applicable over a wide am(Fortescue 1988: 3).

fn the KivaIIiq wwatinl, rivers flow to îhe sea hmthe west/northwest and this seems to fit weII with the Hmaqhnrrniiut application of the term KmgiIIiq- The corollay of this is that if one reckons the direction of the sea hmthe path of inland rivers, then the direction of the ocem is east/southeast. This Gts wdwith the Hmuqhnamiuf application of the term Killiq. This terminology is used in names descriptively as in the case of the lakes Kangilliq Tullik (65PlIO 05 1) and Killiq Tdik (65Pl10 050), which in the scheme used here would fit into the Resource place names as they denote lakes frequented by lwns. However, they named as a pair with one king RangiIIiq to the other's killiq. Another example of this is in the descriptive naming of two points - Tikira 'tuaq Kangilliq (65Pl15 004) and Tikira 'tuaq KilIiq (65 Pl 15 007). niese directional terms are also embedded in the Harvaqtuurmiut terminology for bays. Bays on water bodies that have their heads oriented towards the northwest are referred to as kangiq&uk (See Figure 6). An example in the study area is Kangiq&ulugjwq (65 Pl9 005) "appearance of a large northwest pointing bay". Bays with their heads oriented to the southeast are called kiilinaugaq. There are a few examples of these type of bays in the area: Killinauga 'naaq (55M112 01 8) "small southeast pointing bar; KilIingaugaq (55MI 12 008) "bay pointing towards the southeast"; and 65 Pl06 01 8 Killiniq, This .stem is appiied regularly in the area. There is yet another class of bay which bas a reguiar term that implies the bays orientation. Qinnguq bas been defined by Fortescue et al ( 1994: 309) as meaning %est side of lake" for the Caribou Inuit, The use of this tenn by Harvaqtuurmiut is a West facing bay. There are two examples in the study area: Qinngu 'naaq (65 Pl10 014) "little West pointing bay"; and Qinnguraujaq (SM13 026) "long narrow West pointing bay". merHydrological Structures

There are other hydrological feams which are descnïd in Harvaqtuurmiut place names. The narne for the river itself is Hmaqtuuq "the big drift" (translation Joan Scottie). The mot term of this toponym is smaq rneaning hpids in a nver"(Schneider I984: 346). There were no toponyms for specitic sections of rapids that were named using the tenn sarvaq. Most rapids were named descriptively or according to their effect on the movement of people on the river. An example of a descriptively named rapid is rlupalukruq (55 M/14 003) meaning simply 'ked" and refers to the cotor of the mck around the rapids. There was one example of the use of the inuktitut tenn for mterfall and that is the name for Kazan Falls - Qurluqruq (55 iW12 001).

Oa a smaller scale an area of disturbance in the cunent of a river, - a whirlpool or back ddy - is termed angilluqtuq (Schneider 1985: 28). There is one toponymie example of this tenn in the study area: Angilluqtu 'ruaq (65 Pl10 038), which deiineates a very confinesi area of current off the downstream end of the isIand Qikiqtal~~uuq(65 Pl10 0 19). Another place name relating to moving water is Nuiliak (55 W12043), meaning "two water sections shooting water up spontaneously" (Harvaqimumiut Elders et al 1994: 46). The work nuillaruq is defined by Schneider (1985: 218) as "it shows itselfonce". This name describes two current sections of the nver that are side by side tbat spurt up water once in a whiIe thus showing themselves.

There is an equivaient to the English tenu namw or nanows to desmi a narrow in a river or possiily a lake. The base of the tenu for nanow seems to be Quuk- meauing "opening" (Schneider 1985: 330). There is a narrow in the Hmaqtuuq caiied puUkiZmq (65 Pl09 O 1 !) meaning simply narrows. 1have also encountered the use of the name ~kilmqfor a narrows in the clcean between King WilIiam Island and the Adelaide Peninsula that is called Simpson Sûait in Engiish. The= is also a Qmzguq - "nam,ws" (Fortescue et al 1994: 3 1 1) - on the lower Back River and a Quungurjwqin Qamaniq waguse Lake] near Arviat.

4.22 Type B - Mythological Place Narnq

Many of the same Inuit legends are told in slightly different versions throughout at kast the Centra1 Arctic and Kalaallit Nunaat [Greenland]. in my experience, in areas where these legends are told, the events in the legends, and any resuitant landscape features or artifacts, tend to be located in the immediate geographical area of the people who are telling the story. This is aiso held to be tme in Nunavik (Louis-Jacques Dorais, Personal Communication 1999).

Some of the more well known Inuit legends are those associated with the character Kiviuq and the giant Inukpahu'uk. 1 have not heard of the existence of any stories conceming giants in the Cariiu Inuit area. Conversely, giant stories and the locations of giant activities are known fiom the Copper inuit axa, dong the arctic coast as far as northern Baffin Island.

KMuq Iegends are told in the Caribou inuit area. The Paailirmiut of the Hudson Bay coast have known locations where some of the events of these stories occurred. 1 was told a story of Kiviuq by Harvaqtuwmiut Elder Elizabeth Tunnuq. She was quick to point out, however. that the story was set on the coast. The Hmqfinanriut know a song that is attributed to Kiviuq, dso known to the coastal Paallirmiut (Luke Suluk personal communication 1999). The Song consists of a List of place names, sung in the order of the traveller's movements through the land. It begins on the coast and moves idand up the Kangrj'uaq melon River] past Tipjalik [Beverly Lake], then starts at the Hmaqtuuq river mouth and moves up the Kazan River to the Kunmaq River mouth. The only Iegend that 1 have thus far been told which is located in the Hmvaqtuurntiuf am is one associated with the place name Amnapiwik (65 Pl1 1 O 14). The name means essentially "get that onen and is a reference to the following legend:

There was a herd of caniu about to cross a river [Kunnuaq]and a big buil was leading. He was calling to the other side of the river "Inuiigunna, Inuiigunna" "Is there inuit over there?" 1s there inuit over there?". No response. inuit were supposed to respond They didn't respond. He said [the buil] "1 know there is Inuit over there but îhey're just hidii to get us. At the same time he starteci to enter the water. Just as they entered the water a bunch of qajaqs came out to hunt them When they started to spear them, he told the hunter. "Don't spear me yet or your wife won't get tunnuq [caribou fat] this fail." So he wasn't speared. They were spearing others. So he made it iniand and he shook and he said "1 made it to the land since you wouldn't spear men. It is called amnapiurvik because the bull was saying arnna - that one, piuk - get it. "Get that one, get that one" he was saying. "Not me, get that one". Amaapid. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Keith and Scottie 1997).

Rasmussen recorded a Paallimiur version of this story hmKivgamjuk camped at Hikulikjkaq [Yathkyed Lake] in 1922 (Rasmussen 193Oa:gO).

An example of a place name derived fiom a locd stoty is that of Umingmqaqtaiik (65 Pl10 033), an island in the Hanaqfuuq close to the island Qikiqtalugiuaq (65 Pl10 019). It is said that a group of muskox were swimming in the river and then tumed to stone to mate this island (Peter Aasivaaryuk in Hmaqtuurmiut Elders et ai 1994). This site might be classified as a mythological place name of oniy local celevance.

