LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: New Trends in Civic Engagement

Authors: Judith Boruchoff Katz Center for Mexican Studies, University of

Oscar A. Chacón National Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean Communities Susan R. Gzesh Human Rights Program, Amalia Pallares Latin American and Latino Studies Program University of at Chicago Rebecca Vonderlack-Navarro School of University of Chicago

Rapporteur’s report by: Amy Shannon Charles Stewart Mott Foundation Editors: Xóchitl Bada University of Illinois at Chicago Oscar A. Chacón National Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean Communities Jonathan Fox University of , Santa Cruz Authors: Judith Boruchoff, Oscar A. Chacón, Susan R. Gzesh, Amalia Pallares, Amy Shannon, and Rebecca Vonderlack-Navarro

Copyeditor: Leah Florence

Series Editors: Xóchitl Bada, Jonathan Fox, and Andrew Selee

Coordinators: Kate Brick and Robert Donnelly

www.wilsoncenter.org/migrantparticipation

Preferred citation: Bada, Xóchitl, Oscar A. Chacón, and Jonathan Fox, Eds. Latino Immigrants in the Windy City: New Trends in Civic Engagement, Reports on Latino Immigrant Civic Engagement, No. 6. Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, January 2010.

© 2010, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

Cover images: At top, members of the honor guard of the Club Ciudad Hidalgo (Michoacán) hometown association participate in a ceremony commemorating the birth of Mexican President Benito Juárez at the Plaza de las Américas in Chicago, IL, on March 21, 2009. At bottom, dancers affiliated with Ballet Folclórico de Víctor Soria are photographed at the same ceremony. (Photos by Claudio Ugalde) CONTENTS

PREFACE 5

PROLOGUE 6 Chicago Community Dialogue: A Step toward Stronger Transnational Collaboration Oscar A. Chacón

ESSAYS

LATINO IMMIGRANT LEADERSHIP IN CHICAGO: 11 Historical Antecedents and Contemporary Questions Susan Gzesh

FAMILY MATTERS: 21 Strategizing Immigrant Activism in Chicago Amalia Pallares

MEXICAN HOMETOWN ASSOCIATIONS IN CHICAGO 51 AND THE CONFEDERATION OF MEXICAN FEDERATIONS: Experiences of Binational Civic Participation Rebecca Vonderlack-Navarro

TRANSNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON MIGRANT 67 CIVIC AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT Judith A. Boruchoff

COMMUNITY DIALOGUE ON TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM: 85 A Rapporteur’s Report Amy Shannon

APPENDIX 1: 92 Persons Naturalized During Fiscal Years 2005, 2006, 2007, and 2008

ABOUT THE AUTHORS 100

5 LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: PREFACE

This report is part of a series on Latin American background reports on important cross-cutting immigrant civic and political participation issues, such as the role of the Spanish-language

that explores experiences in nine different media, the responsibility of faith-based organi- New Trends in Civic Engagement cities around the : Charlotte, zations, and the involvement of youth. Project NC; Chicago, IL; Fresno, CA; Las Vegas, NV; research products are accessible online at: www. , CA; Omaha, NE; Tucson, AZ; wilsoncenter.org/migrantparticipation. San Jose, CA; and Washington, D.C. This For the Chicago report, a roundtable com- series is part of an initiative sponsored by the munity dialogue took place in October 2007 Woodrow Wilson Center Mexico Institute, at Casa Michoacán in Pilsen. The dialogue was and was funded by a grant from the John D. organized by our initial local partner organi- and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. The zation, Enlaces América. Amy Shannon and project is led by Xóchitl Bada of the University Oscar Chacón collaborated with us in the se- of Illinois at Chicago, Jonathan Fox of the lection of topics and participants. In prepara- University of California, Santa Cruz, and tion for the dialogue, we commissioned four Andrew Selee, director of the Woodrow Wilson background research papers, which were pre- Center Mexico Institute. The project was first sented and discussed at the forum. These re- coordinated by Kate Brick, followed by Robert search reports were then extensively revised by Donnelly. the authors, who incorporated in them feed- The reports on each city describe the op- back from the conference proceedings. portunities and barriers that Latino immigrants Although Enlaces América ended opera- face in participating as civic and political ac- tions in December 2007, Mr. Chacón and tors in cities around the United States, with an Ms. Shannon continued their collaboration emphasis on recent trends in Latino immigrant with this project. Amy Shannon assembled the integration following the 2006 immigrant civic preliminary drafts for this report, and Oscar mobilizations. Chacón, now executive director of the National The research questions are informed by a Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean comparative approach that highlights both Communities (NALACC), accepted our invi- similarities and differences across diverse cities tation to make NALACC our new local part- and sectors. The project also includes a series of ner and also wrote the prologue. 6 PROLOGUE Chicago Community Dialogue: A Step toward Stronger Transnational Collaboration New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New

By Oscar A. Chacón, Executive Director, consolidated over time into federations, repre- National Alliance of Latin American and senting the interests of blocs of migrants and Caribbean Communities (NALACC) embracing agendas that advance civic engage- ment and participative democracy both in Chicago is one of the most diverse and interna- the United States and in Mexico. At the same tional cities of this nation, thanks to the con- time, the unique setting, history, and context tributions of generations of immigrants who of Chicago, with its rich legacy of political ac- have made it their home for much more than tivism and community-based organizing, have a century. facilitated the achievement of these goals.

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO Mexicans have enriched the city’s history Advances in communications and transpor- and tradition of immigration. While the set- tation technologies have also enhanced the op- tlement of Mexicans here goes back many de- portunities for civic engagement and political cades, so does the presence of hometown as- participation of Latin American immigrants in sociations, which continue to attract migrants Chicago. The greater affordability and supply from Michoacán, Zacatecas, Jalisco, Guerrero, of international jet travel has created new op- Guanajuato, and other states. Hometown as- portunities for travel between the United States sociations have played an essential role in and Latin America. Similarly, advances in tele- the development of Chicago’s Mexican com- communications and the Internet have enabled munity, keeping alive migrants’ memories of immigrants to stay in touch continuously by their communities of origin and helping to logging onto the websites of their hometown fund important social and infrastructure proj- newspapers and through the expanded use of ects in them. cellular and landline telephony. Such advances Yet hometown associations have also have allowed immigrants to keep unbroken adapted to changing times. No longer just contact with their communities of origin and focused on country-of-origin concerns, many have likewise enabled them to renew and up- have gained a more sophisticated understand- date these connections continuously, thus ing of the motivations driving out-migration deepening the transnational quality of contem- from Mexico. And consequently, many have porary Latin American immigration. Technological advances, the work of home- civic engagement and political participation. town associations, and Chicago’s unique legacy Since the 2007 gathering in Pilsen, however, of political activism and community-based such efforts have met with difficulty because organizing have combined to place the city’s of the onset of the worst economic crisis since Mexican and other Latin American communi- the Great Depression. The current global re- 7 ties of origin at the forefront of evolving pat- cession is more than a temporary slowdown terns and practices of transnational civic en- of world financial markets. Rather, it is a vote LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: gagement and political participation. of no confidence in the so-called “Washington To advance our understanding of this new Consensus,” whose side effects in the forms of transnationalism, the National Alliance of insufficient government regulation and height- Latin American and Caribbean Communities ened speculation have threatened many Latin (NALACC), Enlaces América, and the American economies. This is especially the case Woodrow Wilson Center Mexico Institute or- for Mexico and for some Central American and ganized the workshop, “Community Dialogue Caribbean countries, which have made the te- on Transnational Activism in Chicago: nets of the “Washington Consensus” the foun- Strategies of Integration and Engagement,” in dation of their economic policies for years. October 2007. The dialogue was held at Casa The ongoing economic crisis bolsters argu-

New Trends in Civic Engagement Michoacán, the headquarters of the Federation ments made by migrant-led organizations in of Michoacán Hometown Associations in favor of the adoption of new social and eco- Illinois (Federación de Clubes Michoacanos en nomic policies in their countries of origin. With Illinois) in Chicago’s predominantly Mexican the U.S. economy shedding hundreds of thou- Pilsen neighborhood. sands of jobs per month in 2009—and with no The gathering represented a welcome sustained rebound in sight—it makes no sense opportunity to explore the ways in which for these countries to promote the mass exodus Chicago’s immigrant-led community-based or- of their workers to the United States. And a de ganizations (CBOs) have enhanced their trans- facto policy that promotes mass out-migration national profile and presence. Additionally in the hope that succeeding cohorts of migrants the event underscored the benefits inherent will send home ever-increasing sums of remit- in greater collaboration between practitioners tances is unsustainable. In fact as the recession (organizers, activists, advocates) and research- has worsened in the United States and jobs in ers, whose joint efforts hold the potential to many fields have grown increasingly scarce, re- advance our understanding of transnational mittance transfers have decreased significantly. civic participation. On the demand side, reduced U.S. consumer spending has forced a reevaluation throughout Latin America of many economic policies, es- THE CURRENT ECONOMIC CRISIS AND pecially of those focused on increasing export ITS EFFECT ON TRANSNATIONAL CIVIC capacity for placement in the U.S. market. ENGAGEMENT The current economic crisis and the pros- pect of a prolonged contraction of U.S. con- Efforts to enact social justice by shaping policy sumer spending accentuate the need for in both the country of origin and the country country-of-origin development policies that of residence represent actions of transnational will encourage more citizens to want to stay. Successful implementation of such policies, ond only to African-Americans. Despite the however, will require a reorientation of po- fact that Obama spoke little of immigration litical values in countries of origin—one that reform while on the campaign trail, the high would recognize the deep need for sustained levels of support he obtained from voters of development and that would place the needs Mexican and other Latin American descent 8 of average citizens at the center of government showed that these voters believed in his overall strategies and priorities. Related public policy message of hope and change. efforts would entail bold new action broadly— Latino voters helped Obama become presi- in the economy, society, politics, and culture. dent and also helped to increase Democratic Organized migrant communities represent majorities in both houses of Congress. Yet as of new transnational civil society actors. Their fall 2009, Democratic control of the executive emerging presence suggests the possibility that and legislative branches has not automatically policy changes may be promoted, as well as ef- translated into a friendly political environment New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New fected, in more than one country at the same for immigrants. Even worse, the Obama ad- time. Additionally, these communities’ intel- ministration has maintained the enforcement lectual capital and social capital can help to priorities of a thoroughly broken and inhu- articulate public policy frameworks and help to mane immigration system, while the obsessive orient these so as to ensure a just quality of life, pursuit of such policies has continued to inflict not only for people in the countries of origin pain on hundreds of thousands of Mexican and but also for residents of the United States. other Latin American immigrant families.1 In Congress and within both political parties, the misperception that immigrants represent a so- ELECTION OF PRESIDENT BARACK cial, economic, and cultural menace continues OBAMA AND IMMIGRATION LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO to overshadow important policy debates on ENFORCEMENT POLICY immigration reform, immigrant integration, and relations between migrant communities Actions of transnational civic engagement and local governments. As recent events have and political participation are shaped by their shown, when prejudice and distortion control environment and context. At the Chicago the discourse, policy debates on immigration Community Dialogue, an issue that emerged and immigrants suffer. repeatedly was the adverse environment In fact the national narrative depicting that immigrants and those who fight for im- immigrant communities as national security migrants’ rights face. Since the gathering in threats has hardly diminished since the 1990s, October 2007, this outlook has improved a bit and actually seems to have been invigorated but not much. due to the recent recession-sparked economic The election of President Barack Obama in scapegoating of immigrant communities. As November 2008 marked an important mile- part of a strategy to deflect blame, manipula- stone for racial and ethnic minorities the world tive political forces have exploited the fears of over. And Latino voters contributed signifi- those who have most borne the brunt of pi- cantly to this accomplishment, as 67 percent rate capitalism over the past two decades. And cast ballots in favor of Obama—a percentage while this blaming of immigrants has been among racial and ethnic groups that was sec- standard practice throughout U.S. history, the persistence of such fears shows us that we have THE BENEFITS OF PARTNERSHIPS a long way to go to get the truth out about im- BETWEEN RESEARCHERS AND migrants. PRACTITIONERS The scapegoating of immigrants reverber- ates beyond immigrant communities. Blaming At the gathering in Pilsen, I mentioned 9 economic woes on migrants allows for a sys- that analysis and research are essential to de- tematic disinvestment in those healthcare, edu- termining successful courses of action going LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: cation, and social services infrastructures that forward. Fortunately, our community dialogue benefit all citizens, without the proponents of established a foundation for long-term research such cuts incurring political penalty or con- collaborations among migrant leaders, other sequence. At the same time, our living in a community actors and practitioners, and re- highly segregated society has meant that non- searchers from diverse institutions. I believe immigrant communities have not equally felt the synergies resulting from such collabora- the economic and social costs of the targeting tions will push the creation of a transforma- of immigrant groups. tional transnational agenda—one that will Thus now more than ever, it is of crucial help to improve the lives of both U.S. migrants importance that immigrant communities reach and of their relatives back home.

New Trends in Civic Engagement out to African-American communities, com- Contributors to this edited volume, munities of faith, and local business leaders, as Judy Boruchoff, Susan Gzesh, and Rebecca well as engage with the rank-and-file members Vonderlack-Navarro of the University of of labor unions and also with elected officials Chicago, and Amalia Pallares of the University from all levels of government. Only through of Illinois at Chicago are among those re- these efforts can we fight back against prejudice searchers who have successfully analyzed the and promote greater interaction between im- contemporary immigrant experience, captur- migrant and native-born communities. Only ing in historical perspective the dynamics, ad- through this engagement can we identify the vances, and challenges of transnational civic common interests that can drive collaboration. engagement and political participation. The Eliminating generic fears about immigra- rapporteur’s report by Amy Shannon, formerly tion and immigrants is easier said than done. of Enlaces América, a project of Heartland But one way to set about transcending these Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights, fears is by increasing the opportunities for one- is a faithful and easy-to-read summary of the on-one interaction between immigrants and rich discussions that took place at the Chicago native-born citizens. We also need to do more Community Dialogue. I encourage you to take to enhance the problem-solving capacities of the time to read each of the works that emerged migrant-led organizations and to identify those from that enlightening conversation and that immigrant leaders able to act independently now make up this edited volume. on behalf of their communities. The Chicago For the National Alliance of Latin American Community Dialogue emphasized all of these and Caribbean Communities, of which I serve as strategies to empower Mexican and other as executive director, the Chicago Community Latin American immigrant communities and Dialogue furnished an important space for us as ways to strengthen partnerships with key to advance our agenda of empowerment and non-immigrant allies. advocacy. We are convinced that organized migrant communities represent a powerful look forward to continued engagement with asset for the advancement of this agenda. Yet our partners on these and other projects, which we are also convinced that there is much more we hope will bring us closer to the ideal future that organized migrant communities can do, we dream of for residents of both the United not taking away from their successful efforts States and of our countries of origin. 10 to mitigate poverty in countries of origin. In particular, we believe that organized migrant communities can become stronger actors in the advocacy and policymaking processes both in NOTES the United States and in countries of origin. Furthermore we believe that these efforts and 1 On October 6, 2009, the U.S. Department of consequent policy changes can have deeper and Homeland Security (DHS) announced changes longer-lasting impacts than either government- in the enforcement of immigration laws. This New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New coordinated or migrant-led direct aid projects. is certainly a hopeful development; however, we The Chicago Community Dialogue also have yet to see whether the proposed changes reaffirmed the value and importance of co- will translate into a more humane handling operation and collaboration among all those of undocumented workers. Shortly before the announcement of the DHS changes, 1,800 diverse sectors that seek to better understand workers were fired by a Los Angeles-based the significance of organized transnational apparel manufacturer, after the Immigration migrant communities and that recognize the and Customs Enforcement agency, a branch of potential of these communities to bring about DHS, audited the company’s files, including healthier U.S.-Latin American relations. We workers’ identification documents. LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO LATINO IMMIGRANT LEADERSHIP IN CHICAGO: 11

Historical Antecedents and Contemporary Questions LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY:

By Susan Gzesh1, Senior Lecturer and Haymarket riot, resulting in the trial and execu- Director, Human Rights Program, University tion of the movement’s leaders and the creation of Chicago of May 1 as an international workers’ holiday in memory of their struggle; this history was

Abstract: This essay presents a brief his- acknowledged by the organizers of the 2006 New Trends in Civic Engagement tory of the development of civic participation immigrants’ rights march who selected a route of Mexican-American immigrants in greater that passed the Haymarket memorial. In 1906, Chicago over the past three decades. Given the Upton Sinclair’s muckraking novel, The Jungle, predominance of Mexican nationals (over 80 brought the working conditions of immigrants percent) among Latino immigrants, the paper will in the Chicago stockyards to national attention. focus largely on that community. At the October Mexican immigration to Chicago began in 2007 gathering, this essay served to open a the early 20th century as Mexican railroad work- panel discussion for community leaders Ricardo ers found settled jobs in the growing steel and Estrada (Erie Neighborhood House), Jesús packing industries, establishing the historic par- García (Little Village Community Development ish of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe in 1923. Corporation), Maricela García (Latinos United), and her cohort did and Daisy Funes (Centro Romero). pioneering social work in immigrant neigh- borhoods to establish centers for the education and civic involvement of immigrant families. I. HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS (Hull House had a ceramics workshop run by Mexican immigrant artisans.) Immigrant work- Immigrants have shaped the political and civic ers (Eastern European and Mexican) formed life of Chicago since the early 19th century the base of union-organizing efforts in Chicago- with the arrival of the first nonindigenous set- area meatpacking, steel, garment making, ag- tler, a Haitian trader named Jean Baptiste Point ricultural equipment, and other industries dur- DuSable. Chicago was settled through the ing World War I and through the 1920s and 2 mid-19th century by European immigrants 1930s. Following the deportations of the Great who drove the city’s growth as workers and en- Depression period, the Mexican population of trepreneurs. In 1886, a workers’ rights move- Chicago rebounded due to the World War II bra- ment led by German immigrants ended in the cero program and has continued to grow since. Since the founding of the city in 1837, anger against newer residents who happen to Chicago has been a microcosm of national im- be Mexican immigrants. migration patterns, with the arrival of Eastern Europeans, Irish, Greeks, Italians, and, after 1965, Cubans, Chinese, Filipinos, Vietnamese, II. RECENT DECADES: MEXICAN 12 Koreans, Arabs, Indians, and Pakistanis. Chicago SETTLEMENT AND EMPOWERMENT today, a city of sharply defined ethnic neighbor- hoods (also the nation’s most segregated city), Chicago has been one of the principal areas claims to be the second-largest Polish city, the of settlement during the massive increase in second-largest Lithuanian city, the center of Irish Mexican immigration to the United States in culture in the Midwest, the fifth-largest Mexican the past three decades. In addition to their city, the home of the nation’s largest Palestinian growth in numbers, Mexicans have also come community, and the regional cultural and shop- to dominate the Latin American immigrant New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New ping destination for Indians and Pakistanis. community in greater proportion than before. While the “racialization” of the U.S. im- The initial leadership of Latino community migration debate has been very pronounced in service centers and advocacy organizations was, many regions, there has been a relative lack of with a few notable exceptions, Puerto Rican. an anti-Mexican discourse in the immigration Civic organizations, including the League discussion in Chicago since the 1970s. This of United Latin American Citizens, began to may be due to two factors. In one of the larg- organize to represent the interests of Latino im- est Catholic archdioceses in the United States, migrants (predominantly Mexican-American) Mexicans are seen as simply another group of in the post-World War II period. Over the de- immigrant Catholics establishing ethnic par- cades of the 1970s and 1980s, as the Mexican-