Names that cefer to historical events are not very numerous in the Harvaqhnamiut are% but they do exist. Some refer to what seem to be quite minor events such as Tiriksiutaarvik (65 Pl14 006) which means "place where a belt broke off, or Uu@halik (65 Pl14 007), "phce of boiled mat". These names appear to recaII events tbat might have been significant to the individual or group involved in the event, but are not historicdy meaningfhi in a wider sense.

The major historicd events that are recdled in place names in the Hmaqhnrrmiur area tes* to the attacks of Dene on huit. The sometimes violent relationsbip beniveen the Caribou inuit and the Dene has been weil documented (Smith and Burch 1979). These two groups were quite wary of each other and there were mny battIes between them. The two place uames Upinngntik (55 M/ 12 O3 5) and Minngirvik (55 W12 036) refer to one event where Dene feil on an inuit camp in the spring the. Upimgivik means 'khere they snuck up" - Schneider (1985: 457) defuies "upinngupaa" as meaning "he surprises him. by arriving unexpectedly." MinngMk means "attack pIacen - Fortescue et ai (1994 200) defines the base "minngiq" to mean ''jurnp up" or "spring up". The hvo names togethet document where the enemy approached hmand where they fhùly fell in on the Inuit. There was no Mernarrative about the incident other then the statement that people were killed by Dene (Maler-Wies 1989-91).

A more extensive narrative of an historical Dene attaçk on inuit is commemorated in the place name Armqquvik (65 P/13 007). The name means "where you put the women" and &ers to an attack which occurred near the shore on the West side of Tahijuaq Tugiiq Wncess Mary Lake] (65P-13001). The women were sent to stay on the island for rheir protection during the battte.

Tunnuq: There is a story in this area mcessMary Lake]. There is a littie island. AI the women with theu chiIdren were taken to an island to keep thern Erom hmby the indians. This particth woman, was a good swimmer and sk swam back to the camp where she shoddn't be. The hdians shot her with an arrow through the nose. So she ended up with a short nose. This was vqoid, before their time, That isiand is ded Arnaqud-

Tunnuq: The theory is that maybe that littie girl [who was forgotten] was her daughter. The men placeci them on an island denthey were going out to search for the indians that had been domg the killing. I guess in the rush or during the confusion that little girl when she got scared she [hidl where the dogs had dug. So the woman retumed when she shouldn't have. It is quite a long way hmthat island to the land and the indians were ri@ there.

Joan Scottie: Why were they killing just for kiiling or because they were fighting over land?

Tunnuq: Just for killing.

Tunnuq: During the migration of the caribou the indians used to foiiow. When the migration came there was more likelihood of the indians [coming]. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Keith and Scottie 1997: )

The attacks of foreign enemies are certainly events thaî would be remembered for some tirne. It is not surprishg that the location of such stories are embedded in place names.

Graves

Another type of place name that 1 have included in the historical category are places named aller buried ancestors. These anthroponyms are said by Ray (1 972 :2,281 to be disdlowed in inupiat tradition due to beliefs surrounding the name-sou1 cornplex. However, Fair (1 997: 469) explains that this point is contradicteci by Burch (1994: 419) who says it was quite common. This practice is popuiar among the Caribou Inuit, but 1 have not seen it amongst the Nattilingmiut, illuilirmiut or UtkuhiRralingmiut to the north. It is aIso very uncommon in Nunavik (Louis-Jacques Dorais, personal communication 1999).

The attachment of an ancestor's name to the site of theù grave is a way of recording the history of the people who live in the area. It preserves ancestral links to the landscape and reinforces territorkil claims and obligations. Because the ancestors maintaineci the land by living as prescnid by belief and taboo, their descendants must aIso foilow these ways. The existence of the names of ancestors as place names in the environment is a continual reminder of this obligation.

The practice of Caribou Inuit was most cornmoniy to bury a person on the top of a hi11 or high land relative to its smundings. There were two types of buriais seen on the Harvaqtuuq: either the body was covered in can'bou skin and ringed by stones; or the body was covered by a pile of stones. The Iocation of the head was marked by the placement of a quartzite stone or by the erection of a pole. Names ceferring to burials are always suuctured in one of two ways: either using just the person's name; or the name plus the sufi-tPlik meaning "is there". Some examples of hiiis with buriais are: Pipqu nauqtalik (65 Pl9 049) "Place of Pipqa'naaq"; and Atuat (65 P/9 052) which is simpIy a person's name. There is one example of a lake taking on the name of a person buried there - Akutaqtalik (55M/l2 042) "Place of Akutaq".

The pre-Christian Hmaqnnrrmiut world was Uihabited by indweiiing spirits (Im)in the earth. rocks, animais and the weather. The most important of these indwelling spirits was Hila - indweIler of the wind. As both animal and human souls (or lie forces) were equated with breath (anirniq), al1 life participated in Hila (Merkur 1991: 35). In this way Hila constituted the universal life force which mderlay aii phenornena (Merkur 1991: 45; Burch 1986: 125). The pervasive force of Hila was responsible for the many des by which huit lived.

Aithough Hila was the source of des of behaviour. it was Hila's female form Pingna ('the one up there'), who dweiied in space, htwas rpsponsi'ble for watching over human activities (Burch 1986: l2Yl26: Rasmussen 1930a: 49). Pmgna's dtimaîe role in judgement of a person's behaviour was at death, Mer dying the sou1 of a person who had lived according to the desof HhwouId rise up to Pingna and be retumed to earth by Pingna's helper, the spirit of the rnoon, as a human king or animal. The sod of somane who didn't live life correctly would spend etemity in dryunderground (Burch 1986: 1251126; Rasmussen 1930a: 50).

Rules or taboos were very extensive in Hurvaqtuunniut tradition and many of the des were reiated to the treatment of animals, the hunt and the land (Burch 1986: 126). When caribou were kiLied, al1 the parts that were not canied home had to be covered with mks (Rasmussen 1930a: 50; Tony Utuq, personal communication). They had to be careful not to be seen by Pingna as king disrespectful to caribou (Rasmussen 1930a: 50; Merkur 199 1: 89/90). In general animals were to be respecteci and ody hunted when needed for food. Nothing was to be wasted.

The most important hunting method for the Hmaq~iutwas the interception of caniu at water crossings. Hunting at a caniu crosshg had many des. These included: not working on skins or materials derived hmthe animais of the coast, as this could offend the caribou (Rasmussen 1930a: 48); and, not distilrbing the land on the side of the river where the caribou would enter the water. as again, this codd offend the caribou and divert them fiom their migration route (Keith 1994-1998).

When people did transgress the desand taboos concerning caribou the coIlSequences were mlyIimited to the individuai hunter, rather the entire band felt the effi Pingno was responsible for the detivery of the souk of caribou to the spirit of the moon, for remback to the earth to replenish the herd (Rasmussen 1930a; Merkur 1991: 157). She was capabte of withholding the caribou hmthe people and Hila could expose humans to bad weaîher and natural disasters. This possibility meant that people m a camp would watch each other's behaviour closely, to ensure that no one broke the des and brought bad iuck to the group (Burch 1986: 126) Among the Caribou Inuit, Hila is respomible for the traditionai observances. She sees everything that occurs on earth, and she punishes violations of taboo by means of the weather and sickness (Merkur I9W: 156)

Aithough taboo was an important part of pre-Christian Hmaq~iutIife ihere appear to be no place names in the study area which refer directly to taboos. Aklimqtuq [Ferguson Lake] is just to the south of the study area and was frequentiy visited by Harvuqtuurmiut. The rwt akiiq means "refrain hmsomething on accomt of taboo* (Fortescue et al 1994: 8) and so akiirnaqtuq means that this is a place where many taboos must be observed.

Indirectly, the naming of caribou crossings serves to identifj areas where taboos must be followed.

O fferings in my eqerience in the Paallinniut area, there are many sites at which people are expected to give an ofTering such as a grave, an imrknk, a cave, or a stone. These sites are described as runillmiir. Tunillaq means offering or sacrifice. The materid possession that was &en in these cases was to be of value to the giver and so was a sacrifice. The Harvaqtuurmiut do not seem to have spxific locations or hrniflarviif. Question: Did they have Tunillarvüit in the Harvaqtuurntiur area?

Elizaùeth Tunnuq: Ttmillaq usually means - they had that up here too but they didn't have a special place where you offer to a ceaain place. Zt would happen if there was a sickness in the family. Like during the time when Tunnuq was around, her mother in law ended up with a mllen neck. She had to give away, and sacrifice ber nice sWgcloth, she had to take it up the hiii or somewhere. That is a tunillaq, a sacrifice. In f~ it happened that at the same time her motber-in-law had a swofIen neck she [Tuma had a swoiien neck the other way. Wethey were sacrificing her skirt dress. Her family were praying to a different gdShe was a Christian. Aiso if you corne amss graves, you leave something - that's caiied tunillaq. Tunillaq as we know it up here is usually where you give to a grave. Tuni means giving. in order to gain something you sacrifice something that is your favourite. (Keith and Scotîie 199752)

There are no place names in the data set that rder to offenngs or to features that require offerings.

Spirit Beings

To the pre-Christian Hmaqtuurmiur spiritual beings Like the tuurngaq, qavavaq and ijiraq shared the land with people. A tuurngaq spirit can become the helping spirit of a shaman. A qavavaq is a spirit which is the food of the tuurngaq and with whom ahamans sometimes battled. An Ijiraq is a caribou-like creature. These beings inhabiteci particuiar areas where they were more readily encountered and these places are ofien named. in my study area there are 4 different islands just off the mouth of the Hmaqtuuq caüed: Tmrngaqralik (56 Dl03 005); Tuumgaqtaliik (56 Dl03 009); and Tuuntgaqtalik 56 Dl03 0 10. Al1 three of these meaa "place of spirits" with the second dlyreferring to two isIands. There is also a cave close to the Qikiqtal~~uaqarea cailed Tuurngalik (65 P-10 045) which has the same meaning.

Aasivaaquk: Well, 1 have heard Pukirluk and another person camped there before. It was getting dark when they arriveci near Tuumgalik They pitched their tent before da& Just when they were getting ready for bed, they codd hear someone chanting shamaaism [irinaliud. They were afraid to sleep ovemight, so they got ready to leave in the dark This is because no one is allowed to sleep near it [the cave] any tirne of year,

Tunnuq: My father and my brother found the entrance to it in the summer the. They said it has a very nice waikway made out of smaii Stones. They entered it, but when they got further in, it got darker and darker. My brother was too ahid so he just started &g right back out, my father foiiowed right behind him. I have aIso heard when ever you are on top of it you can hear someone chanting shamanism [iuq]. (Hma-iut EIders et al 1994: ). There is oaiy one mention of the term qavavaq in the study area Qawavwarvik (5YM12021) is thought to refer to an event in the past where someone was pretending to be a qawavaq.

ïhere are no names in the study area that refer to the ijiraq. They are certainiy well known in the are* but there are no specific sites that refer to them. Just to the no& on the Kangirjuuq [Thelon River] there is a hi11 where an ijruq is believed to Live (Scottie 1995).

In the historic period the most important fadresources were fish and caribou Cari'bou was the staple providing a complete diet and raw materials for shelter, clothing and tools (Burch 1972). Fish were important as food when stores of caribou ran short, especially in late winter.

Fish

There are a few examples of water bodies whose names identa the species of fish living there or some quality of the fish. lqaluttialuktuq (65 P/06 006) is a Iake (tahiq) whose name means place of hard biting fish". As lakes were fished through the ice in the winter. ofleu for emergency food, this information codd be valuable: fish that attack the lure aggressively are much more likely to be caught

IquIutric~iukruqrefers to hard biting lake ûout (I&waq)for there are no char flqalukpik) in the Hmuqruurmiuf area, at least above Kazan Faiis (~fuqru~l)).Tmut, thetefore, was one of the main food fish for people living in the area. ûther hhwere also avaiiable: Anngiaiik (65 PJZ 1 015) is the "place with suckers"; and Hulukpwgalik (65 P/10 056) %as arctic grayling". Kavihiliit (whitefish) were fished by Hmaqruunniuf, but there is no place name in the study area that refers ditlyto this practice.

Caribou

During the period that the caribou hetds were in the Harvaqîuuq area in large numbers (May to September) it was a matter of &val that Hmaqtuurmiur intercepted the herds and killed as many animals as possible. The number of place names in the study am refemng directly to caribou and theü movements or the actîvities of people hunting caribou reflects theK importance.

The method of hunting caribou at water crossings produced the most anirnals and, therefore. was the key activity for survivai. Most of the names referring to caribou in the study area refer in some way to caribou mssing the river. The names of caribou crossings can include the vocabulary for the constituent features of a crossing. These are systernatically applied and therefore 1 argue that they should be more properly considered geomhic tem. ln the Harvaqtuurmiut understanding of the environment these are physical features that are as unchanging as a rapid, point, hiU or other permanent landscape elements.

A cariiu crossing is genedly referred to as a nalluq. if a naIiuq is used only in one season when the caribou are movùig in one direction, then there is a 6x4orientation to the crossing. Some nalluir [plurai] are bidirectionai. The dope or the river bank where the caribou move down to enter ihe water is called the imaariaq (See Figure 7). The siope where they emerge hmthe water is called the muuriuq. The term nalluq is contained in three place names in the study ara There are two crossings called Nullu 'tuaq (55W13 0 10 and 55M/ 13 022) meaning "the ody crosshg place" and Nalluqhiaq (55 W12 047) rneaning "a found crossing". The binary tem imauriàq/ticrauriaqare not contained in any place narnes in the region, although there is a place named imaariaq on the Kangirjuaq [TheIon River] (Scottie 1995).

There are rnany named places that refer to the presence of a crossing without using the terminology for a nalluq. These narnes often refer to the behaviour of the caribou in the crossing area or the activities of inuit in relation to caribou. A good example of an important mssing which is not so named is the Qikiqr~lu~uaqam (See Figure 8). The most significant hunts that occurred at this site was the interception of the Qntht (the retuming herd) in July and the remaining caribou which cross in smaiier groups in August and September. At these tirnes of year the caribou were moving fiom no& to south through the crossing. inuit camped at one of the three sites in the area - ikpik Hamrirrrr or PappiRAaq.