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO ishes, following in the footsteps of the Italians, American and Mexican immigrant population Irish, Poles, Bohemians, Croatians, and so on. increased, more groups were founded that fo- Furthermore, the two most powerful white cused on the interests of the community, and ethnic groups in local politics, Poles and Irish, national organizations began to establish them-

have had recent experience with their own un- selves in Chicago. For example, the Mexican documented compatriots. Elected officials fa- American Legal Defense and Education Fund miliar with the plight of a newly arrived cousin first opened a Chicago office in 1982. It is sleeping on the couch and painting houses for interesting to note that Mexican community cash are more likely to sympathize with the un- leaders in Chicago consistently refer to them- documented Latino immigrants. selves as “Mexican,” rather than as “” Why the immigration policy discussion in or “Mexican-American,” terms commonly the past four years has become charged with used in other metropolitan areas to distinguish racism in certain parts of the metropolitan area among people based on their citizenship, im- is a subject for future research. One hypothesis migration status, or cultural identity. is that the most visible anti-immigrant local initiatives (in Waukegan and Carpentersville, 1970s IL) are products of the generalized economic insecurity in white working-class communities Over the past three decades, Chicago has been where demagogic politicians direct community the center of some of the most interesting and creative organizing among Mexican immigrants appointed Latino community leaders (Mexican, in the United States. In the mid-1970s the Puerto Rican, and Cuban) to positions within Centro de Acción Social Autónoma (CASA), his administration. At the same time, the “regu- an organization founded by exiled Mexican lar” Democrats began cultivating a Latino lead- radical students, sent cadres from Los Angeles ership group of their own, establishing commu- 13 to begin organizing the undocumented in the nity-based organizations with significant access

Pilsen barrio. CASA members worked with to traditional Chicago political patronage (i.e., LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: local Mexican-American/Chicano leaders, in- jobs and contracts with the city.) cluding students who had become politically Also during the 1980s, the changes in the active at the University of Illinois at Chicago to political map of Mexico began to manifest protest raids by the then U.S. Immigration and themselves in Chicago. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Naturalization Service (INS). received an enthusiastic reception in Chicago Settlement houses in traditional Mexican in 1988 among Mexican immigrants who sup- neighborhoods were transformed from purely ported his historical presidential campaign service providers to centers of community ac- against the longtime ruling party, the Partido tivism. One emblematic struggle involved the Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). Mexican takeover of a Presbyterian settlement house leadership of all political parties began to real-

New Trends in Civic Engagement by Juan Velásquez and other Pilsen activists ize that support from Mexicans in the United who successfully established a new and more States should be a critical part of their strate- advocacy-oriented Casa Aztlán. In addition, gies. Within the next decade, all three major Catholic priests in various parishes in Pilsen political parties in Mexico had established began to offer their support for community bases in Chicago. activists. St. Pius Church, with its Dominican The 1986 Immigration Reform and Control pastor, Charles Dahm, was an important cen- Act (IRCA) resulted in legal immigration sta- ter for community organizing meetings. tus for approximately 124,000 Mexican immi- grants in Chicago (80 percent of those legalized in Chicago under IRCA). IRCA mandated fed- 1980s eral funding of community-based organizations to assist applicants, and thus created a number In the late 1970s and early 1980s, leaders from of local nonprofit service and advocacy organi- CASA and related organizations developed zations that still operate today. Many commu- an electoral strategy, allied with progressive nity-based organizations and citywide policy African-American leadership, to challenge the and advocacy projects were directed by Puerto powerful Cook County Democratic machine. Ricans and Mexican-Americans from the oldest Young Mexican-American and Puerto Rican immigrant communities. The Latino Institute activists won several important local offices. functioned during this period as an important This same movement generated critical support independent source of policy analysis and re- for the 1983 election of Harold Washington as search for Latino leadership. Chicago’s first African-American mayor over the Following Mayor Washington’s fatal heart vigorous opposition of the “regular” Democratic attack seven months after his April 1987 reelec- 3 machine. Mayor Washington created the city’s tion, political power in city hall gradually re- first Advisory Commission on Latino Affairs and verted to the traditional Democratic machine. The independent Mexican-American political begun moving out of the city and into suburbs organization went through a decline in power, such as Cicero and Berwyn in the 1980s. New while the fortunes of Mexican-American polit- Mexican migrants were no longer arriving in ical figures affiliated with the machine-fostered the traditional gateway city neighborhoods, Hispanic Democratic Organization (HDO) but were settling in large numbers in inner-ring 14 began to rise, with HDO-supported candi- suburbs and the county seats of the collar coun- 4 dates defeating independents. ties (i.e., Waukegan, Elgin, Joliet, and Aurora). In Chicago, a unique venue for immigrant In new areas of settlement, conflicts began to civic participation was opened through the arise between longtime residents (mostly white creation (by state legislation) of Local School and older) and the younger Latino immigrant Councils (LSCs), elected bodies with control families whose children were making new de- over local school budgets and the hiring and mands on public school systems and who were firing of principals. Because the law allowed di- increasingly visible in public spaces such as New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New rect participation of all parents and community parks and commercial districts. residents, regardless of their citizenship status, A number of these conflicts began to play out in the activities and elections of LSCs, they in the electoral arena with a particular focus on ed- became the locus of a lively, contentious, and ucation, as long-term residents resisted increasing active local politics with high levels of partici- local taxes to pay for the schooling of immigrant pation by immigrant parents. In some commu- children. Some suburban governments began to nities, LSC elections were an arena for the con- enforce (in a racially discriminatory way) local flict between supporters of “independent” and housing codes regarding occupancy and other “regular” Latino Democratic organizations. matters in immigrant communities. During this Also in the 1980s, the Central American entire period, the celebration of Mexican tradi-

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO presence in Chicago increased with the arrival tional holidays and religious festivals also became of Guatemalan and Salvadoran refugees who an expression of Mexican national pride and a established their own advocacy and service point of contention in an increasing number of organizations, of which Centro Romero is the Chicago-area communities. However, in these most notable survivor. The Central Americans new areas of settlement Latinos were not yet able also developed important links with the re- to secure many elected positions. ligious community; Chicago was one of the By the end of the 1980s, the Catholic major organization centers for the Sanctuary archdiocese and other religious bodies had movement. understood the need of Mexican and other Latin American immigrants for a community voice. In 1989, the archdiocese joined several 1990s Protestant churches to found the Interfaith Leadership Project (ILP) of Berwyn, Cicero, In the 1990s, a sharp increase in new migra- and Stickney to empower suburban immigrants tion direct from Mexico began to change the in their local communities (ILP still works in demographics and geography of “Mexican the western suburbs almost 20 years later). In Chicago,” and produced new forms of orga- 1990, five Catholic parishes in the gateway city nization within the community. Mexican im- neighborhood of Pilsen combined resources migrant and Mexican American families had to found the Resurrection Project, which has grown to be a major force for the preservation tics and the rise of immigrant membership and and creation of affordable housing. leadership in key national unions, the labor The number of Spanish-language media movement in the Chicago area also expanded outlets, including television and radio sta- its immigrant membership and organizing ef- tions and newspapers, began to multiply and forts, particularly in the service sector. 15 provided extensive coverage of local commu- nity issues and politics. Additionally, more 2000s LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: Mexican-born 1.5-generation immigrants were beginning to occupy leadership positions in By 2000, the predominance of Mexican im- the Latino community and its institutions. migrants as the largest group within Chicago’s Also in the 1990s, politically conscious in- Latino community was well-established, with dividuals in Chicago’s Mexican community new Mexican immigration still a constant fac- began to be involved in transnational politics. tor. HTAs were receiving more media attention, Following in Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas’ footsteps, as “model” immigrant groups engaged in self- Mexican governors and other political fig- help international philanthropy. HTA visibility ures began to visit Chicago on a regular basis. increased with the establishment, for example, Mexican political parties established affiliates of Casa Michoacán in the heart of the gateway

New Trends in Civic Engagement in Chicago. The initial organizing for the “voto urban Mexican community of Pilsen, as a venue en el exterior” campaigns began in Chicago. for HTA and other Latino political and cultural President Carlos Salinas and members of activities. (Close to downtown Chicago, Pilsen his cabinet visited Chicago both to talk to cor- is the most visible Mexican community for porate leadership and to lobby the Mexican many non-Latino Chicagoans.) The leadership community to support U.S. ratification of of many community-based organizations was the North American Free Trade Agreement. in the hands of 1.5-generation leadership (as They urged their compatriots to heed the executive directors, staff, and board members) example of Jewish-Americans lobbying for who understood the transnational nature of the Israel. The state of Illinois opened a trade of- issues confronting their communities and who fice in Mexico City, many Chicago companies were engaged in (now) immigrant-led local and were selling and investing in Mexico, and the regional initiatives on education, health, hous- Chicago Community Trust sponsored edu- ing, policing, employment, and other issues. cational programs about Mexico for Chicago These organizations consolidated a role for civic leaders. By the mid-1990s, the activities themselves as centers of political education and of Mexican immigrant hometown associations mobilization, in addition to their traditional (HTAs) were becoming visible in the media as role as service providers. those organizations continued to grow. The There were more Latino elected officials in Chicago Community Trust made its first grant city, county, and state legislative bodies, with to promote HTA activities. HTA initiatives, greater lobbying possibilities and advocacy particularly collective remittance projects, were opportunities. However the structure of local encouraged and supported by the Mexican government in many towns (at-large represen- government through the Mexican consulate. tation) still blocked growing Latino communi- With the change in leadership of the AFL- ties from political representation on local gov- CIO toward a more “immigrant friendly” poli- erning bodies. The suburban and collar-county Latino communities also lagged behind in the surprised even the organizers, and the pres- development of institutional bases, such as ence of community and religious leaders, union community-based organizations and advocacy representatives, and local officials including centers. However, spontaneous community Governor Rod Blagojevich and Mayor Richard leadership (some from the small-business sec- Daley (both of whom gave pro-immigrant, anti- 16 tor) was developing in response to local anti- Sensenbrenner bill speeches) encouraged the immigrant initiatives. Chicago organizers to plan an even larger march Blocked from direct electoral participation, and “go national.” many local immigrant-led groups concen- Impressed by the skill of the march organizers trated on direct-action politics such as mass and the spontaneous participation of dozens of demonstrations at local government meetings. individuals and informal groups (parishes, work- In those communities, many of which are in places, high school students, families, etc.), the Republican-dominated congressional districts, Chicago and Illinois labor federations pledged New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New the potential for alliances with other immi- critical financial and logistical support for the grant groups (Asian, South Asian, and Middle upcoming march, overcoming their initial hesita- Eastern) could lead to significant political tion to march on May Day. Union funds paid for change. Although immigrants’ rights organi- Chicago immigrant leaders to travel to California zations (in particular the Illinois Coalition for to coordinate with local organizers there. Immigrant and Refugee Rights (ICIRR) and its The 2006 Chicago May Day demonstra- member groups) have developed a higher pro- tion, with close to a million participants, was file in these outlying areas, there has yet to be the largest demonstration in the history of the a realization of an alliance with the HTAs and city. Led by Mexican and Latino community- their leadership. Conventional union organiz- based organizations, churches, and political

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO ing has been supplemented by workers’ centers figures, other immigrant groups joined the pro- targeted at unorganized workers, particularly test. (Even U.S.-citizen professionals brought immigrant workers in marginal industries, the their small children to march in support of their service sector, and the informal sector, e.g., day Latina caretakers.) The March and May dem- laborers and domestic workers. onstrations received broad, supportive coverage In late 2005 the U.S. House of Representatives in both Spanish- and English-language media, passed the so-called “Sensenbrenner Bill,” which which lauded the serious and peaceful nature among other provisions would have criminal- of the events. The few local “Minutemen” re- ized undocumented status. The possibility of ceived disproportionate attention from media criminalization of status and the danger of mas- that sought spokespeople for the anti-immi- sive arrests, threatening “mixed status” families grant view. The invisible Mexican immigrant in particular, motivated Mexican-led organiza- workforce had become visible to all of Chicago. tions (community-based groups and HTAs) to Later, the sanctuary case of 5 plan a response. Meetings were called at Casa would garner international media attention, Michoacán, in the center of the metropolitan focusing on a church on Chicago’s north side. area. A march was set for March 10, 2006, in Elected officials were learning to pay atten- downtown Chicago, a call soon taken up by the tion to a constituency that mobilized under Spanish-language media, with an important role the slogan, “Hoy marchamos, mañana vota- played by radio djs. The large turnout, which mos” or “Today we march, tomorrow we vote.” Governor Blagojevich, in conjunction with the drop in the value of real estate, and the poten- ICIRR, established a state task force to institu- tial collapse of some financial institutions, tra- tionalize “immigrant-friendly” state policies and ditional American xenophobia is finding fertile practices. Within the Illinois congressional del- ground even in northern Illinois. egation, with a few notable exceptions, almost When current White House Chief of Staff 17 all Democrats support pro-immigrant initia- Rahm Emanuel was a Congressman from tives, including the failed 2006 reform legisla- the North Side of Chicago, local immigrants’ LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: tion. Chicago and Cook County officials have rights activists considered him the most con- also supported “noncooperation” and “sanctu- servative Democrat in the Illinois congres- ary” initiatives in protest against increased en- sional delegation, noting his vote in favor of forcement by immigration authorities. the Sensenbrenner bill. Illinois’ then-Senator Until recently, there were only occasional Barack Obama was considered less explicitly anti-immigrant expressions in the Chicago area. pro-immigrant than his fellow Senator Richard Media outlets and academic and civic organi- Durbin, but still generally supportive of immi- zations seeking a debate on immigrants’ rights gration reform. Local Latino leaders invested had only a few isolated eccentrics to call on time and resources in Obama’s presidential to represent the restrictionist view, or else had campaign, organizing in Illinois and taking vol-

New Trends in Civic Engagement to “import” restrictionists from other states. unteers to neighboring states to canvass; they The anti-immigrant Federation for American continue to lobby the White House on both Immigration Reform was unable to attract much comprehensive immigration reform and other support in the Chicago area. In the mid-1990s, legislative and policy issues. In December 2009 a plan to demolish two Mexican neighborhoods Chicago-area advocates won an important vic- in Addison, IL (to make way for a nonexistent tory when federal authorities agreed to stay economic development project), was success- the deportation of an undocumented Mexican fully defeated by Latino residents; the Village student at the University of Illinois-Chicago, of Addison was assessed more than $1 million receiving significant support from Democrats in damages and fees. A Republican candidate in the Illinois congressional delegation. who campaigned in the senatorial primary in Historically Republicans in Illinois have 2002 on an anti-immigrant platform was such been somewhat more moderate than the most an embarrassment to the Republican leadership xenophobic elements of the national party. The that when the primary winner withdrew from most openly anti-immigrant Republican, Jim the general election, the anti-immigrant second- Oberweis, failed in his 2008 bid for the seat of place finisher was not tapped to replace him. retiring Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert, The pro-immigrant atmosphere has, how- perhaps due to the changing demographics ever, been colored by a disturbing new trend of the 14th Congressional District. However that reflects a national political phenomenon. since late 2009, North Shore Congressman Beginning in 2006 in Carpentersville, IL, more Mark Kirk has become more openly anti-im- local communities in the outlying parts of the migrant in his bid for the U.S. Senate seat va- metropolitan area have seen the introduction of cated by President Obama. anti-immigrant local ordinances on a range of Illinois is keeping pace with the national issues. Given the economic insecurity of mem- trend of increased cooperation between local bers of the general public who face job loss, a police and federal immigration authorities begun under the Bush administration and con- employer audits. Across the country hundreds tinued under President Obama. Neither the of Latino immigrants have been fired for lack Illinois State Police nor any Illinois municipal of immigration status after such audits; DHS governments has signed a formal memoran- Secretary Janet Napolitano has signaled her dum of agreement with the Department of intention to continue the new policy. While 18 Homeland Security (DHS), known as “287(g) Chicago-area advocates report no mass firings agreements,” which would allow local police to as of December 2009, there is little reason to make arrests for immigration status violations. expect that Illinois would be exempted from However, advocates have noted an increase in the national trend. racial profiling of Latinos by police in certain How local Mexican-American and Latino jurisdictions under more informal arrangements leadership respond to the new wave of anti- allowing for federal immigration “detainers.” immigrant enforcement efforts at the local and On a national level, local law enforcement national level will be a major test of how good- New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New agencies have taken one of two paths. Police will can be transformed into political action. officials either insist that good law enforcement Alliances across immigrant groups, increased requires the trust of immigrant communities dialogue with African-American leaders, and and refrain from making immigration status strategic partnerships with unions, religious arrests, or they regard immigrant communities organizations, and other key constituencies— as the source of crime and seek increased coor- both within and beyond the electoral arena— dination with federal authorities. will be critical in maintaining the image and Both philosophies are at play in Illinois. reality of the Chicago area as an exemplary For example, in Waukegan, IL, a new city ad- “pro-immigrant” space in the national picture. ministration sensitive to demands by Mexican

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO immigrant leaders suspended local road- blocks and sweeps. However, under the Secure II. QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER Communities program, the Obama adminis- tration is encouraging more local police agen- The above narrative raises a number of ques- cies to use federal immigration-status databases tions, both with respect to the analysis of past for persons arrested for crimes—a process that events and plans for the future. Among those does not require local elected officials to sign that might generate discussion are the following: a formal agreement with the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Whether this ap- 1. What is immigrant civic participation? proach will only result in more “pretextual” How do we understand immigrant political arrests of Latino immigrants will depend on participation within the framework of citi- political relationships at the local level. zenship, as broadly defined? What forms of Under the Bush administration, workplace “citizenship” are Mexican immigrants using immigration raids were denounced for their outside the electoral arena, from participa- unnecessary force and cruel treatment of im- tion in local school councils to direct action migrant workers and their families, creating demonstrations? fear and insecurity among Latino immigrants nationwide. The Obama administration has 2. What is the history of immigrant announced a “softer” approach to workplace civic participation in Chicago? How have enforcement, abandoning raids in favor of the demographics of the region, as well as Arredondo, Gabriela and Derek Vaillant. 2005. leadership by government and civil society “Mexicans.” In The Electronic Encyclopedia figures, helped create the “space” for immi- of Chicago. Chicago: Newberry Library and Chicago Historical Society; available at grant civic participation? http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/ pages/824.html. 19 3. What has been the attitude of local and Bada, Xóchitl, Jonathan Fox, and Andrew Selee,

state officials, as well as the corporate sec- eds. 2006. Invisible No More: Mexican Civic LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: tor, toward immigrant civic participation? Participation in the United States. Washington, What other civil society groups and insti- DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. tutions have worked in collaboration with Casuso, Jorge and Eduardo Camacho. 1985. immigrant-led groups in the Chicago area? Hispanics in Chicago. Chicago: Chicago Reporter Which sectors are most supportive? Which and Community Renewal Society. sectors are least supportive? Chicago Council on Global Affairs. 2006. A Shared Future: The Economic Engagement of 4. Why have anti-immigrant groups and Greater Chicago and Its Mexican Community. Chicago: Chicago Council on Global Affairs, local government initiatives developed Task Force Series. relatively recently in the Chicago area, as