Mencmhu cross here they cross the is1a.d Qikiqtal~~uaq.In order to get into position to do this they have to get arormd the lake Aggira&iq. This name refers to the fact that this lake gets in the way of caribou that want to get domto the water crossing. L.'

L-3 1 ,- *. Figure 8: Addition of ~es6urcePlace ~kesat ~iki~talu&& 67 As they approach the water they are said to walk with a particular gait which is tenned aggiqtur. The caribou must make theu way around this lake in order to begin aggrqtut.

When the caribou enter the water they would ofien attempt to spend the least amount of time in the water and would get out on the d islands on the north side of Qikiqtal~~uaq.The name for the isiand Tuttaaraq (65 Pl10 039) means "stepping place" and refers to this phenornenon. When swimming across the river, the animals are taken by the current and oflen land in the Utiqhiwvik (65 PA 0 063) area This named area has the meaning "where they rem".

The caribou were attacked after they had crossed Qikiqtalugirmq and were committed to swimming across the channe1 on the south side of the isIand. Sometirnes individual caribou would be wounded by an inaccurate blow hmthe lance and would be allowed to escape. The wounded animals often ended up on the island Pilluqut (65 Pl10 028) where they wouId recover hmtheir injmMesand go on, Pifhquti is defined by Schneider (1984:253) as a thing that is put together with another in the same place. The name refèrs to this cornmon scenario of womded caribou aggregating on the island.

There are two other examples of difïerent meswhich refer indktly to the status of an area as a crossing. Amilrmiit (65 P/06 005) "a pIace where you get the herd" are islands in the river. This narne must refer to the fact that the big herd (amilrat)crosses over these islands while crossing the river. Mirqiajurralik (65 P/l 1 010) refers to the caribu hair that accumulates on the shorelines the isIands and the mainiand when the caniu herd swims across the river. Most references in place names in the Harvaqruurmiut am relate to caribu. A few, however, identi@ locations of the activity of other wiidlife. Some of these @es were marginally important to huit subsistence.

In the spring the many migratory speçies of birds fly into the arctic to have theu young. Large numbers of geese aggregate on the barren lands of western Hudson Bay for this purpose. Although not nearly as important as the Arviat area, the Kazan River area is also used for nesting, Kanguirvik (SM/ 13 02 1) is the name for an isIand in the river and means "place of breeding geese".

Another species which was used fiom theto time by Hrvvaqtuurmiut was the arctic hare. ükaliliit (55 MA2 03 1) is a group of three Iakes that harbows a high population of amic hare as ifs name means "they have arctic harP".

Named places often refer to species which have nothing to do with subsisteace at dl. Some examples are: Ugiungnafik (55 W12 027) lake "it has jumping mice" or "voie" (Fortescue et al 1994: 360); Kivgalulik (55 M/12 03 1) lake "it has muskrats"; and KigguviaqtuZik (5SM/I2 040) "piace of young gyfalam". These toponyrns simply state observable facts in the environment without any direct co~ectionto subsistence.

Plants

The use of plants by Inuit was a relatively srnall, but important, part of subsistence. Different beny producing plants were used to seasody suppIement the main diet Trees of ai1 sizes were used in the construction of qamutik, tent pies and qajaq, but no trees are available in the study area The derdwarf birch (avalaqiaq) was used to weave a kind of wicker mattress to keep miubedding skins off the snow. Willows (Uqik)and any other small bmh were coliected and used for fuer wood in the winter and summer.

There is only one toponym in the study area that refers to plants and it is named Uqpikrujuq (55 MA3 O8 ) a hiU whose name means "place of willows".

Minerai

ûutcrops and lag deposits of different types of rock were useiùi to Hmqtuurmiut. Prior to introduction of the rifle and meid trade go& muieral cesources were quite important to their technology. Veins of quartzite (tunuujaR)werequarried and quartzite river cobbles collected to manufacture projectile points and to produce sparks to ignite fires. Soapstone (utkuhihaq)was used to make lamps (qulfiq)and cooking pots (uthrhik).

There was one source for soapstone identified in the study area and it was a ridge named Utkuhiksait (65 Pl09 071). I have visited another source in the Qikiqtafu'uaq area which is not marked by a place name.

There were no names that indicated Iocations of good quartzite quarry sites. However, another valuable stone was indicated by the name Ivitaafik(65 Pl09 023). Ivitaafik is a hi11 which has ivitaaq "a sofi red stone used for colouring" (Fortescue et al 1994: 148). This stone was mixed with fish oil and appIied to the seams of kayak (qajaa covers to keep them water proof.

A mineral resource need not be one that is qMedand taken away or tùrther processed. Mikkik (65 P/IO 042) is a named area of smooth textured hard rock that is ideal for sharpening edges (Le. metal knives). 4.2.6 Tvue F - Me- Place Nêmfs

There is a small number of place names in the study area which Mi into the category of metaphoricai place names. [n every case, the name draws an andogy between the morphology of the named feaîwe and somethllig hmHmaqtuurmiut experience. These analogies are common in Inuit and Aboriginal people generally. Of the small set of metaphoricai place names in the Harvaqtwrmiut area there is oniy one which refers to a human body part. Kimmin 'aaq (SM13 007) is a Ml whose name means "little heei''. Another type of analogy is benveen that featwe and another ndfeature. In the case of the plain Qaimilugjuaq is a temporary ice featuie. When ice fomon somethiag smooth like a stone it is also very smooth. This ice is cdled a quirniq. The plain %as the appearance ofa big q""q9'.

More numerous in the Hmaqtuurmiut amare names that refer to the similarities between geographic features and Inuit technoIogy, Hulwuq (65 Pl1 0 005) is an island which is oblong in shape. Its name is the terni for the "littie cord added to the end of a whiplash to make it crack" (Schneider 1985: 376). The camping area Hmirut (65 Pl10 010) is named due to the cross shape made where a small creek mets the river. Smiq is detined by Fortescue et al. (1 994: 68) as to "cross a vertical Iine".

Qariahalluq (65 Pl IO 0 1 7) is an oddly shaped bay at the west end of Thirty Mile Lake. It has a narrow opening to the main river and then it opens up hto a rather large bay. The mot of its name is qariaq meaning "a second snow house opening ont0 the main snow house" (Schneider 1985: 288). Anotfier reference to the snowhouse is found in the narne T'qsu~.uqaq (65 Pl06 O 16) "it iooks like an entrante". This name refers to the Marity between this fature*a long deep dey,and the entrance to a snowhouse. The isIand Panarjuaq (65 Pl10 040) is simply the "big snow knife" due to its nmw, crrrved shape. Many toponyms cefer to the activities of huit during ttieir occupation of the Harvaq~~(q. Their meanings shed light on the activities involved in Harvaqruinmiut subsistence and social life.

Some important subsistence areas were labeled with resource place names, but more are named according to the human activities involved in subsistence. Two important &hing sites are identifieci by names that refer to the long hours people devoted to fishing in these places. Aitahmik (65 P/06 002) is the outlet of a qamaniq in the river in the Forde Lake area. It is reported to have ben a very productive fishing place (Luke Tunguaq, Appendix: 9). Airahmik means "yawning place" and refers to the long hours people wodd spend fishing at the site. A similar toponym is located just above the rapid Itimniq (65 Pl09 001). Pigaarvik (65 Pl09 057) is a small rock island in the river where huit would fish with kakivak. The name means "staying up place* and again relates to the amount of time people spent fishing there.

Caribou Huntîng

As with resource place names, toponyms îhat relate to the search and purmit of caribou are most numemus. For instance Nahihaqiurvik (65 Pl1 1 001) was a very important campsite visited by Rasmussen in the spruig of 1922 (Rasmussen 1930a)- Tt was at this camp that huit first spotted the qmgraIlat herd of caribou coming hmthe south. ~Vahisaqrurvikmeans "Iook-out place" and is the name of a hi11 at that location wih a good view of the surromcihg area Look-outs, a key element of any caribou hirilting location. were high places, often with stone blinds to hide the hunters on look-out, At Qikiqralughq (see Figure 9)*there are two look-outs. with blinds, for the obmation of caribou crosshg hmthe north side of the river. From ihese look-outs, observers signalled tu the huaters waiting in qajaqs to ambush caribou when they entered the water. The look-outs are conceived in terms of contrasting size: Urqqi~i~uuq"big waiting piace", located on a large hik and Ufaqqiwi'nuuq"Me waiting placen, a smaü bon. Both have stoneconstructed blinds on top of the Mls with walls orientai to hide hmters hmbeing seen fiorn the norh

Behind the campsite PappiAkaq to the southwest thm is another lwk-out on a hi11 caiied Qafqu'ruaq"big look-out hill". A qutqu is a hiU with a good vantage point for observing the surrounding lamiscape either for wildlife or for enemies (Joan Scotîie, personai communication).

Just as them was only one toponym in the study area referrhg to plants in the resource category there are very few referring to plant gathering activities. Nmivagim'k (65 Pl10 022) is a hi11 in the Qibqralugjuaqara which simply means ''where you coliect Mes". Schneider (1985: 225) defmes nunivagiartq as "she goes berry picking...". Qiukrariarvik (65 Pl1 3 002) means "place where une collects willows" and likely refers to a location dose to a camping area that has ample willows.

Work Pfaces

Some narned places are locations where specific work was done on the construction or maintenance of subsistence technology. There are quaiities about these sites htmake them the best for a particuiar activity. Qqi'ZrrYjk (65 PA0 03 1) is a site of ment importance wùich means "buiiet-making place". The mot tenn in this name - qajuk - is a term for arrow which bas been appropn'ated to descrii the bullet 1 1, > . . * 4 .J Figure 9: Addition of ktivity"Place Name at ~ild~taiugjuq 74 To conserve bullets for their breech loacüng rifles, Hmaqlu~rmiutwould ceIoad spent casings with powder and lead huit wouid go to great Iengths to try and recover spent casings and even lead hmanimal wcasses. They wodd insert the casing into cracks in the bedrock (qaiqtuq) before inserthg powder and lead. Qavjimik has the particuiar quaiity of having cracks that are the perfect width for this operation.

The gentie sloping plain I~salimik(55 W12 006) '>lace where tents are maden on the east side of Qurluqtuq [Kazan Fdls) is also refers to a specific activity. An itsaq is a conical caribou skin tent. This site had the same name in 1922 when Knud Rasmussen visited the area It is unclear is why this particular site wouid be superior for the sewing of tents. It may refer to only a single occasion when tents were sewn at this site. Perhaps it was simply the site huit were at in their seasonal round of movements, at the time when tents were made. Another possibility is that there was some kind of taboo prescription for making tents at this site. Joan Scortie (personal communication, 1999) feels that as the area is remarkably flat and even, this myhave made it the perféct place to spread out al1 the skins in the process of sewing a tent,

A number of toponyms that refer to human activities are related to the movement of people through the landscape. These names are indicative of the seasonal movements of Harvaqtuurmiut and their mode of ûavel. They aisr, tend to have a built-in sense of orienfation.

There are two major rapids between Qamaniq [Forde Lake] and Qzuluqtuq [Kazan Falls] whose names refer to the fact that they were barriers to the movement of people by qqaq down river hmQamaniq Forcie Lake]. Itimningaq (65 P/I 1 016) means "the îkst portage" and Itimniq (65 Pl09 001) "îhe portagen. When these rapids were nameci, the area above Itimningaq was cleatly a starting point for qaiaq travel. One may speculate that this is evidence that the area around Qammig [Forde Lake] was at one tirne a focus for huit subsistence activïty. [n the tifetime of the Elders intervieweci in the I99ûs, the more important camp sites were furtber domriver. nese same Elders testified that in their parents Iives, much more time was spent above Iiimningaq and as far south as ARJimaqfuq Ferguson Lake] (Joaa Scottie, personai communication, 1999). Ekabeth Tunnuq even explained that her parents generation wouid not distlrtb the old tent rings at Awiuq&iq (65 P-1 1 007), just above Itimningaq, out of respect for their age (Jorn Scottie, persond communication, 1999). Even in her parents Mie, this campsite was considered very old by Huwaqtmumiur.

Akunni 'tuaq (55WI2028) is another example of a topoaym related to the movement of people. It is a hi11 Iocated between two histoficdly importaut campsites in Piqqiq (55W12014) and PiqqiajuR (SM/l2 015). The meaning of Ahi'fwqis the "big inrervai betweenn (Fortescue et ai 1994: 15). The main method of îravel between campsites in ethnographie times was by waiking or by dogsled in the winter. This hiIl would have presented an obstacIe to be smounted when travelling between these camps.

IpirmX (65 Pl 13 008) is a name that indicates the fastest way to travel between points. When walking was the major mode of travel water bodies couid ptesent si@cant hindrances to travel. Many extra kilornetres wouid have to be walked to go mund Iong bays. @irmimeans "wading place" and indicates a body of water sMow enough îhat one cm wade straight across and not have to walk around the very long bay that goes off to the south,

Hmuq~iuthad different toob for different seasonal actMties and not aii were needed at any one time. Therefore, equipment was stoted when not in use so that it could safely be lefi khind. HirIuaqtaIiR (55M113 020) is an ishd whose name means "place of storage9. A hirluaq is an equipment cache for Ieaving things behmd when travelling on to auother area. Games

The fitype of human activity place name in the Hmaqruurmiuf area are names identifjhg gaming sites. Ail the gaming sites involve a stone which is the central focus of the game. There are two piaces named KivvakanqfaIik(65 P/10 027 and 55 WI2 01 1) in the study area. They are both said to have the rounded stones that are typically called Riwakaftaq or weight Lifting stone. These stones are Iifted in cornpetitions of strength. i have seen these amongst the UtRuhihalingrniut and Paullimiur aiso.

Qnpizpmjaqidik (65 Pl1 1 008) is the name of a bill where the game qapapmjaq is played. 1 have also recorded a qapupmjuq site at Itimnaurjuk on the Back River. This game is played witb a number of people standing in a ring around a &ne, backs fxing towards the cen. with their anns linked at the elbows. A petson thai is not in the group tries to push the gmup so thac people mus&step off the stone. Those that do are out of the game, and then play continues with the group remaining on the mktrying to work together to stay on.