Chicago Reporter. 2001. Latino Clout: A Generation New Trends in Civic Engagement compared with other parts of the United Away, September; http://www.chicagoreporter. States? How have those local initiatives, in com/issue/index.php?issueId=333. conjunction with increased enforcement by De Genova, Nicholas. 2005. Working the Immigration and Customs Enforcement in Boundaries: Race, Space, and “Illegality” in Mexican Chicago. Durham, N.C.: Duke Chicago, both stimulated and limited im- University Press. migrant civic participation? Fremon, David K. 1988. Chicago Politics Ward by Ward. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 5. What is the likely future scenario for Gamio, Manuel. 1930. Mexican Immigration to the Latino (and Mexican immigrant/Mexican- United States: A Study of Human Migration and American) political empowerment in Adjustment. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. _____. 1931. The Mexican Immigrant: His Life Chicago? Story. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ganz, Cheryl and Margaret Strobel. 2004. Pots of Promise: Mexicans and Pottery at Hull House 1920 – 1940. Urbana: University of Illinois Press with the Jane Addams Hull-House REFERENCES Museum. Hinojosa, Franciso. 1999. Mexican Chicago. Note: This essay was intended to start a dis- Mexico: CONACULTA. cussion at a meeting; it is not intended as a Interfaith Leadership Project of Berwyn, Cicero, and definitive research paper on the topic. For the Stickney, http://www.interfaithleadership.net/. reader interested in more information, the au- Jirasek, Rita Arias and Carlos Tortolero. 2001. thor suggests the following sources: Mexican Chicago. Mt. Pleasant, SC: Arcadia. Kerr, Louise Año Nuevo. 1999. The . Illinois Periodicals On-line, http:// Arredondo, Gabriela. 2008. Mexican Chicago: Race, www.lib.niu.edu/1999/iht629962.html. Identity, and Nation. Urbana: University of Prieto, Jorge. 1989. Harvest of Hope: The Pilgrimage Illinois Press. of a Mexican-American Physician. Notre Dame, IN: Press. Puente, Sylvia and Victor Ortiz. 2004. “The Latino NOTES Institute: Promoting Latino Progress Through Policy Analysis, Leadership Development, and Advocacy.” In La Causa: Civil Rights, Social 1 Senior lecturer and director of the Human Justice, and the Struggle for Equality in the Rights Program, University of Chicago. This essay was delivered as introductory remarks 20 Midwest, ed. Gilberto Cárdenas. : Arte Público Press. to a panel of Latino immigrant leadership Ready, Timothy and Allert Brown-Gort. 2005. The at the Chicago Community Dialogue on State of Latino Chicago: This Is Home Now. Transnational Activism, held in Chicago on University of Notre Dame Institute for Latino October 26-27, 2007, sponsored by Enlaces Studies, http://www.latinosunited.org/wp-con- América, the Mexico Institute of the Woodrow tent/uploads/state-of-latino-chicago-report.pdf. Wilson International Center for Scholars, and Resurrection Project, History and Mission, http:// the MacArthur Foundation. As such, it is not www.resurrectionproject.org/home.aspx. intended to be a taken as a research paper. The Rivlin, Gary. 1992. Fire on the Prairie: Chicago’s narrative is based on the author’s own experi- New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New Harold Washington and the Politics of Race. New ences as an attorney cooperating with Latino York: H. Holt. immigrant groups in Chicago starting in 1980. Santamaría Gómez, Arturo. 1988. La izquierda A short reading list of published material on norteamericana y los trabajadores indocumen- the general topic appears at the end. The author tados. [Mexico City, Mexico]: Ediciones de wishes to thank Artemio Arreola, Oscar Chacón, Cultura Popular, Universidad Autónoma de Maricela García, Carmen Prieto, and Amy Sinoloa Editorial. Shannon for their insightful comments. The Torres, Maria de los Angeles. 1991. “The author takes full responsibility for all opinions Commission on Latino Affairs: A Case Study expressed herein as her own. of Community Empowerment.” In Harold 2 Manuel Gamio conducted pioneering research Washington and the Neighborhoods: Progressive on the lives of Mexican immigrants in this City Government in Chicago, 1983-1987, period; see Gamio (1930, 1931).

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO eds. Pierre Clavel and Wim Wiewel. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 3 One of Harold Washington’s leading Mexican- _____. 1993. “Latino Politics in Chicago.” In American allies, labor activist Rudy Lozano, Chicago’s Future in a Time of Change, ed. Dick was shot down in his own kitchen shortly after Simpson. Champaign, IL: Stipes Publishing Washington’s 1983 election, in which Lozano Company. himself lost an aldermanic race by fewer than _____. 2004. “A Search for Meaningful Voice 20 votes. Although the young gunman was and Place: The IPO and Latino Community arrested and convicted, the mystery of who was Empowerment in Chicago.” In La Causa: behind the assassination has never been solved. Civil Rights, Social Justice, and the Struggle for 4 In 2006, federal investigations into City Hall Equality in the Midwest, ed. Gilberto Cárdenas. corruption would result in indictments of key Houston, TX: Arte Público Press. HDO figures, with the political balance of power among Mexican-American Democrats again in play. 5 One community leader attributed the unity and speed of the response in Chicago (as contrasted with California) to the relative geographic concentration of the Mexican popu- lation in and around Chicago. FAMILY MATTERS: 21

Strategizing Immigrant Activism in Chicago1 LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: Amalia Pallares Latin American and Latino Studies Program University of Illinois at Chicago

Abstract: This paper looks at the ways in tions, anti-immigrant measures (in the form of which the family has been politicized by im- HR 4437, a.k.a. the Sensenbrenner bill, as well migration activists in Chicago in response to as multiple local ordinances), and to expecta- New Trends in Civic Engagement changes in immigration and national security tions created by congressional efforts to enact laws in the past decade, which have led to comprehensive immigration reform. increased deportations and family separation. Contemporary immigrant activism is char- The paper focuses on four different strategies acterized by a variety of policy focuses, goals, that have been used to address the issue of actors, and strategies. Although some form of family separation: social movement activism legalization is a common goal, most pro-immi- (marches, rallies), advocacy, court strategies, grant organizations spend most of their energy and sanctuary. The recent history of each of on distinct policy areas. These include youth ac- these strategies is reviewed, describing their cess to education (the DREAM Act), workers’ characteristics and analyzing their strengths rights (fighting against raids and resisting the and limitations. The paper concludes with a “no-match” letter campaign of the Department brief reflection on the transnational dimension of Homeland Security),2 state- and local-level of some of this activism and offers some rec- immigrants’ rights (access to driver’s licenses, ommendations. resisting local ordinances that would displace immigrants and make them more vulnerable to Although immigrant mobilization became deportation), and a broader immigrants’ rights more visible in Chicago after the first mega- agenda with a binational or transnational focus march held in March 2006, efforts to create (the first Latin American Community Migrant immigration policy that would enable the le- Summit in Morelia, Michoacán). galization of many undocumented immigrants Furthermore, the actors range widely, from and curtail the further restriction of their rights broad aggregates of people in a massive march, had been underway for several years. The in- to networks of immigrant activists coordi- tensification of immigrant activism in the past nating smaller protests, and to social service, two years, however, can be directly traced to a policy, grassroots, hometown or other immi- combination of the menace of further restric- grant-led organizations. Actors also include people who may be outside a pro-immigrant 208,521 in 2005), stricter border enforcement, organization, but who participate in churches, deportations of legal immigrants with criminal schools and colleges, community centers, and records, and the creation of expedited removals. in neighborhood groups. Some of these actors These changes have also severely restricted the are focused exclusively on immigration reform; individual legal options once available to un- 22 some also devote resources to other goals. The documented immigrants, including the decline strategies vary widely as well, ranging from the in immigration judges’ discretion, the termina- more conventional, such as lobbying, letter- tion of suspensions of deportation and their writing campaigns, holding news conferences, replacement with cancellations of removal, and and participating in hearings. Strategies can the elimination of Section 245(i) for immi- also be more contentious, e.g. marches, vigils, grants who had not petitioned for it by January consumer boycotts, sit-ins, and hunger strikes. 1998.4 All these changes have also led to the Some organizations restrict themselves primar- increased visibility of separations, both among New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New ily to conventional strategies, some focus pri- immigrant communities and the general popu- marily on contentious ones, and others do a lation. One immediate consequence of these combination of both. The massive marches in state-led processes is that “family” became 2006 and 2007 were tactical events that have politicized in new ways and acquired political been embraced by all. meaning for undocumented immigrants and This paper focuses on the strategies that their families, legal immigrants, and the wider have been used to address the issue of family Latino communities in which they reside. separation. The belief that the family, as well as The paper provides an overview of four dif- its preservation, unity, and continuity, is being ferent strategies used to prevent the separation threatened by current immigration policy has of mixed-status families in Chicago: marches,

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO become a common referent for immigrants lobbying, legal claims, and sanctuary. For each and their descendants, as well as for a broader of these strategies, the paper looks at the actors community of support in Chicago. involved, the messages they convey, the goals The politicization of family unity among they seek, and the impact they have on shaping immigrants gained relevance in the mid- public opinion and public policy. It concludes 1990s, with the passage of California with some observations on the opportunities Proposition 187 in 1994 and the enactment and limits encountered by activists pursuing of the federal Illegal Immigration Reform and these strategies and some suggestions for future Immigrant Responsibility Act and the Personal discussion. Responsibility and Work Opportunity

Reconciliation Act, both of 1996. It continued MARCHES AND MARCHERS: SURVEY and became exacerbated after 9/11, when na- RESULTS FROM THE MAY 2006 AND tional security became a new framework of jus- MAY 2007 ACTIONS tification for further immigration enforcement and border control.3 Note: Detailed charts and graphs of the survey Changes in immigration and national secu- results are appended to this chapter. rity laws have led to more family separations as a consequence of increased deportations (a The University of Illinois at Chicago Immigrant 200-percent increase from 50,924 in 1995 to Mobilization Project surveys of the May 2006 and May 2007 marches used a multistage sion (figure 8). One notable difference lies in block sampling technique to give respondents the reason for marching. In 2006, as shown in an equal chance of being selected for the study. figure 9, most survey respondents stated that Respondents were interviewed in Spanish or the most important reason they were march- English, as they chose. Interviewers were as- ing was to protect the rights of immigrants in 23 signed “block numbers” within Union Park general (54 percent), followed by supporting and Grant Park. Within those blocks, they were legalization for immigrants (27 percent), and LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: instructed to approach every tenth person as a showing unity and solidarity with immigrants potential respondent for the survey. The 2006 (18 percent). In 2007, most respondents gave survey (Flores-González et al. 2006) yielded a importance to supporting legalization for im- sample of 410 surveys (among 300,000 march- migrants (53 percent), followed by stopping ers); the 2007 survey yielded 279 surveys deportations of undocumented immigrants (among 100,000 to 150,000 marchers). (16 percent) and protecting the rights of im- Our findings reveal that both marches had migrants in general (14 percent). The 2006 re- a large number of citizens (Latino and non- sponses indicate a less policy-specific approach Latino), and among them, a large number of to the issue and a more general desire to protect Latino citizens with high voting rates. Among immigrants’ rights (in response perhaps to the

New Trends in Civic Engagement the large percentage of immigrants, the ma- menace of the Sensenbrenner bill), whereas the jority were citizens or documented residents. 2007 response indicates a more targeted focus This refutes popular views of these marches as on legalization, and reflects the increasing visi- consisting exclusively of undocumented im- bility of and concern about deportation, which migrants. A comparison of the 2006 and 2007 was entirely absent in 2006. surveys reveals consistency in these numbers, Finally, while there is practically no differ- as 69 percent of respondents claimed to be citi- ence between electoral participation in both zens in 2007, a slight decline from 74 percent years, there are important differences in civic in 2006. Additionally, respondents in 2007 participation, as 2007 marchers showed signif- were slightly more likely to be Latinos and less icantly lower levels of civic participation (fig- likely to be white than those in 2006 (figure ures 10 and 11). However, comparing Latino 1). The number of marchers born in Mexico citizens who marched in 2007 and Latino citi- also increased; they were 59 percent of 2007 zens nationwide (figure 12), the former were as marchers, and 45 percent of 2006 marchers likely to write a letter or call an elected official (figure 3). Marchers in 2007 were as likely to as the general population of registered Latinos be Catholic, were slightly younger, and had and were more likely to attend a public meet- lower levels of educational attainment than the ing. 2006 marchers (figures 4-6). In fact, general levels of marcher civic partic- Interestingly, for both marches the percent- ipation in these two categories, which includes age of marchers who were both Latinos and noncitizens (figure 11), show little difference U.S. citizens was higher than the percentage of with the levels of registered Latinos. However, U.S. citizens in the general Latino population they are less likely to contribute money to a (figure 7). Other interesting findings are a con- political candidate. Nevertheless, the high level tinued reliance on radio for learning about the of response in writing an elected official and at- event, but a decline in the reliance on televi- tending a public meeting suggests that in terms of the Chicago Latino population, there is not among the reasons they gave for marching, they necessarily a strict dichotomy between the use were slightly more likely to support legalization of certain conventional strategies such as call- than families in which all the members were ing or writing a politician and the unconven- legal (figure 16). Mixed-status family members tional strategies of mass mobilization. If one were also less likely to be first-time marchers 24 marches (regardless of citizenship status), one (figure 17). Finally, they were more likely than is as likely to participate civically as the general members of families in which all have legal sta- Latino population, and both strategies are seen tus to know about Elvira Arellano and to agree as complementary and necessary. with her decision to seek sanctuary in a church An exclusive look at the 2007 march also (figures 18-19). On the other hand, mixed-sta- provides some new insights. The 2007 survey tus family members who were eligible to vote asked participants how many previous marches were less likely to do so than members of fami- they had attended (figure 13). Almost half lies who were permanent residents or citizens New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New were occasional marchers, followed by frequent (figure 20). They were also much less likely to marchers (27 percent), and a significant 23 per- engage in civic participation, except for writing cent who were first-time marchers. This indi- or calling an elected official (figure 21). cates that Chicago is not necessarily “marched Both marches were characterized by a vis- out,” in the sense that most participants had ible presence of family, as well as multiple attended two or fewer marches, and that there signs and posters asking that families be kept was still an important number of people who together. The 2007 march, however, seems were marching for the first time. This is in to have placed an additional emphasis on the contrast with Los Angeles, where mass activ- family issue with a combination of more for- ism since the mid-1990s has led some activ- mal printed messaging and the use of Elvira 5

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO ists to a certain degree of “march exhaustion.” Arellano’s image. Another important difference Additionally, Chicago marchers felt that is was was the signage on stopping deportation, likely safe to march. When asked if the 2006 marches prompted by the April 24 raid on the Little had changed conditions at their workplace, Village Mall (which many activists claim had most claimed it had no effect (78 percent) and mobilized more people to participate in the 14 percent said they made conditions better; march than they had previously expected). The only 1 percent said the marches made condi- raid involved 84 Immigration and Customs tions worse (figure 14). Enforcement (ICE) officers and led to the ar- To explore the relationship between march rest of 12 people.7 Many community dwellers participation and the family separation issue, staged a spontaneous protest during the raid, we looked at the percentage of mixed-status outraged by the treatment of the heavily armed families who attended the 2007 march.6 We officers, who initially rounded up more than hypothesized that mixed-status families might 100 people, stopped anyone from exiting the be more engaged because they were most likely mall, and frightened shoppers, many of whom to be directly affected by any changes in im- were children. migration policies and practices, and therefore In terms of effectiveness, the 2006 march had most at stake. Indeed, the surveys showed in Chicago, together with the dozens of that almost half of the respondents were mem- marches throughout the nation, stopped the bers of mixed-status families (figure 15), and, Sensenbrenner bill. The 2007 march helped to maintain the general visibility of the issue planned. This type of negotiation has not of immigration reform in anticipation of a been possible in a city like Los Angeles, where congressional bill, and also helped to keep the there is a longer history of massive immigrant struggle alive within the Latino community in mobilization and where differences seem to be Chicago. However, the 2007 Chicago mega- even more deeply entrenched, and at times in- 25 march (150,000 participants) was not repro- surmountable. duced anywhere else in the country, where the However, our comparison of both marches LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: number of marchers was much smaller in com- may indicate some need for caution, not just parison to the previous year. Why was Chicago celebration. Although both were massive, the able to maintain a level of march mobilization 2006 march had greater participation of other similar to 2006, whereas other cities were not? groups, unions, and members of the middle One possible explanation is that Chicago class. National and state politicians spoke, in- resisted attempts to demobilize at the national cluding then-Senator Barack Obama, Senator level and did not experience attempts to demo- Dick Durbin, State Senator Bobby Rush and bilize at the local level, as happened in other cit- Governor Rod Blagojevich. In 2007, Mayor ies. At the national level, the Democratic Party, Daley was the main dignitary who spoke, fol- unions, corporations such as Univision, and na- lowed by immigrant rights activists. The mo-

New Trends in Civic Engagement tional Latino organizations indicated in differ- ment of solidarity with immigrants so evident ent ways that lobbying could be a more effective in 2006 was replaced by the almost exclusive or meaningful route of political action. presence of Latinos and, more specifically, Chicago, a city with an extraordinary Mexicans. To the extent that immigration re- amount of somewhat autonomous labor, im- form requires a broad network of support, the migrant, and community activism, was less declining presence of others could be a cause receptive to such messages. On the local level, for concern. media representatives, politicians, and a wide In 2008, as anticipated, the number of range of activists agreed on the importance of marchers also declined; estimates range from marching, in contrast to other cities, where the Chicago Tribune’s 15,000 to activists’ cal- there was not widespread agreement on this culations of 22,000 to 25,000. As in 2007, issue. For example, in Chicago, the radio per- however, Chicago’s march was the largest in sonality Pistolero actively promoted the 2007 the country. While dozens of organizations, march just as he had promoted the previous unions, and youth groups participated, the year’s march, and repeatedly aired an ad en- pause in immigration reform during a presi- couraging people to mobilize. In Los Angeles, dential election year made it impossible to sus- by contrast, radio personality Piolín started a tain the momentum from the previous years. letter-writing campaign, describing it as a bet- With no imminent legislation to threaten or ter political option than marching. Moreover, advance immigrants’ rights in sight, many peo- despite the fact that Chicago is also charac- ple doubted the utility of the march. Others, in terized by political and ideological differences a context of increasing raids, deportations, and among different immigrant activists, those local ostracism, feared that the marches would differences were temporarily suspended (or generate more backlashes in an already difficult rather negotiated) in order to hold one march time. High school students in the northern instead of the two that had originally been suburb of Waukegan, for example, who had planned to attend the march, changed their group aims to maintain the coalition and hold minds after the Waukegan school board offi- regular public events on shared issues. The cially discouraged participation. 8 March 10 Movement preceded the march This march was characterized by a con- with a Midwest regional conference aimed certed effort by members of the Centro Sin at creating ties among activists in the region. 26 Fronteras and other organizations to create a Moreover, two weeks after May 1, they helped coalition with African-Americans in order to organize a march from a church on the south- forge a black-brown unity and a “new major- west side to DePaul University, where a group ity” based on common issues, including the of Minutemen had been invited to speak by a protection of families, no violence, fair wages, conservative student organization. and fair trade. Starting in February, weekly planning meetings were held at Operation Push, and African- American activists from ADVOCACY New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New Push, Cease Fire, and Muslim religious or- ganizations participated. Other activists, Chicago-based organizations have been pres- grouped under the March 10 Movement, suring state and national public officials for im- worried that the legalization issue would be migration reform for several years. The Illinois diluted in such a coalition and held separate Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights organizing meetings. Some unions, commu- (ICIRR), a policy advocacy organization, has nity and policy organizations, and home- conducted several efforts at the state and na- town associations sent representatives to both tional level, recently launching its “Illinois Is meetings. Home” campaign. This campaign entails ad- These differences, however, did not im- vocacy work with congressional representatives