There is yet another game reIated to a stone that is located near the camp Papikkq. ituniujurwik (65 Pi10 058) refers to both a hi11 and a large boulder that is almost like a cube in shape. Runitijuq is a type of game of tag played by children involving climbinp on this boulder. Cbapfer 5: Discussion

Based on the ethno-historical studies of Ernest Burch (1986: 1 13), the Caribu Inuit of the Tmkj'uaq wucison Bay] coast split into two different societies around the 1820's: one to the south, oriented toward the Hudson's Bay Company pst at Kuugfuaq [Churchill]; and one oriented towards Chesterfield inlet and Qamani'huq paker Lake]. Following this initial split, a shortage of caribou dong the coast in the 1840s forced members of the southem group to move further and firrtber inland (surch 1986: 114; Burch 1977: 143). Many stayed and thrived, and as the population grew, the original two societies of Burch's reconstruction, became five societies by 1880 (Burch 1986: 114; Csonka 1995: 123). Based on this reconstruction the Hamaqturmiut couldn't have arrived on the Harvaqtuuq until sometime fier 1840. Before 1840 the Cariiu huit were seasonai caribou hunters who spent part of the year hunting sea mammds, not unlie the coastal Paallimiut of the 20' century. For the segment of the popdation who moved to the Harvaqtuuq, the landscape presented new challenges to which they had to

With the river - the Harvaqtuuq - as thei. new home. The immigrants came to cail themseives Harvaqtuumiut "people of Hmaqtuuq". The river became the main focus of the theù temtory and gave the sunoundimg Iandscape orientation. The îhree Iakes Iocated on the dog team route to Tipjalik [Beverly Lake] are evidence of this phenomenon. They are aii named Tahiljuaq with the modifiers tukiiq, akirZIiq and ungalZiq [cIosest, middle, furthest] designating the order they are encountered when travelling fiom the Harvaqtuuq. Within the main focus of the river thexe are severai sub- foci. These were areas of land-use activity, especidy caniu water crossings, to whkh extended fadeswould return yearly. The names surroundhg a sub-foci constitute an intemally coherent network that is for the most part implicit, but some names were expiicitly tagged as king possessed by the focus (i.e. Itimniup Kmngaa "Itimniq's Ml). Typologicai analysis identined the geographic/literal descriptive type place names as the most aumemus in the Hmaqtuurmiut territory. This finding coincides with the disof 0th- studies of Inuit mes. The generïc nature of many of the names is a firrther indication of the internal rationalization of names to localized foci. There are maay names rhroughout arctic North America that are identicai. however. each is imbedded in its own self-refmntiai wtwok

Hmaqtmiut applied inuktitut termittology to the Hmaqtuuq. Embedded in this terrninoiogy are uniquely [nuit concepts such as hydrological concepts that distinguish a rahiq hma qamaniq, and that view a river. not as an entity to be traced hmsource to mouth. but as a series of interconnected moving and still water sections. The huktitut Language developed historically in the context of a coastai or seasonally coastal way of life. Harvaqtuumiur were applying these coastderived concepts in their organization of the Hmaqrutiq landscape. An example of this is the kangilliq/Killiq or dand/sea opposition which was adapted by Hmaqruwmiut for use iniand. This is evident in the use of these tenns to distinguish paired geographicai features (i.e Killiq Tullik and Kangilliq Tullik) and in the inclusion of these terms in Hmaqtuunniut bay designations (Le. kangiq&uk and killinûugoq).

The move to the ~NCI~~UU~involved a break with coastal resources and hunting techniques. Much like the coastal Paallirmiut of the 20" cenhuy, the original migrants to the Hmaqtuuq mut have already hunted caribou at water crossings. However, in the absence of other resourçes, caniu became the oniy staple available, and caribou crossing hum became the most important subsistence activities. This fact is borne out in the many names denoting the presence of caribou, caribou behaviour and locations of caribu water crossings. As presented in the example of the Qikiqtal~~uuqarea in Chapter 4, the presence of a caribou crossing bmught an implicit orientation to an area. Many of the names surroundhg the area refer to the actions and strategies of the hunters, and the behaviours of the caribou. The influence that carïiiu movements had over the Harvaqnnrnniut perception of landscape orientation has also been demonstrateci by Robert Rundswm in his analysis of Caribou huit hand &am maps (Rundstrom 1987). Rundstom found that in the maps Inuit tended to rotate landscape features 90conform to an east-west trend" and that these rotations "occurred at important caribou crossings"

Thus, the idea that caribou-hunting huit may have conceived selected locations as perpendicular blockades to the north-south seasonal migrations of the caribou finds support in this study. It appears that fluvial locations where caribou movements took place were crucial to the conceived directional orientation of places (Rundstrom 1987: 18 11182).

The magnitude of intluence caribou movements had on the Harvaqttnamiut is embedded in their toponyms. The names reveal the adaptation of Harvaqruurmiut subsistence strategies to the reality of resource availability on the Hanaqtuuq. The pursuit of carihou dictated Harvaqttiurmiut land-use patterns.

Fishing was also an important subsistence activity to the Harvaqtuumiut, and this fact is borne out in the place narnes. However, the predominance of cariiu hunting in subsistence was unrivalled and for this reason areas that contained cariiu crossings such as in the example of Qikiqtalugiuaq acted as foci. in the üfetimes of the Elders who were involved in this study, the most important foci in their tenitory were the caniu crossings at Qikiqtalugjuaq, Itimniq, Piqqiarjuk and Piqqiq. These areas were ûequented by different groups of extended fadies, and while aU shared the main focus of the Hmuqmq, each had a local nenvoik of place names that were seif-referential. There is evidence apparent in the place name pair Itimningaq/Mmniq (1" and 2'"' poxtages), that these crossings have not dways been the only foci, or perfiaps the most important These two rapids are named in succession as they were met by a kayaker travelling dom-river. The fact that Itimningaq was the fust to be encountered suggests that the area above that rapid was at one tirne an imporîant focus of land-use. Perhaps the most important historicaily. The idea that a location (or locations) above Itimningaq were more important to Hmaqtuunniut in the pstis supported by Elders testimony. While wotking in the Itimniq area in 1997, Elders Luke Tunguaq and Eiizabeth Tunnuq lamented that we would not be able to visit the area above those rapids, as this was the location fkquented by their parents, and where one rnay End older sites (Keith 1994-1998)'- Elizabeth Tunnuq mention that in her mother's time they lived Merup river around Tuglirutik and as far south as Ahaqtuq [Ferguson Lake], and that her mother recognized Aariaqhiq as king a very old campsite, so old that they would not disth the old tent rings out of respect for their age (Joan Scottie, personal communication, 1999). These toponyms testify to a shift in Iand-use in the begwiiag of the 20& century hman area above Itimningaq and as far south as the outiet of HiMikjuaq [Yathkyed Lake] and Akfirnaqtuq Ferguson Lake], to the Iowa river at the sites of Qikiqtah&~ùaq,Itimniq, Piqqiq.uk and Piqqiq. The timing of this move Iends credibility to an interpretation that this move was motivated by the desire to be closer to the Hudson's Bay Company trading pst at Uqpihjuq [Big Hips Island] in Qamani 'fzuzq [Baker Lake], established in 19 16.

The main conclusion of this thesis is that Hmaqhnamiut place aames have commemorated the huit histoticd land-use and land-use change since their arrivai to the Harvaqtuuq. Histoncal toponyms support the fact that Harvaqtuunniut began occupying a frontier temtory that was seasonaI1y fiequented by Dene. Meetings between [nuit and Dene since huit immigration have occasioned codict. hdeed the insecurity inhereat in this situation was felt in the lifetime of Elizabeth Tunnuq who now lives in Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake] (Keith 1994-1 998). The ancestors of modern Hmaqtuurmiut must have been motivated by some hardship around 1840 to abandon Life on the Coast and search iniand for a viable living. Emest Butch attributes this move as a reaction to a shortage of caniuat the tirne. Over time the territory was experienced, and nameci based on that experience by drawing on the wellspring of terminology and concepts found in the

'These discussions were recalled and codhedby Joan Scottie @ersonai communication, inuktitut langage. in this way the laudscape was appropriated by huit as their home temtory.

It is by expandimg on the idea of a process of landscape appropriation that 1 would like to add a more speculative interpretation of the place name data based on the presence of anrhroponyms and, the paucity of pan-huit myths in the landscape. Logically, a group moving into a new area would have to undergo a process of Iandscape appropriation that would entai1 investigation and experience O t an area, and naming of significant fatures. This process of increasing knowledge and psychologid or emotional attactunent wouid of necessity be gradual. Place mesmay be an indicator of the stage of landscape appropriation that a society has reached.

The use of personai narnes in toponyms is uncommon in the inuit world in the Netsiük culture area this practice may be non-existent (Keith and Kamookak 1999; Keith and Scottie 1997). Hmaqtuurmiut, and 1 believe di Caribou Inuit, name the locations of their buried kin using the name of the deceased. Pehaps by remembering their ancestors through landscape features the Hmaqtuurmiut were, in effect, laying down a geneaiogically based claim to a tenitory that they had occupied for a brief period. This act of landscape appropriation wouid have been a signal to outsiders of their claim, and also an intemal impetus for members of their society to behave in accordance with their obligations to the land. if anthroponyms can be interpreted, in the case of the Hmaqtwmiu~,to be a short tem method of landscape appropriation, perhaps the appemance of names impiicating a location in inuit myth indicates a long occupation. Inuit societies that have a long tirne depth of occupation in an are& such as the Natriiingnriut, UtRukibalingmiut or even the Paatiirmiut, have toponyms that narrate major mythoIogical events as occuning in their temtory (Keith and Dwyer 1995; Rasmussen 193 1). For example aii locate the myth of Kiviuq and the creation of fog in their home temtory. This story is known by Hmaqhnamiut, albeit in a different version, but it is understood to have occurred on the Coast (Keith 1994-1998). No major pan-Inuit myths are located in the Hmaqtuuq area, as indicated by pIace names.

However. the relationsbip of well hown mythical characters and the Hmaqhnrrmiut territory is not completely unknown. Though the culture hem KMuq is not duded to in any names in the Hmaqruurmiut area, there is a song which lists the names of places he visited his immigration to the Hmaqruuq hmthe Tariurjuaq [Hudson Bay] coast by travelling up Chesterfield inlet and the Kangirjuaq [Thelon River], and then from the mouth of Harvaqruuq to a point around the Kuunmaq River junction (Harvaqiuzïrmiutet al 1994: 5). His motivation for this journey is that he was having no luck in hunting marine wildlife (Harvaqtuurmiut et al 1994: 5). Versions of this song are known amongst the coad Paallirmiut and the Aivilingrniut (Luice Suiuk, personai communication, 1993).

Taken together, these observations about the presence of anthroponyms, and the absence of mythical events in Harvuqruurmiur territory seem to support current theory about the recent arriva1 of huit to the Hanaqruuq. Perhaps KNiuq's song about an immigration inland to the Harvaqruuq from the coast, motivated by subsistence concems, can be seen as commemorating this move. -kitna. Eugene. 1975. A Contextual St& of the Caribou Eskimo Kayak Natioml Museum of Man Mercury Series, Canadian Ethnology Service, Paper No. 25. Ottawa. National Museums of Canada.