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO pede the realization of a common march and throughout the state, focusing on comprehen- program, which included representatives from sive immigration reform and the DREAM Act. both sectors. However, although a few impor- The campaign also involves state assembly tant African-American religious leaders and representatives, focusing on providing driver’s activists spoke on stage, the African-American license access to undocumented immigrants, presence among marchers did not appear sig- among other issues. nificantly higher than in previous years. If this ICIRR has also campaigned for immigra- coalition is to come to fruition, it appears that tion reform in Washington, and participated a longer-term grassroots strategy must be pur- in the September 6, 2007, congressional hear- sued. Additionally, other important develop- ing on HR 1645, the STRIVE Act, with Tony ments in the 2008 marches include an ever Wasilewski, a Polish legal immigrant whose more significant presence of youth, not only as wife had recently been deported. In addi- marchers but as organizers (each coalition had tion to its policy advocacy and research work, a very active youth branch), the presence of ICIRR promotes citizenship and civic partici- antiwar groups, and the participation of gays pation, as well as immigrant integration. Most and lesbians. recently, it promoted citizenship through its Both coalitions have attempted to use the New Americans Democracy Project, which 2008 march as a springboard for more con- launched a massive campaign that aimed to tinued organizing. The black-brown unity register 50,000 naturalized immigrants and get at least 20,000 new Americans to vote in the directly with undocumented immigrants who 2008 elections. offered their identifying information, as well Grassroots groups have organized in several as with nonimmigrant parishioners, to sup- ways. Hometown associations, for example, port the immigrant cause on moral grounds. have worked as part of the National Alliance of In one day, June 11, the campaign collected 27 Latin American and Caribbean Communities 30,000 postcards. The Familias Unidas cam-

(NALACC) to advocate for a broad agenda of paign simultaneously mobilizes families within LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: immigrant rights that complements their bina- their communities and frames the family issue tional activism. Another model is the one used around the simple slogan, “Keep Our Families by Centro Sin Fronteras, which has, until re- Together,” with printed materials carrying a cently, worked alone, primarily through its La shadowed image of separated family mem- Familia Latina Unida (LFLU) campaign. More bers on a background of a broken heart. The recently, Sin Fronteras has worked closely concept of family unity is aimed primarily at with the Labor Council for Latin American building connections among immigrants, com- Advancement (LCLAA) and has created a loose munity members, and parishioners by present- network of organizations from California, ing the human aspect of this issue. New York, Florida (Miami) and Pennsylvania La Familia Latina Unida, by contrast, is a

New Trends in Civic Engagement (Philadelphia) to collaborate on lobbying ef- relatively small group of 35 families that have forts in Washington. faced or are facing an imminent deportation. NALACC and LFLU provide two dif- They have pursued a dual strategy: apply- ferent examples of how to frame the family ing for a private bill that would resolve their issue. NALACC’s Familias Unidas campaign cases, while also participating in an extensive is designed to simultaneously oppose family campaign to make visible the family separation separation and promote the civic participa- issue and to obtain a comprehensive legislative tion of grassroots members. Its website invites reform inclusive of people with a prior depor- immigrants to organize a “Familias Unidas” tation.9 Instead of using postcards with shadow campaign in their communities, suggest- abstract figures of families, they have embodied ing that they plan meetings, petition drives, these families, literally opening up their own marches, and vigils; engage in lobbying; and life histories, presenting their own cases as con- send postcards, among other easily download- crete examples of separated or potentially sepa- able materials. rated families. The family-issue campaign has not been Their campaign has included speaking in used only by immigrant organizations, per se. their communities and churches, protests, vig- In Chicago, a network of Catholics oversaw ils, and hunger strikes. Throughout the past a massive letter-writing campaign in which three years they have taken several bus trips they collected thousands of postcards with the to Washington to promote their cause. While names and personal details of undocumented they have campaigned for their cause as fami- immigrants and then directed individual paris- lies, the children have participated in their honers to send the postcards to their congres- own marches, and recent events have high- sional representatives, as a way to plead the lighted the role of children in activities that case of families. In this instance, the Catholic combine advocacy work with civil disobedi- Campaign for Immigration Reform worked ence. In their most recent trip to Washington in July 2008, Sin Fronteras children joined ation of economic development policies that children from other cities on the steps of the would make further migration less necessary. Supreme Court. When asked to step down Since December 2007, Sin Fronteras has by authorities, they stayed and began singing played a leadership role in creating a national “Born in the U.S.A.”10 When Nancy Pelosi coalition with several grassroots organizations 28 agreed to see only a couple of people, Sin throughout the country in an effort to work Fronteras activists insisted that she invite in all directly with Representative Luis Gutiérrez (D- the children, and 100 of them sat in her office IL) and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus in while she was lobbied. In Chicago, dozens of a two-step process: 1) blocking all immigra- children went to then-Representative Rahm tion legislation initiatives until comprehensive Emanuel’s (D-IL) office in August 2008, or- reform is addressed or a temporary work visa dered pizza, and stayed in the building for is granted to most undocumented immigrants, an hour. Unlike NALACC, LFLU does not and 2) creating a bill that would grant undocu- New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New promote the creation of many campaigns, but mented immigrants a five-year work visa, effec- relies on particular events and media coverage tively stopping most deportations and family of those events to highlight the family separa- separation, until a comprehensive legalization tion issue. bill is passed. The legislative strategy proved ef- Neither of these strategies nor any others has fective in March 2008, when caucus members led to the passing of any national bill. While blocked voting on legislation that would have several congressional initiatives have tried to extended the permission granted by Congress reverse some of the 1996 legal reforms that led in 2005 (in the Save our Small and Seasonal to more family separation, none of them has Businesses Act) that allowed employers to re- passed.11 The recent efforts for comprehen- hire foreign seasonal workers with H-2B visas,

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO sive legalization in the Senate failed, and the exceeding the annual 66,000 visa quota. This STRIVE Act has not moved beyond one hear- meant that in 2008, the U.S. government is- ing. The bill that specifically addresses family, sued only 33,000 visas for winter workers and the Child Citizen Protection Act, initiated by the same for summer workers. By contrast, in Representative José Serrano (D-NY), was filed 2007, 125,000 foreign workers entered the in February 2007, but has not been discussed United States with H-2B visas. in committee. Although the second step, the creation of a At the city and county level, activists have temporary visa bill, is still in the works, it is a been able to get ordinances protecting immi- point of contention among immigrant organi- grants’ rights, but they remain largely sym- zations. Advocates of temporary measures, such bolic. Most of the lobbying campaigns men- as a moratorium on all deportations combined tioned above have a binational dimension, with a work visa, believe that it is necessary to as many local activists communicate directly support piecemeal legislation while helping with members of the Mexican Congress and to build a political climate more conducive the Mexican president on a broad range of is- to comprehensive reform, whereas opponents sues, requesting that they support the immi- argue that these timid measures are a form of grant movement through strategic interven- “selling-out,” jeopardizing the possibilities for tions in specific cases, diplomatic negotiations a more meaningful reform that would perma- with the United States, or through the cre- nently legalize the undocumented. This disagreement is grounded in different ficials to persuade them to support the mora- notions of what is feasible in the current po- torium. litical context, with a number of failed immi- In November 2008, Ya Basta joined gration bill initiatives and a presidential race Congressman Luis Gutierrez in the creation in which candidates sidestepped the immi- and coordination of a national “Familias 29 gration question in an effort to garner broad Unidas” campaign. Familias Unidas is an ecu- electoral support. In Chicago, the disagree- menical project that holds events in churches LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: ment is also specifically shaped by activists’ of different denominations in major cities, position on Congressman Luis Gutierrez’s collecting petitions from thousands of citizens legislative efforts. Although Sin Fronteras is who have agreed to sponsor an undocumented a close ally of Gutierrez and has supported immigrant. These petitions were delivered to all of his bill proposals, others have held out, President Barack Obama on the 100th day of stating that Gutierrez has compromised too his administration, in support of a demand to readily on issues of security, a guest worker end raids, keep families together, and enact program, and a comprehensive reform that comprehensive immigration reform. The cam- will lead to citizenship. paign also aimed to utilize such events to pres- At this point, most activists’ hopes lie in the sure more political representatives to join its

New Trends in Civic Engagement possibility of meaningful immigration reform cause and develop new networks of support in in the first term of President Obama. They religious communities. also share the belief that it is the responsibil- ity of grassroots organizations, and not only of NGOs and lobby groups, to ensure that a COURT STRATEGIES meaningful and fair reform is passed. They agree that the power of the grassroots lies pri- The legal restrictions created by the 1996 im- marily in the marches and other forms of direct migration reform have limited judges’ discre- action and pressure, but they also seek a larger tion by narrowing the conditions under which role in the advocacy effort in order to achieve a deportation decision can be reversed. While their goals. the pre-1996 suspension of deportation pro- Most recently and partially in response to cess allowed for a judge to suspend deportation the raid in Postville, IA, and the beating death if hardship could be demonstrated, this was of undocumented immigrant Luis Ramírez in replaced by cancellation of removal, in which Pennsylvania, Sin Fronteras helped found the a judge has to determine that removal of an coalition, “Ya Basta” (Enough Already) and immigrant would constitute extreme hardship assembled 65 Chicago grassroots, immigrant on the family members, above and beyond the advocacy, and social service organizations to hardship that comes from family separation. launch a campaign for a moratorium on raids, These new standards have made it extremely deportations, and separation of families. On difficult for families facing deportation to win October 8, 2008, Ya Basta’s campaign to get their cases in court. Cases that have been suc- the Chicago city council to support the mor- cessful have usually been argued on the basis of atorium led to a unanimous resolution in its exceptional circumstances, medical conditions, favor by the council. They have now taken the or educational needs that could not be met in campaign to other county, state, and federal of- the country of origin. Some cases are won based on the leniency of a particular judge. In other tradiction between the reality of family separa- instances, cases involving youth, rather than tions determined by immigration law and the young children, are more likely to persuade a primacy of family unity pursued in family law, judge, as their lives are seen as more liable to be there has been no systematic effort to qualify disrupted if they leave the United States. or modify the former by applying the latter or 30 The policy context also plays a role in shap- even in engaging in a meaningful dialogue be- ing all deportation cases. For example, in the tween the two (ibid.). recent cases of IFCO workers who were ar- In light of this, it is very difficult for legal rested in Chicago in 2006, two different judges strategies, either individual or collective, to suc- had granted the workers extensions of many ceed. Saul Arellano’s claim that deporting his additional months, in anticipation of immi- mother Elvira Arellano would violate his rights gration reform.12 However, when one group of was thrown out in 2006. On a collective level, workers returned to the judge in September, children from LFLU have joined a total of 600 New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New he requested that they engage in voluntary children in other cities in a class-action suit departure, specifically citing the failed Senate filed by the Florida-based organization Family bill and Rep. Rahm Emanuel’s prediction that Fraternity (formerly Nicaraguan Fraternity). no comprehensive immigration reform would The case argues that the children’s right to have be possible for another six years as indicators their parents with them outweighs the govern- that the law would not change in the foresee- ment’s prerogative to deport those who violated able future. U.S. immigration law. The case, filed directly In terms of citizen children’s rights, no with the U.S. Supreme Court, argues that the court has ever agreed that citizen children have deportation of undocumented parents is often a constitutional right to remain with their de facto deportation of their children and asks

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO parents, as federal immigration law tends to the court to establish the citizen children’s legal trump state-level family law. Nor has any court standing to request a stay of those deportations. agreed that deporting a parent is a de facto de- Legal analysts, however, claim that this case has portation of the child, as the child is purport- little legal merit and will probably be set aside edly free to stay in the country or to return at by the court. It should perhaps, be understood a later stage. Courts have repeatedly established as an effort to obtain some level of continued that undocumented immigrants cannot use the visibility and publicity. citizenship of their child to prevent their own In sum, unless the laws were to change, ei- deportation. Although immigration law has ther through comprehensive reform or some historically favored family reunification, it is version of the Child Citizen Protection Act, based on the parents’ right to use their status there are few options available to those who at- as a means to legalize their child, not vice versa tempt to make a family separation argument in (for a more thorough discussion, see Thronson court. Legal victories are more likely at a differ- [2007]). Children’s rights are derivative of their ent and much earlier stage of the process: cases parents, and to complicate things further, they that aim to stop detention, seizures, no-match are not recognized as having legal agency in letters, searches, and other procedures that can their own right, but as being under tutelage of be claimed to violate the civil rights and pri- their parents. While there is an obvious con- vacy of citizens and legal residents. SANCTUARY Together, Arellano and her son were a pow- erful symbol. Their simultaneous fear and Elvira Arellano, president of LFLU, had been determination embodied the importance of actively engaged for several years in organiz- human dignity and of the parent-child rela- ing families who were facing or had recently tionship, which were both seen as threatened. 31 experienced the deportation of at least one par- Separately, they were the focus of critique from ent. As LFLU’s conventional tactics generated different circles. Arellano, as a rare undocu- LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: few positive outcomes and her own deporta- mented person to engage in a public act of re- tion was imminent, Arellano, in consultation sistance, was caught in a double bind of rep- with her pastor and Centro Sin Fronteras, de- resentation, from without and within. Many cided to seek sanctuary at Adalberto United journalists and observers questioned her right Methodist Church on August 15, 2006. She to represent the cause, to have a voice, and to remained there for a year, after which she de- engage in this kind of activism. Within immi- cided to travel to other sanctuary churches grant communities, others claimed she did not and mobilize people to join her in Washington represent the undocumented, either because on September 12, 2007, to ask Congress to her activism was considered too radical, or be- reconsider immigration reform. On August cause her experience did not reflect those of the

New Trends in Civic Engagement 18, 2007, she was arrested by agents from 12 million undocumented people in this coun- Immigration Customs and Enforcement (ICE) try. Many feared that excessive media focus on outside a church in Los Angeles and on August her had hurt their case. When Saul Arellano 19 she was deported to Mexico. lobbied alone in Mexico, Los Angeles, and Arellano’s case gained national and interna- Washington, D.C., critics argued that the child tional attention, undoubtedly giving a human was being used. Both sets of critiques, from face to the deportation issue, and underscor- without and within, point to the problems of ing the contradiction embedded in the citi- relying on a single individual as symbol, and zen child-undocumented parent relationship then expecting that individual to carry the in the context of contemporary immigration weight of the movement’s successes and fail- law, and the second-class status that current ures. Furthermore, critiques from within point policy assigns not only to undocumented im- to the poverty of representation of immigrants, migrants whose right to parent is curtailed, that is to the dire lack of alternative images of but of citizen children who experience the immigrants in the mainstream press, and to constant threat of separation from family and the exclusion of Latinos as authority figures, all country. In a news conference held the day she factors that contributed to an excessive infla- sought asylum, Arellano stated: “I am doing tion of Arellano’s roles as spokesperson. this because my son is not a piece of garbage.” The effectiveness of sanctuary as strategy, Arellano’s case moved people in powerful however, needs to be evaluated in a broader ways, leading activists throughout the coun- national context. Arellano’s seeking of sanctu- try to organize marches, protests, and other ary was not immediately followed by dozens of events in her name, inspiring songs, poems, similar efforts, and for most of that year, she re- and the motto, “We are all Elvira Arellano,” mained the sole immigrant housed by a church. which has been used in protests and rallies However by May 2007, churches, synagogues, since her deportation. and other houses of worship in more than 20 cities had joined together in a coalition to cre- For those in sanctuary, it does indeed provide a ate the New Sanctuary Movement (NSM). safe haven; although the government may have Congregations in Los Angeles, San Diego, New the legal authority to go into churches and de- York, Seattle, Boston, and many other cities tain immigrants, so far it has not done so. joined Adalberto United Methodist in Chicago In January 2008, Flor Crisóstomo, another 32 to become safe havens for undocumented im- Sin Fronteras activist and single mother fac- migrants seeking sanctuary. Currently, there ing a deportation order, also sought sanctuary are 20 immigrants being supported through at Adalberto United Methodist. In contrast to this movement. In addition to providing sanc- Arellano, Crisóstomo has no citizen children in tuary, the NSM has more recently focused on the United States. Her three children live with campaigning against the raids and deportations her mother in Guerrero, Mexico. Crisóstomo that lead to family separation. In this effort, argues that motherhood for her is primar- they have staged vigils, marches, and imple- ily grounded in her ability to financially sup- New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New mented court watch programs. port her children, even if it means remaining Although relatively small at this point, the separated from them. She has emphasized the sanctuary movement is important because it relationship between the creation of a flexible provides an alternative rationale, based on the global workforce and her personal situation, religious tradition of providing safe haven for arguing that her displacement and migration those fleeing persecution and on the argument are an effect of NAFTA. She has also under- that current immigration law is immoral be- scored her Zapotec indigenous roots, speaking cause it separates families and should not there- at the United Nations Indigenous Forum and fore supersede God’s law. Sanctuary protection touring with Native American activists (prior is viewed as the moral thing to do, and can thus to her sanctuary). While acknowledging that

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO appeal to parishioners and believers of many her own case will most likely lead to deporta- faiths who are not necessarily immigrants or tion and possibly detention, she considers this Latinos. Although they have received hundreds an act of resistance designed to raise conscious- of applicants, the NSM only gives sanctuary ness among her pueblo and has used sanctuary to those who fit a certain profile: immigrants as a platform to engage the public and call at- must have close relatives who are in the United tention to the issue. States legally, they must have a pending case, After the initial days of sanctuary, however, and they must be willing to speak publicly. it became clear that the press was showing less Additionally, sanctuary involves a sub- interest in Crisóstomo’s story than in Arellano’s. stantial number of resources, a set monthly This may attest to a different political moment, amount to cover the family’s expenses, legal as- distinct from the months of euphoria following sistance, and medical and other forms of assis- the marches, when Arellano sought sanctuary tance. While these requirements and resource and the outcome of her act seemed uncertain. constraints may not lead to massive numbers It may be viewed by the media as lower on of people in sanctuary, it is likely that the num- the human interest scale, given Crisóstomo’s bers will increase in the foreseeable future. lack of citizen children, or considered repeti- Sanctuary is effective at providing a different tive, given Arellano’s one-year stay in the same lens on the issue, mobilizing faith-based com- church. Between sporadic peaks in coverage, munities, and making family separation visible. Crisóstomo continues her public awareness campaign, which includes sharing her mes- However, in terms of the mainstream sage with the press and public officials, engag- English-language media, it is not clear that ing in public education activities with youth, these stories of family separation are changing and posting updates to her blog. In October hearts and minds or motivating people to en- 2009 Flor Crisóstomo left sanctuary to an un- gage in any type of political action. The stories, 33 disclosed location, stating that after almost two when covered, are usually framed as tragic sto- years, sanctuary had lost its effectiveness as a ries about which little can be done. They usu- LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: strategy. ally do not include any of the political contexts of these stories, even in cases when the family members depicted are activists. The focus is on CONCLUSIONS the individual or a family’s plight in lieu of the policy or political context that allows this to Members of mixed-status families have happen. Although Spanish-language audiences marched, lobbied, tried legal options, and a few are more likely to associate these stories with have even sought sanctuary. The effectiveness immigration reform, that is not necessarily the of these strategies should not be measured by case with a more mainstream public. The sto- policy outcomes alone, but also by their ability ries simply become sad tales of individuals who