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Spread Sheets of Place Name Classification Name €nt@ Type . . falls A Qairnilugjuaq plain Unahugiik hiIl Qaimilugjuup Itiqtujuanga valley ~ggiriatiaq point Itsaliurvik siope Kangiurvik site Killinaugaq baY Hiura'tuaq beac h Nallurhiaq caribou crossing Kiwakattaqtalik site Kiggaviaqtali'naaq hill Qa jariaqtalik hill Piqqiq rapids Piqqiajuk rapids Hagli island Qarliarii'naat lakes Killinauga'naaq bay Utaqqiwigjuaq hill Aqia juaq lake Qawavaujarvik hill Qamanaugaq river lake Qamanauga juaq river lake Tasiqqusiakuluk lake Tasiqqusiaq Iake Itsaliurvik river lake Ugjungnalik lake Akkunni'îuaq hill ltsaliurvik shoreline Qamanauga'naaq river lake Kiigalulik lake ltiplijuaq hill Utaqqiwisiuaq hill and campsite Aptaniup Kuunga river Upinngiwik hills Minngirvik hill Aqiarjuaq lake Nallulik Iake Atani'naaq land connaon Kiggaviaqtalik hiIl Ugjungnalik lake Akutaqtalik lake Nuillak river section Aulatsiwiajuk paint Akunni'tuaq hiIl Kiwakattaqtalik paint Nallurhiaq caniucrossing Mannittuaq hiII Kihimiajija island Niaqquarvik point ltimniq rapids Qamanaugaq river lake Aminiqtuuq island Qariahalluq bke Kangq&ulugjuaq baY 1haku'tuaq point lrnariktuq lake Pualrinnalik point Pualrinnalik lake Nurrahiwik river lake Quukiiruq namw tpju juaq poinüïnuksuk Killinaugaq bay Ipiwik pint ltimniup Kingaalttimni'tuaq hill lnnitaaq island Pigaarvik island Huluraq point Puairinnaq point ltirnniup Kinngaarjua hills Arnatquaksaannuak 2 hills lvitaalik hiIl Utkuhigjuaqtalik hill Tasira'tuaq la ke Pualrinnaq point ltimniq point Tikirahgjuaq point Nunaqhiviit 3 isfands Auksiivik camp Pipqa'naaqtalik hill Mumiwik site Nillaq hill Ahrat hill Aahivak point Adgu&inijuaq area lnnitaaq island Pigaanrik island Nunaqhiwigjuaq island Qaimilugjuaq hill Ujaraaqsiwik site Utkuhigjuaqtalik hiIl Nunaliaq earthen maund lpjujuup Qanilia island Ungavaihrq hill Amimqtuuq island Utkuhiksait ridge Qamaniq or Tiglinitip Qamania river lake AitahaMk Lake outiet Tikira'tuaq pint Uriarvik hill Arnillarviit island lqalutaaluktuq lake TuglinniYuaq hitl PuaIrinnalik laite lt~as~sas bay Tugliruti'naaq isbnd Ilaihiqtalik lake Tuqsujaqaq bay Itaaqatugag ba~ 65 Pl6 018 Killiniq bay Pl6 019 lhuqtuq lake Pli0 001 Harvaqtuuq river 4 PliO 004 Supgutuaq bay head 65 PI10 005 Huluraq isbnd 65 PllO 006 Nuvuk&ik point 65 PI1O 007 Nuvuhiwik point 65 PI10 008 Naharahugaluaq island 65 PI10 O10 Hannirut river mouth 65 PI10 O1 1 Tunuhuk lake 65 PI10 012 Tuatturaujaq lake 65 PllO 013 lkpiajuk 65 Pl10 014 Qinngu'naaq bay 65 PIlO 015 AkuqSiq hill 65 PllO 016 Tasiquttaaq lake 65 PI10 017 Qariahalluq &Y 65 PllO 018 KinngaQuit hitls 65 PM0 019 Qikiqtalugjuaq island 65 Pl1O 022 NunivagiaMk hill 65 Pl10 023 lkpik campsite 65 PllO 024 Papikkaq campsite 65 PIt O 025 lhunngaq hilllinuksuk 65 Pl1O 026 Qatqa'tuaq hiIl 65 Pl1O 027 KiwakattaqtaliklHalluhinari'ituq Stone 65 Pl10 028 Pilluqut ishnd 65 PIlO 030 Huluraq point 65 PI10 031 Qarjuirvik hill 65 PI10 032 Qikiqhiqtuiliq island 65 Pl1O 033 Urningrnaujaqtalik island 65 Pl10 035 lgalaaraarjuktalik hill 65 Pl10 036 Pannigunia'naaq grave 65 Pl10 037 Qikita'tuaq island 65 Pl10 038 Angilluqta'tuaq current 65 PIlO 039 Tuttaaraq island 65 PI10 040 Panarjuaq island 65 PI10 041 Autuvik island 65 Pl1O 042 Mikik rack outcrop 65 PI10 043 Nuvuksat island 65 PI1O 044 Pilluquqaajuk island 65 Pl10 045 Tunngalik hiliicave 65 Pl10 046 Maniqtut islands 65 PllO 047 AggiriaBiq la ke 65 Pl1O 048 Pamialuktalik hiIl 65 PI1O 049 Qaliarulik hill 65 PI10 050 Killiq Tullik lake 65 Pl1O 051 Kangilliq Tullik lake 65 PI10 052 Tulligjuaqtalik lake 65 PI10 053 Qariahalluup Kinngaa hill 65 PIjO 054 Utaqqiwi'naaq hi11 65 PllO 055 Utaqqbvi'naaq hillock 65 Pl10 056 Hulukpaugalik lake 65 Pl10 O57 Hadliaruhiq hill PI10 058 Aunuijarvik hill and bouidef PI10 059 lnuksuli'naaq hill Pl10 060 Pusingajuq hill 65 Pl10 061 Qarjiurvik hili Pl10 Oô2 Naujatuujuk island Pl11 001 Nasiktarturvik hill 4 Plt 1 002 Kuunnua'naaq river 65 Pl11 003 Kuunnuaq river 65 PI11 004 Qamanaugaq river la ke 65 Pl11 006 Alanariktuq point 65 PI11 007 Aariaqeik hill 65 PiI1 008 Qapapaujaqtalik hill 65 Pl11 009 Ukpalluqtuq hill 65 Pl11 010 Mitqiajurtalik island 65 Pl11 01 1 Qikiqta juaq island 65 Pl11 012 Qamanaugaq river lake 65 PI11 013 Tunnuhuk lake 65 PI11 014 Amnapiurvik hill 65 Pl11 015 Anngialik river lake 65 Pli1 016 ltirnningaq rapids 65 PI11 017 Kahunnaq islands 65 PI11 018 Atani'naaq land wnnection 65 PI11 019 Tuurjuk lake 65 Pl11 020 Anngialik river lake 65 Pl11 021 Nurrailq hill 65 Pl13 001 Tahijuaq Tugliq Iake E5 Pl13 002 Qiuktariarvik hill 65 Pl13 003 Aggiriajat hills 65 Pl13 005 Qikiqtalugjuaq island 65 Pl13 007 Arnaqquvik island 65 Pl13 008 Ipirarvik bay 65 Pl13 009 Anaqtalik hill 65 Pl13 O10 Anaqtagguiaaq hill 65 Pli3 011 lkitinniq point 65 PM3 012 Qikiqta juaq island 65 Pl13 013 Haningajukuluk island 65 Pl13 014 Kiggaviaqtalik island 65 Pl13 015 Nirlluajalik island 65 Pl13 016 Uatinniq area 65 Pl13 017 Panngniqtuumavik Iake 65 Pl13 018 Anaqtaliup Kuugaa creek 65 Pl13 019 Qimirtugaqtalik hiIl 65 Pl14 001 Aariannuaq lake outlet 65 Pl14 002 Hungaujaqtalik hills 65 Pl14 003 Kinngarjuit hills 65 Pt14 004 Arna'naaq hill 65 PM4 005 Tiritquq bay 65 Pl14 O@ Tiriksiutaarvik hill 65 Pl14 007 Uujuktalik hill 65 Pl14 008 Kinnga'naaq hill 65 Pl14 009 Haviruut area 65 Pl14 O10 Quglunnilik bke 65 Pl14 011 Tahirjua'tuaq lake 65 Pi15 001 Tahilugjuaq lake 65 PM5 002 Kukiaktalik point Pl15 003 Kukiaktaliup Kuunga creek Pl15 004 Tikiratuaq Killiq point Pl15 005 Amatquaqsannuak Kuimga river Amatquaqsannuak Kuungata Ai Tikiratuaq Kangilliq point lsuqtuq lake Nuvurlaq point Qingu'tuaq bay Aniraujalik hiil Harvaqtuuq river Harvaqtuup Akua deIWrnouth Hattiumanitjuaq headland Q~rlaiîtuija~k river Tuumgaqtalik island Qamani'tuaq river lake Hattiumani'tuit hills Niaqunguutik 2 hills Tuumgaqtaliik 2 isiands Tuumgaqtalik island Anngaujanrik rapids Kakiaktu'naap Kuunga river Qamani'tuup Allininga lake section Ujaraktarvik Wny Qaiqtu'naaq bedrockoutcrop Kakiaktu'naap Akua river rnouth Qurlaittuijawik shailows Quglunilik lake Niaqunguutip Tasia lake Aupaluktuq rapids Niaqunguut mountain Niaqunguutip Tasia lake Niaqunguutik 2 hills Kakiiktu'naaq lake Qingaugaqtuq eskers lmnalik cliff Kakiaktu'naap ffinngaa hill Qamanaarjuk river section Nauhaaq mountain Arnilukiaktalik iake Ukaliliit 3 laks Ukalilik hill ffimrni'naaq hi11 Uqpiktujuq hiIl piqqiqtuq rapids Nallu'tuaq caribou crossing Qilamnguqtarvik hill Iqsarjuaq hill Quglugniliup Kuunga river Pialla'naaq hillock Hirluaqtalik island Kangiufvik isiand Nallu'tuaq caribu crossing QilamngutaMik 2 hills Kataujaqtalik hiII Qinnguraujaq w Uqpiktujuq island