New Trends in Civic Engagement to shape the public opinion of immigrant and are victims of circumstance. nonimmigrant communities, as well as by their Strategies that focus on family are divided ability to mobilize people. Media coverage of among those that have a more general focus on family separations and the crises they involve the family as a unit and as a political subject has increased, as they provide the drama and against those that emphasize the rights and, in- human interest that the media are attracted to. creasingly, the agency of the children. Although In the past year, the Spanish-language press and a focus on family can garner public sympathy media have become increasingly sensitized to and may seem in some instances to be the most this issue, to the point that some of the Chicago effective political route, it does have its limits. family separations have been prominently fea- It does not necessarily always represent the tured on Univision programs by popular ce- rights, needs, and desires of all of the family lebrities such as Don Francisco and Cristina. members, and it obviously excludes individu- These stories resonate with Latino audiences, als and families without minor children. If not since they reinforce their own experiences in planned carefully, it can also expose activists to their cities and communities, and personally the criticism that children are being exploited touch immigrants who have experienced some and made to feel unduly responsible for the form of family separation. Moreover, the mas- plight of their parents. sive participation of non-mixed-status families Additionally, the focus on the citizen chil- in the marches and the support of a broader dren runs into the same obstacles as other chil- community of Latino legal immigrants and dren’s rights issues, as children are not recog- citizens clearly indicate that one does not have nized as full citizens in most polities but rather to be directly affected to support the cause as protocitizens, with limited rights and re- and that a broader Latino community is not sponsibilities, and as dependents or extensions only sensitized to but also willing to mobilize of their parents. Moreover, while citizen chil- around this issue. dren of undocumented immigrants may have the same formal rights as other birthright citi- changed by the 1996 law, allowing families zens, in the public view their citizenship status with citizen relatives to petition for change is viewed as trumped by their parent’s illegal in legal status while remaining in the United status. For example, when Hillary Clinton States. recently proposed giving a $5,000 bond to For the long term, it is important to see 34 all newborns if she were elected, Republican the family separation issue in its entirety by candidate Rudolph Giuliani critiqued her pro- adopting a more transnational perspective. posal by asking if she would give that bond to Deportation of parents in the United States children of illegal immigrants. The implication is only one half of the issue. The other half is is that citizen children of undocumented im- the number of families who are in fact sepa- migrants are not as entitled to public funds rated when parents have to leave their children as children of citizens or legal residents. in countries of origin to work in the United Furthermore, it is important to keep in mind States. While the latter may be less visible and New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New that highlighting the citizen children issue is may be more desirable for some policymak- a double-edged sword: it can also invite anti- ers (as it externalizes the reproductive cost of immigrant groups to address the “problem” by labor), it is the other side of a problem whose lobbying to revoke birthright citizenship. long-term solution is to create forms of legal How then can this campaign for fam- and safe passage that would facilitate move- ily unity become effective? It is important to ment back and forth for work purposes along divide the problem into at least two separate with a realistic number of visa allocations for categories: addressing the needs of mixed-sta- those who want to bring their family. One of tus families who are already here and who fear the problems that made it difficult to support separation, and providing a long-term vision to the failed Senate bill 1348 (Comprehensive

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO address the family issue for future immigrants. Immigration Reform Act of 2007) was that it Families that are already here must continue wanted the former (more work visas) to cancel to operate on a number of fronts, emphasizing out the latter (family visas). Any comprehen- the humanitarian angle, working closely with sive reform that does not put family first or that religious supporters, and highlighting chil- displaces family for some other objective will dren’s rights, but with extreme caution. make the problem far more severe and in effect Marches, protests, vigils, media campaigns, (without including other violations of rights in and sanctuary keep the problem visible, al- guest workers’ programs) create second-class though far more thought needs to be given to residents out of any guest workers who are not how to adequately convey the message to non- allowed to bring their family. immigrants and non-Latinos. Absent the im- Examining immigrant movement strate- minent possibility of comprehensive reform, it gies in Chicago more broadly, we see a variety appears that the legislative route, particularly a of strategies far more extensive than the four bill such as the Child Citizen Protection Act, reviewed above. There is a broad range of ap- should be moved ahead and targeted for mass proaches, from more conventional lobbying lobbying and mass support. Only a bill that of politicians at all levels to less conventional returns discretion to judges will make court ones, including hunger strikes, sanctuary, pro- strategies more viable. Collective efforts should tests, other forms of civil disobedience, and also focus on returning some of the provisions consumer boycotts (in Waukegan). This has been an escalating process, with three years of marches were designed to stop Sensenbrenner, more conventional tactics and an accelerated the 2007 march was organized to coincide with use of the more contentious ones in the past a historic date and not at a particularly impor- year and a half. tant political moment. These various strategies are a reflection of Actions should also be proactive and not 35 different approaches to the immigration re- merely reactive, and they should have concrete form issue. All organizations and activists inter- goals that are different from legislative reform LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: viewed understand the importance of natural- but can help build up to that. One important ization and registration campaigns to effectively objective is the pressuring of politicians and translate “today we march” into “tomorrow we other political leaders to pronounce themselves vote.” However, while some organizations and publicly in support of immigration reform and groups prefer a more moderate, long-term, and not only in the Spanish-language press. All so- what they view as realistic agenda, working cial movements need powerful and visible allies closely with legislators and with the legislative and the immigrant movement needs to create schedule, others want more independence and more nonimmigrants and non-Latinos who are may carry out immediate and more dramatic willing to speak in favor of immigrants. In ad- actions in light of the increases in raids, depor- dition to offering the carrot of immigrant sup-

New Trends in Civic Engagement tations, and no-match letters. Elvira Arellano’s port, supporters need to provide the stick by decision to leave her sanctuary and travel the organizing the immigrant and Latino vote to country to mobilize people and risk an even- replace incumbents who oppose immigration tual public arrest in front of Congress is an ex- reform with advocates for reform. The newly ample of the latter view. created Immigration PAC, a federal political Although the first approach seems at times action committee founded by Chicagoan José too moderate and too long in light of recent Cruz, aims to pursue this goal. It claims that developments, the latter relies heavily on immigration reform will not be possible unless media attention and repeated symbolic actions, the congressional representatives who oppose it potentially leaving less time for systematic or- are replaced by pro-reform candidates. It has ganization of the bases. Many grassroots and already campaigned against several congres- hometown associations lie somewhere in the sional representatives with strong enforcement middle, understanding political constraints, positions on immigration, and is currently fo- but also believing in the power of popular mo- cused on a handful of close elections in Illinois, bilization. These divisions need to be addressed Virginia, and New Mexico.13 and negotiated, not overlooked or disregarded Another concrete goal should be contin- if any coordination of political actions is to be ued and consistent efforts to partner and seriously attempted. Coordination must in- mobilize with other groups—African-Amer- clude but move beyond marches, combining a icans, Muslims, Puerto Ricans, European- number of strategies in a timely manner. For Americans—and with a broad range of reli- example, marches should be accompanied by gious communities in actions that may include mass calling campaigns, such as the ones that but are not necessarily confined to marches. stopped Senate bill 1348, and both of these Given the decline in non-Latino participa- should be timed to coincide with important tion in marches and the limited access to the legislative moments. While the spring 2006 English-language media, it is up to the pro-im- migrant communities to inform, educate, and that lie ahead. A central theme discussed was maintain ties with other communities. A recent the importance of understanding and promot- Pew Hispanic Center survey (2004) shows that ing more participation, of transforming the most Latinos are supportive of legalization. experience of the marches into more sustained What is imperative at this point is to find ways engagement, while simultaneously acknowl- 36 to inform and persuade non-Latinos that im- edging that the megamarches were an effect migration reform should also be their concern. of multiple participatory acts and experiences. Finally, it is important to rethink the mes- The papers by Rebecca Vonderlack-Navarro sage. Many of the strategies discussed above and Judith Boruchoff suggest several central as- involve the representation of undocumented pects of migrant participation: its transnation- immigrants by others: children represent- ality and its inclusion of forms of substantive ing parents, citizen spouses claiming extreme citizenship that can be exercised by those who hardship if the undocumented spouse is de- lack formal citizenship. Vonderlack-Navarro New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New ported, citizen and legal resident workers de- asks how can hometown associations (HTAs) fending their rights in the no-match affair, and be more effective in their binational work. so on. As long as one citizen’s rights, privacy, Boruchoff asks how do we take into account all or work security can be violated by efforts to these different forms of substantive citizenship question, seize, or deport undocumented im- without viewing them as sufficient replace- migrants, one can use that as a basis for mak- ments for formal citizenship. Both of these ing a claim. What disappears in this process is papers are preoccupied with new forms of par- both the presentation and re-presentation of ticipation, as well as with the presence of new the undocumented person as someone whose political actors within an HTA framework. human rights and dignity should not be erased These same questions are also central in

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO or set aside. The focus should be on the un- other settings and within other types of organi- documented, and not only on those represent- zations, such as Centro Sin Fronteras. Its trans- ing them. The multiple acts of illegality (to use national acts are distinct from those exercised the anti-immigrant trope), immorality, and by HTAs, which are rooted first in develop- inhumanity perpetrated against them should ment projects and then expand to binational be a central part of any framing of the issue or activism for social, civil, and economic rights. discussion of future reform. Nevertheless, they also should be considered as novel and important, not only because of their binationality, but because they involve TRANSNATIONAL ACTS AND NEW practices of substantive citizenship exercised FORMS OF SUBSTANTIVE CITIZENSHIP by those who lack formal citizenship. Like its (a Post-Conference Reflection) domestic activism, Sin Frontera’s binational activism is centrally focused on defending the In October 2007, this paper was presented rights of undocumented immigrants. Since her with a few others in a two-day conference at deportation, Elvira Arellano has worked as a Casa Michoacán in Chicago, where several ac- representative of Sin Fronteras in a number of tivists and community leaders made very rich capacities: inaugurating a shelter in her name presentations, outlining some of the challenges in Tijuana (funded primarily by Hermandad Mexicana Transnacional), traveling as an in- opposition to Arellano’s presence and brief vited speaker to Cuba and Central America, speech was clearly related to partisan divisions playing a key role in the organization of the (Arellano being a member of the Democratic First Mexican Migrant Parliament in Mexico Revolution Party/Partido de la Revolución in November 2007, leading marches for im- Democrática [PRD] and those who opposed 37 migrant rights in Mexico City and Tijuana, her being associated with the National Action supporting the establishment of the munici- Party/Partido Acción Nacional [PAN]) and not LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: pality of Ecatepec as a sanctuary for Central only to disagreement with her sanctuary strat- American immigrants passing through Mexico, egy, the ambiguities about immigrant represen- and working to create a center for the families tativity were more telling. of immigrants in her hometown of Maravatio Claiming that the parliament had been in- in the state of Michoacán. filtrated by nonimmigrants, many argued that Perhaps two aspects of her activism are only immigrants with passports should vote. most interesting. First, she has also become an This clearly excluded the undocumented in the advocate for the rights of Central Americans United States (who obviously were not pres- in Mexico, pressuring the government to de- ent at the Mexican event), but also appeared criminalize Central American immigration, to rule out deportees, family members of un-

New Trends in Civic Engagement hence, underscoring the ways in which the documented immigrants (several had attended undocumented immigrant struggle is simulta- to speak for the rights of their loved ones in neously a domestic, transnational, and global the United States), and second-generation chil- issue. Although this point was also made at the dren of immigrants whose parents had been 2007 Morelia summit organized by NALACC, deported to Mexico or were facing deportation Arellano has embodied this struggle in unique (Sin Fronteras had taken a few of these youths and visible ways, traveling frequently to the in its delegation). When Chicago voted for its border as well as sending her son to the 2008 delegates to the parliament, Arellano was not Chicago march to continue her visibility in allowed to vote. Sin Fronteras and a handful of the United States, while pursuing her Central organizations argued that the constituency of American rights agenda in Mexico City and the parlamento should be expanded to include elsewhere in Latin America. all the above-mentioned categories. Second, she is organizing family members The newness of these developments makes of undocumented immigrants in Mexico, as it difficult to predict what the outcomes will well as defending the rights of deportees. This be. However, it is possible to state that the includes not only issues concerning access to diversity and complexity of the immigrant basic resources, such as health, education, and movement in the United States has its parallel employment, but the right to represent the un- in Mexico. While Bada (2008) has explained documented in Mexico. This is new terrain, how Mexican partisan politics has shaped and one that is not fully supported by many immigrant engagement in Chicago and the immigrant organizations. United States, it is also possible to argue that This became evident at the Migrant the politics of immigrant activism in the Parliament when differences arose concern- United States is also permeating Mexico and ing who could represent immigrants. While Latin America. REFERENCES 2 “No-match” refers to letters sent to employers indicating discrepancies between the name or Bada, Xóchitl. 2008. “Sociopolitical Remittances, Social Security number provided by them and Rural Development, and Mexican Migrant records at the Social Security Administration Hometown Associations: The Shifting Nature (SSA). The Department of Homeland Security’s 38 of Transnational and Translocal Connections in (DHS) final no-match rule (August 2007) the Chicago-Michoacán Corridor.” Ph.D. dis- stated that for employers who follow the “safe sertation, Department of Sociology, University harbor” procedures, DHS will not use the no- of Notre Dame. match letter sent to an employer as constructive Coutin Bibler, Susan. 2003. “Suspension of knowledge that such employer hired undocu- Deportation Hearings and Measures of mented workers. However, in a federal lawsuit Americanness.” Journal of Latin American filed by the AFL-CIO against DHS (AFL-CIO Anthropology 8 (2):58-95. et al. v. Chertoff) the U.S. District Court of Flores-González, Nilda, Amalia Pallares, Cedric Northern California granted a preliminary Herring, and Maria Krysan. 2006. UIC injunction, finding that the DHS rule could New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New Immigrant Mobilization Project: General Survey result in the termination of lawfully employed Finding 2006; available at http://www.wilson- workers, resulting in irreparable harm to such center.org/news/docs/uicstudy.pdf. workers. The DHS rule is blocked until the Human Rights Watch. 2007. Forced Apart: Families court makes a final decision on whether the Separated and Immigrants Harmed by United rule is legal. Since April 2008 the SSA has not States Deportation Policy 19, no. 3 (July). sent any no-match letters to employers and has Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family Foundation. stated that it will not send any more until the 2004. The 2004 National Survey of Latinos: lawsuit is settled. For more details, see http:// Politics and Civic Participation, July 22; avail- nilc.org/immsemplymnt/SSA_Related_Info/ able at http://pewhispanic.org/reports/report. no-match_PI_2008-10-23.PDF. php?ReportID=33. 3 This new security rationale became formally Thronson, David B. 2007. “Choiceless Choices: enforced when the Office of Immigration and LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO Deportation and the Parent-Child Relationship. Naturalization Services (INS) was dismantled Bender’s Immigration Bulletin 12, no. 4. and its responsibilities fell under the author- ity of the new U.S. Department of Homeland Security.

NOTES 4 Expedited removal, enacted in the 1996 law, allows border agents to process and imme- diately deport individuals who are caught 1 This research was supported by the Institute trying to cross the border without granting for Government and Public Affairs (IGPA) and them a hearing before a judge. This increased the departments of sociology, Latin American the power of U.S. Border Patrol officers and and Latino studies, and political science at restricted the power of judges, who are limited the University of Illinois at Chicago. I would by statute in their final determination when like to thank my research assistants, Vanessa there is a prior deportation. The suspension Guridy, Yu-li Hsieh, and Winnefred Monu, of deportation hearings allowed immigrants and my colleague Nilda Flores-González for to go before a judge and argue that their their assistance with this manuscript. Many deportation would lead to extreme hardship. thanks also to Elvira Arellano, Chris Bergin, However limited, it was a possibility that was Oscar A. Chacón, Flor Crisóstomo, José Lopez, eliminated after 1996, leaving almost no legal Emma Lozano, Claudia Lucero, Marcia Soto, room for undocumented immigrants to appeal and Fred Tsao for sharing their perspectives as or for immigration judges to make exceptions activists deeply engaged in many of the strate- (Coutin Bibler 2003). Additionally, Section gies discussed below. 245(i) allowed certain categories of immigrants 7 ICE stated they were targeting a ring of iden- seeking permanent residency to remain in the tification counterfeiters that had been under United States while doing so instead of having investigation for two years. to return to their country of origin and apply 8 Conversation with Nilda Flores-González and through a U.S. consulate. When applied, this Alejandro Domínguez, May 2008. Minutemen prevented family separation. This was also from the Waukegan, IL, area had presented this 39 suspended by the 1996 bill for anyone who issue to the school board.

had not petitioned for it by January 1998, but LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: restored by the LIFE Act, which extended the 9 A private bill is a bill that is introduced on deadline for filing for Section 245(i) to April behalf of a specific individual or group of indi- 30, 2001. Since that extension, and despite viduals and that, if enacted into law, would only intense immigrant activism to extend it again, affect those individuals included in the bill. Section 245(i) has not been available for 10 The modified chorus they sang was, “I was anyone who did not file by April 2001. Finally, born in the U.S.A. Don’t take my mommy and another legal change that has led to increasing daddy away.” family separations is the deportation of indi- viduals who have a prior conviction. This law 11 For a list of these measures, see Human Rights does not apply exclusively to people convicted Watch (2007). after 1996; even in instances when individuals 12 Since 2005, IFCO, a company that produced

have already served time, they are liable to be wooden pallets, was being investigated by ICE New Trends in Civic Engagement deported. for hiring undocumented workers. On April 5 From interviews with several California activ- 20, 2006, ICE apprehended 1,187 IFCO ists taken in September 2007, November 2007, employees in 26 states, in what is considered to and January 2008. be the first massive raid held after the March 10 march. In Chicago, 60 IFCO workers were 6 Mixed-status families are nuclear families that detained. consist of at least one undocumented member and at least one other member who is a legal 13 For more on Immigration PAC, view its web- resident or citizen. site: http://www.immigrationpac.org/?page_ id=184. 40 TABLES

The following are results from the Universiy of Illinois at Chicago Inmigrant Mobilization Project. Data were collected from surveys taken after the May 2006 and May 2007 marches in Chicago. The surveys used a multistage block sampling technique, and respondents were given the choice of being interviewed either in English or Spanish. New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New The 2006 survey yielded a sample of 410; the 2007 survey, 279.

FIGURE 1: Citizenship of Marchers, 2006 vs. 2007

100%

2006 90% 2007

80% 74% 69%

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO 70%

60% 58% 60%

50%

40%

31% 30% 27%

20%

10%

0% Immigrants U.S. Citizens Non-citizen immigrants FIGURE 2: Ethnicity of March Participants, 2006 vs. 2007

100%

2006 90% 84% 2007 41 78%

80% LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY:

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20% 16%

New Trends in Civic Engagement 6% 10% 6% 4% 5% 4%

0% Latino African- American White Asian/ Other

FIGURE 3: Nationality of Marchers, 2006 vs. 2007

100%

2006 90% 2007

80%

70%

59% 60%

50% 45.5% 43%

40% 33%

30%

20%

10% 5.5% 5% 5% 2%

0% United States Mexico Latin America Other Country FIGURE 4: Religious Preferences 42 2006 2007

CATHOLIC 68% 71%

CHRISTIAN PROTESTANT 10% 10% CHURCH

JEWISH 2% 0% New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New

MUSLIM 1% 2%

OTHER 5% 4% RELIGION

NO 15% 13% PREFERENCE

FIGURE 5: Age of Marchers, 2006 vs. 2007 LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO 100% 2006 2007 90%

80%

70% 59%

60%

50% 45.5% 43%

40% 33%

30%

20%

10% 5.5% 5% 5% 2%

0% FIGURE 6: Education Levels of March Participants, 2006 vs. 2007

100%

2006 90% 2007

80% 43 LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: 70%

60%

50%

40% 36%

29% 30% 26% 27% 24% 21% 19% 19% 20%

New Trends in Civic Engagement

10%

0% Some High School or less High School Grad Some College College Grad. +

FIGURE 7: Percentage of Marchers Who Were Both Latinos and U.S. Citizens vs. Percentage of U.S. Citizens in the General Latino Population 100% 2006

90% 2007

General Population of the U.S. AccordingA to 80% the Pew Hispanic Center 2004 73% 69% 70%

60% 58%

50% 42% 40%

31% 30% 27%

20%

10%

0% U.S. Citizens Not U.S. citizens FIGURE 8: Media Th rough Which Marchers Heard About March, 2006 vs. 2007

100%

2006 90% 2007 44 80%

70%

60% 56% 55% 51% 49% 50%

40% 37% New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New

32% 28% 30% 22%

20% 17%

12% 9% 10% 10%

0% Television Newspaper Magazine Radio Email Other

FIGURE 9: Most Important Reason for Marching, 2006 vs. 2007 LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO

100%

2006 90% 2007

80%

70%

60% 53% 54%

50%

40%

30% 27%

18% 20% 16% 14% 12% 9% 10% 4% 0% 0% Support legalization for Show unity and solidarity Protect all workers' rights Stop deportations of Protect the rights of immigrants with immigrants undocumented immigrants in general immigrants FIGURE 10: Percentage of Marchers Who Were Eligible to Vote and Who Had Ever Voted in Any Election, 2006 vs. 2007 100% 45 2006

90% 2007 LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY:

80%

70% 66% 65%

60%

50%

40%

30% New Trends in Civic Engagement

20%

10%

0% Voted in an election

FIGURE 11: Civic Participation of Marchers

2006 2007

HAD SIGNED A PETITION 37% 33%

HAD WRITTEN A LETTER TO 31% 25% OR HAD CALLED AN ELECTED OFFICIAL

HAD ATTENDED A PUBLIC 55% 27% MEETING

HAD CONTRIBUTED MONEY TO 22% 10% A POLITICAL CANDIDATE

HAD ATTENDED A NON- 38% 28% IMMIGRATION POLITICAL RALLY FIGURE 12: Civic Participation Levels of Marchers Who Were Both Latinos and U.S. Citizens, 2007 vs. Civic Participation Levels for the General Latino Population that Is Eligible to Vote (Registered Voters and Unregistered Voters), 2004

46 100% 2007 registered 90% unregistered

80%

70%

60% New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New

50%

40% 34%

26% 26% 26% 30%

16% 20% 14% 10% 10% 10% 2%

0% Wrote a letter to or called an elected Attended a public meeting Contributed money to a political official candidate LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO

FIGURE 13: Frequency of March Participation, 2007

100%

90%

80%

70%

60%

49% 50%

40%

30% 27% 24%

20%

10%

0% First-time Marcher (0 past marches) Occasional Marcher (1 or 2 past marches) Frequent Marcher (3 or more past marches) FIGURE 14: After last year’s immigrant marches, did the events cause conditions at your work- place to get better, worse, or did they have no eff ect?, 2007

100%

90% 47 LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: 80% 78%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

14% New Trends in Civic Engagement

10% 3% 3% 3%

0% Better Worse No effect Do not know No answer / refused

FIGURE 15: Percentage of Mixed-Status Families at the 2007 March

3% 9%

Mixed-Status Family

47% U.S. citizen or permanent resident & no undocumented Undocumented but no U.S. citizen or permanent resident No U.S. citizen & no undocumented

41% FIGURE 16: Reasons for Marching, 2007

100% Mixed-status 89% 48 90% U.S. citizen/ perm resident & no undocumented 83%

80% 72% 70% 63% 64% 60% 60% 58% 54% 51% 49% 50% New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New 40% 37%

30% 22% 20%

10%

0% Support legalization Show unity and Protect all workers' Stop deportations Protect the rights of Be part of the solidarity rights immigrants in excitement of the general march LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO

FIGURE 17: Comparison of March Participation Frequency, 2007

100%

Mixed-Status Family 90% U.S. citizen or perm resident & no undocumented

80%

70%

60% 53%

50% 47%

40%

27% 28% 30% 26%

18% 20%

10%

0% First-time marcher (0 past marches) Occasional marcher (1 or 2 past marches) Frequent marcher (3 or more past marches) FIGURE 18: Percentage of Marchers Who Know Who Elvira Arellano Is, 2007

100% 49 90% LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY:

80%

70%

60%

50% 48%

40% 40%

30%

New Trends in Civic Engagement 20%

10%

0% Mixed-Status Family U.S. citizen or perm resident & no undocumented

FIGURE 19: Percentage of Marchers Who Agree with Elvira Arellano, 2007 100%

90%

80%

70%

60%

50% 48%

41% 40%

30%

20%

10%

0% Mixed-Status Family U.S. citizen or perm resident & no undocumented 50 FIGURE 20: Mixed Status Voting, 2007

RESPONDENTS FROM MIXED- STATUS FAMILIES WHO HAD 58% VOTED VOTING BY RESPONDENTS FROM U.S. CITIZEN/ 76%

New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New PERMANET RESIDENT

FAMILIES

FIGURE 21: Civic Participation Comparison, 2007 100%

90% Mixed Status

80% U.S. citizen/ perm resident & no undocumented LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO

70%

60%

48% 50% 41% 37% 40%

28% 30% 24% 23% 18% 19% 20% 15%

8% 10%

0% Signed a petition Wrote a letter to or Attended a public Contributed money to Attended a political called an elected meeting a political candidate rally about an issue official other than immigration MEXICAN HOMETOWN ASSOCIATIONS IN 51

CHICAGO AND THE CONFEDERATION OF LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: MEXICAN FEDERATIONS: Experiences of Binational Civic Participation

Rebecca Vonderlack-Navarro, MSW, matic 2006 marches for immigrants’ rights, Ph.D. Candidate, School of Social Work, suggest that this kind of organization—and, University of Chicago [email protected] indeed, mobilization itself—may become a

New Trends in Civic Engagement significant agent of political incorporation for U.S. immigrants. This paper presents pre- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS liminary findings from ongoing dissertation re- I would like to thank Amy Shannon, William search on Chicago HTAs and their broader co- Sites, and Paulette Yousefzadeh for their help- alitions. This project investigates how Chicago ful comments. I am also grateful to the Mexico HTAs and their larger Latino immigrant coali- Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International tions came to play a leading role in the immi- Center for Scholars for making this paper and grants’ rights mobilization of 2006 and how conference proceedings possible. Above all, they are continuing to evolve as Mexico-U.S. I would like to thank the incredible leader- binational organizations. ship coalition of the Chicago Confederation of Mexican Federations (CONFEMEX) for The Confederation of Mexican Federations 1 allowing me to spend time with them. Their (CONFEMEX), which represents a grow- courage and willingness to sacrifice for their ing citywide base of politically connected and community base in such contentious times has organized Mexican immigrant hometown as- not only encouraged this essay, but has also in- sociations (HTAs) and federations, is gaining spired me personally. Mexico-U.S. binational political influence. This unique coalition includes Mexican im- migrant leaders with decades of experience in Abstract: The many Mexican hometown creating philanthropic development projects associations (HTAs) in U.S. cities have been and exerting political influence in their home- recognized as important largely for sustain- towns in Mexico. More recently, however, this ing transnational ties between immigrants coalition of HTA leaders has galvanized its and Mexican society. Yet recent activities in broad membership base throughout Chicago Chicago, including HTA leadership of the dra- and other Midwest communities to form wider binational coalitions that address politi- with CONFEMEX (from December 2005 to cal concerns newly recognized on both sides December 2007) and continuing ethnographic of the border. Most notably, CONFEMEX’s work in more limited ways since January role in launching the extraordinary 2006 mass 2008. I also conducted ethnographic partici- marches for immigrants’ rights points to a dra- pant observation with the Chicago chapter 52 matic shift in the confederation’s agenda to in- of the National Alliance of Latin American clude U.S.-based concerns along with Mexico- and Caribbean Communities (NALACC). based issues. This growing binational activism NALACC is a cross-border immigrant illustrates how HTAs are creating opportunities rights organization that represents not only to voice vital political concerns in both Mexico CONFEMEX but also more than 85 other and the United States. Latino immigrant groups that are based in the Overall, it is the increasingly unequal re- United States and Latin America and are con- lationship between Mexico and the United cerned with transnational immigration issues. New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New States that positions Chicago HTAs and co- Field activities have included taking notes at alitions to have new and unique forms of bi- monthly CONFEMEX and NALACC meet- national political influence. This is to say, as ings, volunteering at numerous transnational Mexico’s diplomatic influence weakens within and immigrant-focused events, and participat- U.S. politics, it becomes more dependent on ing in public demonstrations and HTA festi- emigrants residing in the United States, partic- vals. ularly those in organized clubs and federations, This research experience has opened a to influence the immigration debate. At the window into the workings of Chicago HTAs. same time, Chicago clubs and their coalitions It has revealed the ways in which these local have strategically worked to take advantage of immigrant organizations coordinated the

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO these new political opportunities. To construct dramatic marches of spring 2006, beginning this argument, I start by providing background with the first megamarch on March 10, and on the development of HTAs in Chicago and helped spark rallies nationwide against po- their mainly Mexico-oriented focus throughout tentially draconian federal legislation in the the 1990s. I then turn to common misconcep- form of HR 4437 (“Sensenbrenner Bill”). The tions about HTAs that have prevented research leadership of HTAs was pivotal in launching from moving beyond one-sided, Mexico-only Chicago’s demonstrations, with the Michoacán accounts to acknowledge the organizations’ Federation headquarters serving as a crucial evolving Mexico- and U.S.-focused activities. planning hub.2 I explore the external and internal factors that have influenced CONFEMEX’s transition to- ward Mexico-U.S. cross-border influences and CHICAGO HTA DEVELOPMENT IN THE highlight its extraordinary expansion into bi- 1990S: MEXICO-FOCUSED AGENDAS national civic action. I conclude with consid- erations of potential challenges in maintaining Mexican immigrant HTAs, which research- binational priorities into the future. ers commonly refer to as “transnational orga- This paper provides preliminary findings nizations,” have been largely characterized as from my ongoing dissertation research, which organizations primarily focused on Mexican- includes two years of participant observation oriented concerns.3 This conception largely stems from the fact that HTAs often originate The Mexico focus of HTAs has been en- with Mexico-focused priorities. Such clubs are couraged since the 1990s by the proactive made up of self-organized immigrants from outreach of the Mexican national government. the same hometown of Mexico whose efforts Continuing today, the Institute for Mexicans seek to maintain their cultural and linguistic Abroad (El Instituto de los Mexicanos en el 53 heritage and celebrate their Mexican identity. Exterior), including the secretariats of Foreign

Such clubs can serve as important resources Relations and Social Development (Secretaría LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: for members who encounter a xenophobic en- de Relaciones Exteriores [SRE], Secretaría de vironment in the United States and for those Desarrollo Social [Sedesol]), and administered who wish to pass on their cultural values and through Mexican consulates throughout the traditions to their children. United States, aims to capitalize on the grow- Numerous clubs have also pooled dona- ing political and financial influence of HTAs.4 tions to provide collective remittance-funded Mexican government outreach encouraged infrastructure projects in their hometowns. both the growth of HTAs throughout metro- Such financial assistance goes toward civic, re- politan Chicago, as well as their unification ligious, and public works projects to improve into broader statewide federations. the welfare of their communities back home. The Mexican government has an obvious

New Trends in Civic Engagement HTAs find various ways to raise money (soc- financial and political interest in maintaining cer clubs, dances, beauty pageants, raffles, pic- close ties with HTAs and has financed cultural nics, rodeos, membership dues, and private events to celebrate Mexican national holidays, donations) for public works projects (roads, regional sports competitions, and yearly com- bridges, parks, churches, schools, healthcare munity celebrations. “These ‘cultural’ events clinics, sports facilities, childcare centers, and are in fact politically motivated, relying on homes for the elderly). HTAs have also been migrants’ loyalty to their communities of ori- known to donate ambulances, medical goods, gin to gain support for Mexican government and school supplies and to provide educa- policies, both nationally and in relation to the tion grants to needy members of their home- United States” (Rivera-Salgado 2002, 264). town communities (Alarcón (2002); see also Recognizing how emigrants can influence po- Rivera-Salgado (2002). HTAs not only help litical elections in Mexico, in 1998 SRE began to develop the infrastructure in their sending organizing tours for Mexican governors to visit communities, but such projects also serve to HTAs and state-level federations throughout promote a sense of community that transcends the United States. international borders and strengthens network Mexican HTAs were first founded as early as ties between those residing in the United States the 1950s, but they have experienced tremen- and those living in the mother country (Zabin dous growth in the past decade. Throughout and Escala-Rabadán 1998). Over time, HTAs the United States there were an estimated have also begun to play an important role in 320 HTAs in 1996. This nearly doubled by local politics in Mexico, and there are numer- 2003, with 623 HTAs representing 27 of the ous examples of clubs influencing local elec- 31 Mexican states (Smith and Bakker 2008). tions to the extent that some club leaders have The highest concentrations of HTAs—due even returned to Mexico to hold public office to population size, history of organizing, (R.C. Smith 1998). and Mexican government outreach—are in California and Chicago (Orozco and Lapointe By focusing only on the interaction of 2004). Chicago and the Midwest (Illinois, HTAs with Mexico, however, as emphasized Wisconsin, and northern Indiana), in particu- by the dominant transnational research para- lar, have experienced major growth in HTAs digms, current scholarship overlooks how such since the 1990s; by 2007 there were 302 HTAs clubs and coalitions have evolved to interact 54 registered with the Chicago Mexican consulate with both Mexico- and U.S.-based concerns. (270 of which would eventually be organized Largely ignored in current research is how into CONFEMEX).5 Chicago clubs and their members’ daily lives Such organizational growth is not surprising, are also shaped by U.S. politics at both the local as during the 1990s alone the Chicago Mexican and national levels. Indeed, more recently, immigrant population swelled by more than 115 U.S. immigration policies, especially as they percent with the arrival of an estimated 291,000 have become increasingly hostile toward im- people. By the end of that decade, 1 out of every migrants, have influenced Chicago clubs and New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New 10 Chicago residents was of Mexican origin. In coalitions’ agendas and strategies. My research, fact, Chicago, with more than 500,000 Mexican therefore, views Chicago HTAs as living orga- immigrants, has the second-largest Mexican nizations that change according to both exter- population in the United States after Los Angeles nal demands and internal issues that occur in (Paral 2006). Such increases in HTAs reflect both the United States and Mexico. burgeoning Mexican immigration particularly to Chicago during the decade, the savvy organi- zational capacity of local immigrant actors, and CHICAGO CLUBS IN TRANSITION: proactive Mexican government outreach. BROADER MEXICO AND U.S. Over the years, Chicago HTAs and federa- INFLUENCES

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO tions have emerged as key players in Mexico’s economic development strategies, further en- Beyond Mexico and the United States’ separate couraging the Mexican focus of their activities. influences on such organizations, the political From 2002 to 2006 the number of club-funded and economic relationship between the two economic development projects in Mexico ex- countries shape Chicago clubs and coalitions’ panded from 942 to 1,587 with HTAs’ finan- actions and priorities. Mexico and the United cial donations increasing from $34.4 million to States have had a long-standing asymmetrical $136.6 million.6 economic and political relationship, and global- Although Mexican government officials ization factors and the 1994 North American were instrumental in setting up many HTAs Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have only re- and continue to play an important support- inforced this unequal partnership (P. H. Smith ing role, certain state federations, as well as 1996; Massey, Durand, and Malone 2002). CONFEMEX, have recently pursued greater Since NAFTA, Mexico’s economy has become autonomy from the Mexican government. increasingly polarized, further encouraging the Furthermore, in more recent years the Chicago growth of out-migration to the United States. immigrant organizational scene has advanced In response to such population loss, Mexico into broader, more vibrant, and successful has become more reliant on remittances.7 coalitions within and beyond the sphere of Within this scenario, immigrant clubs and fed- Mexican governmental influence. erations, representing organized financial and political capital, become key resources for the party, the Institutional Revolutionary Party Mexican government’s emigrant outreach ini- (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), tiatives. As the Mexican government’s priorities lost the presidential election to the National manifest into what Raúl Delgado Wise and Action Party (Partido Acción Nacional, PAN) Luis Eduardo Guarnizo (2007) have coined a candidate Vicente Fox. The rise of the PAN 55 “remittance-based development model,” orga- in Mexico legitimized neoliberal reforms and nized clubs and federations become essential brought state-emigrant relations to a height- LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: components of Mexico’s economic develop- ened level of political and economic im- ment strategies. portance. Fox presided over an overhaul of As Mexico grows increasingly financially consular programming in which emigrants, dependent on its diaspora, targeting specifi- particularly HTA leaders, became central play- cally those who have organized into clubs and ers in the state’s evolving projects.8 The em- federations, it becomes inclined to support ployment conditions, political rights, and in- U.S. government policies that help secure their tegration of Mexican emigrants in the United political and economic integration (Guarnizo States would become of central importance 2001; see also Fitzgerald 2006). As one of many to Mexican governmental and political party examples, former Mexican President Ernesto players (Fitzgerald 2006).

New Trends in Civic Engagement Zedillo (1994-2000) illustrated such support About the same time, U.S. Census data in- for U.S. immigrant integration in a speech to dicated that the Latino population, composed emigrants at the National Council of of many Mexican immigrants, was the coun- annual meeting in Chicago on July 23, 1997. “I try’s fastest-growing minority. Not only had am convinced that Mexico’s success will benefit the Mexican population increased in Chicago, Hispanics in the United States too, and I know but the nation as a whole had experienced a for sure that the stronger you get in economic rapid increase in immigration throughout the and political terms here in the United States, 1990s. According to the 2000 census, the U.S. the better Mexico’s image will be” (González foreign-born population had risen to 31.1 mil- Gutiérrez 1999, n. 37). Although it might lion, 11.2 million more than a 1990 estimate seem counterintuitive at first, the Mexican (Zolberg 2006). Among all national-origin government actually favors Mexican emigrants’ groups represented in the country’s foreign- strengthened economic and political position born population, Mexicans accounted for the in the United States for two specific reasons: largest share, or 30 percent and an estimated 10 1) it secures the continuation of remittances to million persons (Aleinkoff 2005). Mexico; and 2) organized emigrants, especially By April 2001, Fox and U.S. President those in clubs and federations, have the poten- George W. Bush appeared to grow closer as tial to campaign for Mexico’s interests in U.S. they began a sequence of immigration reform political circles. talks, including plans for a guest worker pro- More recently, political events in the United gram. Business interests, along with govern- States have illustrated that although Mexico ment leaders, publicly endorsed a continu- and the United States are growing more in- ation of the supply of foreign labor as their terdependent economically, Mexico remains central immigrant-related concern (Zolberg the persistently weaker actor in this regional 2006). Whereas NAFTA encouraged the eco- partnership. In 2000 Mexico’s long-ruling nomic integration of Mexico and the United States, Fox seemed willing to become the ju- Both the external political factors and inter- nior partner in a newly formed post-NAFTA nal organizational growth of this period speak state regime. to the argument that the increasingly unequal The attacks of September 11, 2001, how- relationship between Mexico and the United ever, severely altered the political course be- States positioned Chicago HTAs and coalitions 56 tween the two counties. The resulting dramatic to exert greater binational political influence. U.S. government move toward a “securitiza- As Mexico’s diplomatic authority lessened tion” and “criminalization” of the immigrant within U.S. politics, Mexico became more reli- agenda created a unilateral shift in future im- ant on emigrants, particularly organized clubs migration policy. The terrorist attacks nour- and federations, to influence immigration de- ished political discourses that attempted to bates in the United States. And as the United more closely link national security concerns States grew increasingly contentious toward with unauthorized immigration. Subsequent immigrants after 9/11, it became imperative New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New policy and strategy shifts by the Bush admin- for Mexican immigrants themselves—with istration downgraded the priority of a bilateral backing from Mexican political elites—to mo- immigration agreement with Mexico. bilize and create a voice within U.S. political This shift in political dynamics between circles. In the midst of this changing political 2000 and 2002 increased Mexico’s dependence scene, the Chicago clubs and coalitions ex- on its emigrant community both financially panded their organizational focus and activities and, specifically in the case of organized HTAs, to seize opportunities for binational influence. as a potential conduit to advocate for Mexican This resulted in the creation of CONFEMEX interests in U.S. affairs. In this scenario, on February 23, 2003. As Chicago clubs gained Mexico became highly invested in the politi- power in U.S. political circles, they not only

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO cal incorporation of its diaspora in the United did not lose their political influence in Mexico States, as its secured status ensured continued but widened their realm of influence in both remittance flows and enhanced political power the United States and Mexico. on both sides of the border. By 2002, when Fox publicly questioned the U.S. invasion of Iraq, it was abundantly CHICAGO CLUBS EVOLVING: EMERGING clear that Mexico’s ability to bargain directly BINATIONAL CIVIC PARTICIPATION with the United States had been diminished (Zolberg 2006). As it lost its ability to directly As immigration swelled throughout the 1990s, relate to the United States on a state-to-state other Latino and Caribbean immigrant popu- basis, Mexico was forced to create influence by lations began forming transnational organiza- proxy through its diaspora. As a consequence, tions to support communities in their coun- by 2002 Mexico’s state-migrant relations were tries of origin through philanthropic ventures, further enhanced with consular program- as well as by influencing local and national ming fortifying HTAs and legislating collec- politics (Portes, Escobar, and Radford 2007; tive remittance-based development projects see also Chacón and Shannon 2006). As these (“3x1” programs) with emigrant organizations immigrant organizations gained prominence throughout the United States (Goldring 2001; within their countries of origin, which, like see also Fitzgerald 2006). Mexico, had asymmetrical political and eco- nomic relationships with the United States By 2005, NALACC had formalized its (Guarnizo 2001), there remained a pressing leadership structure and had begun promoting need to create a unified political voice in the its transnational Familias Unidas (Keep Our United States and to expand their agendas to Families Together) campaign. Specific working address binational concerns. strategies that developed at the annual leader- 57 With immigration flows continuing to ship conference in 2005 included fostering the the United States and George W. Bush seek- organizational capacity and empowerment of LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: ing reelection in 2004, immigration reform local communities, enhancing leadership ca- resurfaced as a political priority. In an effort pabilities, creatively utilizing media outlets to to promote a transnational perspective in the communicate NALACC’s agenda to broader upcoming immigration debates, a network of masses, and expanding alliances with organiza- more than 30 Latino and Caribbean leaders tions that share common interests and goals. from immigrant-led organizations met in early While immigration issues were gaining February 2004. “The meeting also grew out prominence on the U.S. national agenda and of an increasing conviction among immigrant immigrant leaders formed political alliances, community-based organizations that the time the Mexican federal government enacted key is ripe to join forces to press for reform of cur- legislation that enabled its diaspora to main-

New Trends in Civic Engagement rent immigration laws, which have proven to tain its transnational loyalties. Mexicans had be obsolete, unjust, and inoperable” (Chacón been granted dual citizenship rights in 1997, and Shannon 2006, 4). which enabled the Mexican diaspora to seek Wanting to capitalize on first-generation citizenship in the United States without relin- Latino immigrants’ unique transnational quishing citizenship rights in Mexico. This was understanding of immigration, which links extended in July 2006, when emigrants were concerns in both their sending and U.S. host granted absentee voting privileges in Mexican communities, these groups sought to create an federal elections. Chicago CONFEMEX lead- alternative model of cross-community orga- ers were fundamental in sustaining Mexican nizing. Soon after CONFEMEX’s formation, political loyalty, as they helped their member- Chicago HTA leaders joined with immigrant- ship base register to vote. based transnational organizations scattered By December 2005, U.S. federal legisla- throughout the United States to forge a stra- tive proposals took a dramatic anti-immi- tegic alliance. This new alliance aimed to bring grant turn when the Republican-controlled to the forefront those transnational concerns House of Representatives passed HR 4437, of migrants that have resulted from greater re- legislation sponsored by Representative gional integration, such as in the policy realms James Sensenbrenner (R-WI). The so-called of trade, immigration, and economic develop- “Sensenbrenner Bill” proposed harsh penalties ment. By the end of 2004, more than 85 im- for undocumented immigrants, as it sought migrant organizations had come together to to forbid new temporary guest worker pro- form NALACC. This new alliance sought to grams and deny a path toward legal residency reinvigorate the immigration debate with a or citizenship for undocumented immigrants. discussion on the complex structural factors in Additionally, the bill would have made un- both sending and receiving societies that had documented immigration, as well as the acts driven large-scale unauthorized out-migration. of assisting, supporting, guiding, or provoking a person to either illegally enter or stay in the In stark contrast to the national-level and United States, a felony. suburban backlash, numerous city leaders The political threat of the Sensenbrenner in Chicago showed support for Mexican im- bill caused HTA strategies to turn to conten- migrants. Aware of the large and growing tious mobilization. On March 10, 2006, a Mexican population in Illinois, Governor 58 loose coalition of various Latino immigrants in Rod Blagojevich, Senator Dick Durbin, and Chicago responded to this aggressive measure Mayor Richard M. Daley publicly endorsed with a massive yet peaceful march to the city’s the marches. This support, in turn, created the downtown; estimates of the crowd size were of space for CONFEMEX’s U.S. activism to fur- approximately 100,000 protestors. This rally ther develop. sparked other protests throughout the country. Chicago HTAs, which traditionally served Surprisingly, established national organizations as nonconfrontational, transnationally ori- and labor unions were not participants in the ented organizations, transformed into “vehicles New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New initial movement. In Chicago, CONFEMEX of mobilization” on behalf of U.S. immigrants’ and the local chapter of NALACC, along with rights (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001). A other Latino immigrant organizations and local combination of various factors can be seen as churches, spearheaded the planning for more contributing to this evolution: increasingly marches (Shannon 2007). Casa Michoacán, precarious economic mobility opportunities the headquarters of the Michoacán Federation for the escalating numbers of unauthorized im- and the site of many CONFEMEX meet- migrants in the United States; punitive immi- ings, served as the central planning center. gration policies that marginalized large num- Although never before associated with conten- bers of undocumented migrants (De Genova tious activism, CONFEMEX and NALACC 2005); rising rights consciousness among im-

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO leaders proudly referred to Casa Michoacán as migrant groups; multilevel immigrant organi- “Casa Del Pueblo” (House of the People), il- zations and alliances, especially CONFEMEX lustrating their pride in connecting with the and NALACC; and a growing trend on the broader immigrant community in this battle part of both Mexican and local U.S. officials and their determination to extend their politi- (particularly state governors and mayors sensi- cal outreach. tive to their growing Latino immigrant con- Building on the momentum of the first stituencies) to reach out to immigrants as es- march, CONFEMEX and NALACC Chicago teemed workers and contributors to both their joined with labor unions and larger immigrant sending and receiving societies. coalitions to strategize for their next demon- stration. On May 1, 2006, immigrants in vari- ous cities throughout the country simultane- CONFEMEX TODAY: ACHIEVING ously poured into the streets to protest their MEXICO-U.S. BINATIONAL CIVIC opposition to HR 4437. Conservative esti- PARTICIPATION mates report that in Chicago alone there were more than 400,000 protesters (Olivo and Ávila Since the 2006 marches, CONFEMEX’s dy- 2006), while nationwide the total number of namic leadership has strategically used such protesters was said to exceed the 1-million broad political events to amplify and widen its mark (Martínez 2006). political reach in both Mexico and the United States. Chicago federation leaders continue ferences, lobbied local lawmakers, organized their Mexican-focused activities, with some immigration rights forums, sponsored leader- even gaining political credence in Mexico for ship training courses, and promoted citizen- their impact in the United States. A case in ship and the electoral participation of its immi- point: the Michoacán Federation gained absen- grant base. It joined a loosely organized local 59 tee voting rights at the state level. Remittance- immigrants’ rights group, El Movimiento 10 funded infrastructure development also re- de Marzo (The March 10 Movement), which LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: mains a fundamental priority for CONFEMEX was formed to launch Chicago’s initial mass federations. In fact, both the Michoacán and march. The committee coordinated a four-day Zacatecan federations’ match initiatives have caminata (walk) of more than 40 miles from expanded from “3x1” to “4x1,” which includes Chicago’s Chinatown to the western suburb of Western Union joining with municipal, state, Batavia to the local offices of then-Speaker of and federal authorities to match each dollar the House Dennis Hastert (R-IL). Mexican, donated to help finance projects in Mexican Latino, Korean, and Muslim immigrants and communities. To be sure, in the wake of such activists joined the caminata, with an estimated vast U.S. protests the Mexican government at 150 to 200 participants completing the entire many levels will likely maintain and perhaps walk. During a 2008 in-depth interview with

New Trends in Civic Engagement enhance outreach initiatives focused on main- a Durango federation leader active in both taining the financial and political loyalty of its CONFEMEX and NALACC, the leader re- emigrants. flected upon her mixed emotions during the Following the marches, NALACC held caminata as she witnessed both support and another national assembly in 2006 in Miami, backlash while passing through various sub- FL, which provided a venue for immigrant urbs. She recalled a vivid moment of tension activists to discuss the impacts of the rallies one evening when a suburban mosque pro- in various regions. NALACC representa- vided participants with food and lodging while tives from Massachusetts, North Carolina, members of the Minutemen camped outside. Florida, California (Los Angeles, Oakland/ “It was a unique opportunity to unite Latinos San Francisco), (Houston), and New and Muslims ... to show those who are against York spoke of the surge in activism that was immigrants that we are unified. This is an espe- inspired by the national protests. This activ- cially important message after 9/11.” ism, they said, was manifested in the forma- CONFEMEX also joined with NALACC tion of broader immigrant alliances, the car- to promote its first international immi- rying out of numerous local demonstrations, grant summit, which was held in Morelia, and the convening of educational forums. Michoacán, in May 2007. Stemming from Additionally, it meant the coordination of talks held at the World Social Forum in Brazil, membership-outreach initiatives, the foster- a proposal emerged for a Migrant Summit of ing of U.S. electoral participation through the Americas, which promoted the idea of citizenship and voting workshops, and the immigrants themselves gaining influence in strengthening of existing partnerships with emerging hemispheric policies (Chacón and local unions and churches. Shannon 2006). This event drew Mexican po- As did other chapters throughout 2006, the litical elites, academics, international media, Chicago chapter of NALACC held news con- and activists from Latin America, the United States, and beyond; it even attracted U.S. additional physical and virtual barriers at the Representative Luis Gutierrez (D-IL) to speak U.S.-Mexico border. on behalf of immigration reform. Inspired Overall, the national immigration debate by the proactive leadership of the Michoacán of 2006 signaled a hostile and fear-driven po- Federation within the summit, the Michoacán litical moment for immigrants in the United 60 government donated the conference venue and States. Although this threatening environment Governor Lázaro Cárdenas Batel made key ap- served as a powerful motivator for the historic pearances to show his support. Undoubtedly, marches of 2006, it is important to understand the size and importance of the event was partly that communities experienced widely different galvanized by the marches in the United States. responses to organizing at the local level. While Put another way, CONFEMEX’s newly ac- Chicago’s downtown marches proved peace- quired political capital in the United States was ful, a demonstration in support of immigrant fungible or convertible in Mexico. rights in California in 2007 was marred by an New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New The results are not as straightforward regard- excessive and inappropriate crowd-control re- ing the gains made in U.S. political circles. In sponse by members of the Los Angeles Police terms of national impact, one federation leader Department, which resulted in injuries to 246 wryly noted in 2006 during a CONFEMEX protesters (Archibold 2007). Such variations meeting, “Debemos dar gracias a Sensenbrenner” were also apparent within broader metropolitan (“We should thank Sensenbrenner”), as it was Chicago. Officials in Carpentersville, a suburb such legislation that propelled CONFEMEX contending with a recent surge in Mexican im- into U.S.-based political action. Such rallies migration, advocated punishing landlords who halted the Sensenbrenner bill and also resulted rented to and employers who hired undocu- in reshaping the immigration and border secu- mented immigrants (Olivo and Ávila 2007).

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO rity legislation later introduced in the Senate In great opposition to national-level and in May 2006. The legislative compromise in- suburban Chicago anti-immigrant propos- cluded a guest worker initiative, along with als, many city leaders have shown support for increased border control measures. The Senate Mexican immigrants. In an attempt to appeal to compromise was too tepid to spark the same his vast immigrant base, then-Illinois Governor kind of heated reaction that had met HR 4437, Blagojevich repeatedly referred to himself as yet neither was it viewed by immigrant advo- a son of Serbian immigrants. Soon after the cates as a vehicle to advance their interests. marches, Blagojevich appointed a charismatic By September 2006, U.S. federal legisla- organizer from the Michoacán Federation and tion turned in a punitive direction once again. one of the founders of CONFEMEX to head Unable to pass the Senate proposal through up his newly formed Office of New Americans the conservative House of Representatives and Policy and Advocacy. This office aims to ex- wanting to appear tough on immigration be- tend public services to the growing population fore the November 2006 congressional elec- of Illinois’s immigrant residents. Examples of tions, numerous candidates across party lines such services are healthcare and early education pushed for an increased militarization of the for all children regardless of immigration sta- border. Despite condemnation by then-Mex- tus, as well as English-language and citizenship ican President Vicente Fox, Congress passed classes. Most recently, the state government legislation that mandated the construction of opened the first Illinois Welcoming Center to increase accessibility of its public services to presidential contenders, Hilary Rodham new Americans. Clinton and Barack Obama.9 The Illinois government’s responses to the Since the marches, specific federations and marches and the political connections of a CONFEMEX have also fostered new oppor- CONFEMEX leader are likely to furnish new tunities for Mexican immigrants to form re- 61 opportunities for immigrant incorporation. In lationships with other organized immigrant direct response to the marches, in June 2006 groups. MXPP functions as a political action LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: various CONFEMEX leaders teamed with local committee aiming to have a direct impact on Mexican immigrant activists in an attempt to political campaigns; CONFEMEX is forming mobilize the U.S. electoral participation of its deliberate partnerships with a broader regional immigrant base. The leaders formed a political base of diverse ethnic immigrant groups in action committee called Mexicans for Political order to increase immigrant civic participation Progress, commonly referred to as MXPP. in Illinois. With a CONFEMEX leader serving CONFEMEX leaders recognized that while as the political director of the Illinois Coalition Mexican immigrants are the largest minority for Immigrant and Refugee Rights (ICIRR), group in Chicago, they lack formal political CONFEMEX has become an active member representation in U.S. circles. MXPP formed in the coalition’s New Americans Democracy

New Trends in Civic Engagement as a distinctly Mexican immigrant organization Project promoting immigrants’ citizenship and to assure that Mexicans have their own voice in voter registration, disseminating general non- U.S. politics. As a CONFEMEX leader on the partisan education about local elections, and MXPP executive committee described to me creating a “Get Out the Vote” campaign with during an in-depth interview in 2008, “We are mailings, phone calls, and door-to-door visits. Mexicans representing Mexicans. It gives us a This program aims to reach out to specific voice.” This is not to limit MXPP’s potential, geographic areas with high concentrations of however, in forming broader strategic alliances. immigrants to promote civic education, par- “The agenda of Mexicans can be shared with ticularly in specific Chicago neighborhoods Latinos. We share [many] of the same chal- and suburbs (Juliet, Aurora, Waukegan, Elgin, lenges,” the leader said. Carpentersville, Des Plaines, and Melrose The political action committee, although Park). CONFEMEX is seen as “the organized new, quickly organized to provide both fi- voice of Mexicans” within the ICIRR’s New nancial and volunteer support for the local Americans Democracy Project aiming to for- campaigns of Blagojevich, Gutierrez, and the tify relations with other Illinois-based Chinese, U.S. congressional campaigns of Democratic Korean, Hindu, and Muslim immigrant mem- congressional contenders Tammy Duckworth ber organizations. Subsequent to the marches in 2006 and Mark Pera in 2008. MXPP is in 2006, the Michoacán Federation initiated not identified with a specific political party; work with the New Americans Democracy although it has tended to support Democratic Project to mobilize civic participation in the candidates, it is willing to support Republicans heavily Mexican immigrant suburb of Berwyn. who declare a pro-immigrant agenda. During Since 2008 CONFEMEX has also worked to the national presidential primaries, MXPP galvanize immigrant civic participation in the leadership supported the two top Democratic suburbs of Berwyn and Cicero. CONFEMEX’s emerging binational poten- activism of CONFEMEX be sustained into tial became even more apparent as a result of the future? the visit to Chicago of Mexican President Felipe Mexican HTAs and federations in Chicago Calderón in February 2008. CONFEMEX’s and even CONFEMEX itself depend largely if leadership team sat at the front in the Little not entirely on voluntary efforts from mem- 62 Village High School auditorium as Calderón bers. Most of these organizations lack a paid praised the strength and value of the Chicago staff or sufficient resources to maintain such emigrant community and promised in- a wide array of activities over the long term. creased funding for Mexican consular services. Such resource limitations could create tensions CONFEMEX leaders were also key players in about where organizations should concentrate facilitating a meeting between Calderón and their energies. For example, the recent and Blagojevich, which resulted in their signing an rapid expansion in U.S.-focused immigrant agreement to strengthen a cooperative educa- advocacy activities might serve as a compet- New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New tional and cultural exchange of teachers from ing pressure for the organizations’ traditional Mexico and Illinois. Mexico-oriented philanthropic donations and In addition, CONFEMEX remains active cultural festivals. Such competing resource and in NALACC, promoting its dual agenda in time constraints were abundantly clear in 2006 both the United States and countries of origin. when CONFEMEX leaders struggled to find In the United States, it continues to advocate the energy and manpower to simultaneously for national immigration reform, family reuni- manage numerous marches and protests while fication policies, Illinois driver’s licenses for the coordinating the huge undertaking of the undocumented, and general public education Mexican Independence Day (Fiestas Patrias) on immigrant issues. NALACC also leads del- celebrations in Chicago.

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO egations to various countries of origin in Latin Such challenges raise the following ques- America, including to Mexico, Honduras, El tions: How can a mostly voluntary organiza- Salvador, Guatemala, Ecuador, and Venezuela. tion, with a recent expansion in priorities and These official trips help to strengthen alliances concerns growing within two countries, man- with those grassroots organizations abroad age such competing pressures over time? Will that share similar concerns about local eco- it be sufficient to maintain one confederation nomic development and migration. with a variety of interests? Could this lead to a trade-off of one set of organizational priorities for another? Or could the coalition potentially CONFEMEX AND THE FUTURE: spin off into more than one group each focus- CHALLENGES IN CONTINUING ing on a more narrow set of U.S.- or Mexican- BINATIONAL CIVIC PARTICIPATION based interests? What are the benefits and costs of maintaining this transnational perspective? Political and organizational developments over Furthermore, in 2006 CONFEMEX had a the past 15 years have poised CONFEMEX to hard motivation to engage in domestic activ- serve as a crucial agent for mounting Mexico- ism: the threat of Sensenbrenner bill enact- U.S. binational civic engagement. Cross-border ment. Rally slogans, such as “Hoy marchamos, civic engagement, however, is not without its mañana votamos” (“Today we march, tomorrow challenges. How can the binational political we vote”), echoed as inspiring rhetoric while demonstrators marched the streets of Chicago’s will likely come under especially harsh criti- downtown. Putting that slogan into practice, cism in the post-9/11 political environment. however, may prove more complicated. In As CONFEMEX moves increasingly into the fact, the absence of a concrete Sensenbrenner- U.S. political arena, it will want to seriously like motivation could prove challenging for consider how to manage effectively the phi- 63 CONFEMEX as it will have to transition from losophy of binational participation. In other a mobilized reactionary coalition into a proac- words, how might CONFEMEX—while not LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: tive one with the ability to influence policies wanting to lose its binational essence—frame and elections. Questions remain, such as: How the ideals of binational civic engagement so as will CONFEMEX’s role change over the course to communicate this concept more effectively of the Obama administration? Will it continue to non-immigrants? to collaborate with other immigrant organi- All organizations experience conflict, and zations? Will it continue to mobilize within CONFEMEX faces definite growing pains as it the Democratic Party or expand to other par- evolves. Yet its unique position in the broader ties? What might the role of NALACC be Mexico-U.S. political arena also gives it a vital within such developments? Along the same opportunity to serve as a vehicle for binational lines, without a Sensenbrenner-like intimida- civic engagement now and into the future.

New Trends in Civic Engagement tion factor, could some alliances break apart? At some point, stronger organizations within CONFEMEX might feel that their activities REFERENCES may not be enhanced by working with smaller organizations. How might such diversities in Alarcón, Rafael. 2002. “The Development of organizational strength be managed within one Hometown Associations in the United States coalition? Although the CONFEMEX coali- and the Use of Social Remittances in Mexico.” tion is diverse, what gains can be made by these Working paper, Departamento de Estudios organizations’ continuing to work together? Sociales, El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. Aleinkoff, T. Alexander. 2005. “No Illusions: Last, in the face of backlash against immi- Paradigm Shifting on Mexican Migration to grants, hints of dual-country loyalty might be the United States in the Post-9/11 World.” interpreted as unpatriotic. Some common ex- Electronic policy bulletin for the Mexico amples of CONFEMEX rhetoric include “Ni Institute of the Woodrow Wilson International somos de aquí, ni de allá” (We’re neither from Center for Scholars; see www.wilsoncenter.org. here nor from there). Or, as widely publicized Archibold, Randal C. 2007. “Police Blame Themselves for Melee At May Rally.” New York in an English-language Chicago newspaper, Times, October 10. “You can be a good Mexican citizen and a good Boruchoff, Judith A. 2007. “Transnational American citizen and not have that be a con- Perspectives on Migrant Civic and Political flict of interest. Sovereignty is flexible” (Olivo Engagement,” Background Paper for Mexican and Ávila 2007). Although such statements are Institute of the Wilson Center for at the heart of the Mexican immigrant experi- International Scholars and by Enlaces America in collaboration with the National ence, they might be understood by a U.S. audi- Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean ence as an unwillingness to fully integrate into Communities (NALACC). American society. Such dual-country loyalties, Chacón, Oscar and Amy Shannon. 2006. while always questioned in the United States, “Challenges and Opportunities for Transnational Community Building: Immigrant on Immigrant Political Incorporation, eds. Gary Organizations as Change Agents.” Unpublished Gerstle and John Mollenkopf. New York: manuscript prepared for the Ford Foundation Russell Sage Foundation. initiative on Transnational Community González Gutiérrez, Carlos. 1999. “Fostering Building. Identities: Mexico’s Relations with Its 64 De Genova, Nicholas. 2005. Working the Diaspora.” Journal of American History 86 (2): Boundaries: Race, Space, and “Illegality” in 545-67. Mexican Chicago. Durham and London: Duke Martínez, Michael. 2006. “Rallies Draw Over University Press. 1 Million. Economic Impact Not Clear, But Delgado Wise, Raúl. 2006. “Migration and Businesses Note Worker .” Chicago Imperialism: The Mexican Workforce in Tribune, May 2. the Context of NAFTA.” Latin American Massey, Douglas S., Jorge Durand, and Nolan Perspectives 33 (2): 33-45. J. Malone. 2002. Beyond Smoke and Delgado Wise, Raúl and Luis Eduardo Guarnizo. Mirrors: Mexican Immigration in an Era of 2007. “Migration and Development: Lessons Economic Integration. New York: Russell Sage New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New from the Mexican Experience.” Migration Foundation. Policy Institute; available at www.migrationin- McAdam, Doug, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles formation.org. Tilly. 2001. Dynamics of Contention. New York: Fitzgerald, David. 2006. “Inside the Sending Cambridge University Press. State: The Politics of Mexican Emigration Olivo, Antonio and Oscar Ávila. 2006. “United Control.” International Migration Review 40 (2): They March. Hundreds Of Thousands Rally 259-93. For Immigration Rights: ‘We Have To Change Fox, Jonathan. 2005. “Mapping Mexican Migrant The World.’” Chicago Tribune, May 2. Civil Society.” Background paper for: Mexican _____. 2007. “Influence on Both Sides Of The Migrant Civic and Political Participation. Co- Border.” Chicago Tribune, April 6. sponsored by the Latin American and Latino Orozco, Manuel and Michelle Lapointe. 2004. Studies Department, University of California, “Mexican Hometown Associations and

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO Santa Cruz and the Mexico Institute and Development Opportunities.” Journal of Division of United States Studies Woodrow International Affairs 57 (2): 31-49. Wilson International Center for Scholars. Paral, Rob. 2006. “Latinos of the New Chicago.” See:www.wilsoncenter.org/migrantparticipation. In The New Chicago: A Social and Cultural Goldring, Luin 1998. “The Power of Status in Analysis, eds. John Koval, Larry Bennett, Transnational Social Fields,” in Michael Bennett Fassil Demissie, Roberta Transnationalism From Below, eds. Michael Garner, and Kijoong Kim. Philadelphia: Peter Smith and Luis Eduardo Temple University Press. Guarnizo. Transaction Publishers: New Portes, Alejandro, Cristina Escobar, and Alexandra Brunswick and London, 1998. Walton Radford. 2007. “Immigrant ___. 2001. “The Gender and Geography of Transnational Organizations and Development: Citizenship in Mexico-U.S. Transnational A Comparative Study.” International Migration Spaces.” Identities 7 (4): 501-37. Review 41 (1): 242-81. ___. 2002. “The Mexican State and Rivera-Salgado, Gaspar. 2002. “Cross-Border Transmigrant Organizations: Negotiating the Grassroots Organizations and the Indigenous Boundaries of Membership and Participation.” Migrant Experience.” In Cross-Border Dialogues: Latin American Research Review U.S.-Mexico Social Movement Networking, eds. 37(3): 55-99. David Brooks and Jonathan Fox. San Diego: Guarnizo, Luis Eduardo. 2001. “On the Political Center for U.S.-Mexico Studies, University of Participation of Transnational Migrants: California, San Diego. Old Practices and New Trends,” in E Pluribus Rivera-Salgado, Gaspar, Xóchitl Bada, and Luis Unum? Contemporary and Historical Perspectives Escala-Rabadán. 2005. “Mexican Migrant Civic and Political Participation in the US: The NOTES Case of Hometown Associations in Los Angeles and Chicago.” Background Paper presented at the seminar, “Mexican Migrant Social and 1 The Confederation of Mexican Federations Civic Participation in the United States,” held (CONFEMEX) is an umbrella organization representing nine Mexican state federations at the Woodrow Wilson International Center 65 for Scholars. in the greater Chicago area. These states

Shannon, Amy. 2007. “Mobilizing for Political are Aguascalientes, Chihuahua, Durango, LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: Power: Immigrant Marches and Their Long- Guanajuato, Guerrero, Hidalgo, Michoacán, Term Impacts.” Voices of Mexico 78 (January- Oaxaca, and Zacatecas. Those federations, in March). turn, comprise 270 hometown associations. ___. 2006. “ Las organizaciones transnacionales 2 The project is now moving to in-depth in- como agentes del desarrollo local. Retos y opor- terviews with Chicago federation leaders and tunidades del Programa 3X1 para Migrantes.” Mexican consular and local U.S. government In El Programa 3x1 para migrantes: ¿Primera officials who interact directly with Chicago política transnacional en México? eds. Rafael clubs and their broader coalitions. The study Fernández de Castro, Rodolfo García Zamora, also plans to incorporate a review of archi- and Ana Vila Freyer. Mexico, DF: Universidad val data to explore federation and coalition Autónoma de Zacatecas, Instituto Tecnológico developments, as well as responses to changes

Autónomo de México, and Editorial Miguel in the broader political landscape. It should be New Trends in Civic Engagement Ángel Porrúa. noted that this account is based on preliminary Smith, Michael Peter and Matt Bakker. 2008. findings of my dissertation research. Ideas Citizenship Across Borders: The Political will continue to develop and new insights will Transnationalism of El Migrante. Ithaca and emerge as I conduct future archival research London: Cornell University Press. and semi-structured interviews. Smith, Peter H. 1996. Talons of the Eagle: Dynamics of U.S.-Latin American Relations. New York: 3 HTAs have been characterized as transnational Oxford University Press. organizations in which immigrants’ energies Smith, Robert C. 1998. “Transnational Localities: concentrate on sustaining social and politi- Community, Technology and the Politics of cal ties with their country of origin (Goldring Membership within the Context of Mexico 1998, 2002; Rivera-Salgado 2002; R.C. Smith and U.S. Migration.” In Transnationalism 1998, 2006; Portes, Escobar, and Radford From Below, eds. Michael Peter Smith and 2007). This characterization, however, has Luis Eduardo Guarnizo. New Brunswick and inhibited researchers from capturing the ways London: Transaction Publishers. in which HTAs are evolving to incorporate ___. 2006. Mexican New York. Transnational Mexico-U.S. binational agendas (for exceptions Lives of New Immigrants. University of see Rivera-Salgado, Bada, and Escala-Rabadán California Press: Berkeley, CA. 2005; Fox 2005). Zabin, Carol and Luis Escala-Rabadán. 1998. 4 In 1991, a year after President Carlos Salinas “Mexican Hometown Associations and Mexican initiated the Pronasol social welfare program, Immigrant Political Empowerment in Los the Mexican Foreign Ministry established its Angeles.” Working paper, Nonprofit Sector Program for Mexican Communities Abroad Research Fund, The Aspen Institute, California (Programa para las Comunidades Mexicanas Nonprofit Research Program. en el Exterior [PCME]). The PCME served Zolberg, Aristide R. 2006. A Nation by Design: as a formal channel of communication for the Immigration Policy in the Fashioning of promotion of national interests in Mexico with America. New York: Russell Sage Foundation; emigrant nationals living abroad (Fitzgerald Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2006). From 1993 to 1995, the Salinas admin- istration attempted to link PCME to Pronasol 5 Communication with Chicago Mexican con- through a so-called International Solidarity sular official on March 13, 2008. It should be Program. In this program, Mexican federal noted that there are likely many more clubs in and state governments matched the monetary Chicago that, for various reasons, chose not to donations of U.S.-based HTAs to fund public register with the consulate. works and infrastructure projects in their com- 66 6 Chicago Mexican consulate materials, 2006. munities of origin. For every US$2 donated by HTAs, a matching amount was donated by 7 Remittances are Mexico’s second-largest source the federal government and $1 from the state. of income after oil (Delgado Wise 2006). The matching-funds program was named “2x1” 8 Fox overhauled consular programming by (Dos por Uno) and when muncipal govern- replacing the PCME with the Institute for ments also participated, “3x1,” or “Tres por Mexicans Abroad (Instituto para los Mexicanos Uno.” The PCME initiated remittance-match en el Exterior [IME]), which included an programs with the Zacatecan federation of advisory council composed of emigrant leaders California (Goldring 2002) and had established (particularly HTA leaders), representatives from New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New pilot programs with the Guerrero federations influential U.S.-based Latino organizations, of Chicago by 1998 (Boruchoff 2007). By consultants, and representatives from Mexican the mid-1990s, State Offices for Attention state-level governments. Since 2000, various to Migrants (Oficinas Estatales de Atención Chicago HTA leaders have participated in the a Migrantes [OEAMs]) had been established advisory council. throughout the United States, with their pres- ence particularly notable in California and 9 Because of its preoccupation with the na- Chicago. The opening of the offices came at tional primaries, MXPP had not solidified a time when the Institutional Revolutionary its stance on local aldermanic elections in Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Chicago. As this research project continues PRI) had began to decentralize its outreach ef- with in-depth interviews, it aims to examine forts by encouraging state governments to culti- MXPP’s recent efforts to influence Chicago’s

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO vate relationships with their diaspora (Smith local power structure. and Bakker 2008). OEAMs largely work in conjunction with local consulates. TRANSNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES 67

ON MIGRANT CIVIC AND LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT

Judith A. Boruchoff Chicago, it highlights advances achieved by University of Chicago members of hometown associations, women, [email protected] and youth of the second and 1.5 generations,

New Trends in Civic Engagement and identifies common obstacles that limit An earlier version of this essay was composed their political efficacy. It finds that for each as a background paper for the Community of these constituencies, what begins as civic Dialogue on Transnational Activism, held in participation—whether expressed through Chicago on October 26 and 27, 2007, and participation in hometown associations, in sponsored by Enlaces América, the Mexico community organizations, or in communal Institute of the Woodrow Wilson International rituals—may provide the forum and the Center for Scholars, and the MacArthur crucial experiences that raise awareness of Foundation. I thank the organizers, in par- political issues and that enhance participants’ ticular Amy Shannon, for inviting me to par- sense of agency. This lays the foundation for ticipate and I thank the editors of this volume, politicization and greater political activism in especially Xóchitl Bada, for suggestions in re- both national contexts that migrants inhabit. vising the paper.

TRANSNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ABSTRACT: This paper addresses recent ON MIGRANT CIVIC AND POLITICAL scholarship pertaining to migrant civic and ENGAGEMENT political participation, focusing on Mexico and the United States with particular attention On a recent Friday afternoon, relatives and to Chicago. It begins with an explanation of friends gathered in the backyard of a family transnationalism, the perspective that has that had migrated to Chicago from Guerrero, informed much research on migration since the Mexico. As our host grilled up piles of corn on early 1990s. Reviewing selected works within the cob, beef arracheras, chicken, and cebolli- this paradigm and drawing on the author’s tas, his compadre remarked how interesting it anthropological research in Guerrero and was that talk at the gathering was focused on life and developments in the Mexican village and that suggest some of the major obstacles that had been home to most of them. Echoing migrants face and, especially, the positive out- a common sentiment among migrants, he comes they might achieve. Whereas this dis- commented that even though they were in cussion examines work by a variety of social Chicago, they had not left their pueblo be- scientists, including sociologists and political 68 hind; it was as if they were in both places at the scientists, it is informed above all by my train- same time. On that evening, this dual orienta- ing in socio-cultural anthropology. It draws on tion was expressed through familiar foods and ethnographic field research I have conducted nostalgic reminiscences; in addition, many of since 1990 focusing on transnational link- those gathered expressed this double existence ages between Guerrero and Chicago. Through through civic and political participation. On this research I became familiar with daily life the previous weekend, these two men, who on both sides of the border and learned about share the presidency of their hometown asso- hometown organizations and government New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New ciation (HTA) in Chicago, had been outspo- programs for Mexicans living abroad; more ken participants in heated discussions between recently, I have also become involved with HTA leaders and Mexican government officials the immigrants’ rights movement. To further who had traveled to Chicago to meet with them elaborate the significance of Chicago as a site and attend the festivities of the Guerrero orga- for the development of migrants’ transnational nizations’ annual encuentro cultural. Through civic and political participation, I also integrate their HTA and home state association, these insights from the community dialogue that was men were active civic and political participants the forum in which this work and other papers in their hometown, state, and nation. Yet, after in this volume were originally presented. more than 30 years’ residence in Chicago and Chicago has been a particularly signifi-

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO with U.S. citizenship under their belts, they cant context for innovative migrant civic and also were adamant about their involvement in political activity. Chicago was a major venue the United States as voters and as participants for the development of migrant HTAs; in the in the immigrants’ rights marches and in pro- early 1990s, it was singled out as a setting for tests in favor of undocumented migrants’ ob- Mexican government officials to promote the taining driver’s licenses. formation of HTAs and to pilot the programs In recent years, there has been a profusion that now form the backbone of their outreach of scholarship that seeks to make sense of the to and relationship with Mexican citizens in experiences of countless migrants, like the guer- the United States. Since then, Chicago HTAs rerenses referred to above, whose lives and com- have achieved a high level of organizational munities span nation-state borders. This paper complexity, forming federations of HTAs from examines some of this scholarship, in particular the same Mexican state, some of which have in that which addresses Mexico-U.S. migration turn joined together in a confederation. These and migrants’ civic and political participation, and other migrant organizations have been at as well as recent developments in Chicago in the forefront of civic and political engagement light of these perspectives. Rather than at- on both sides of the border. Their members, tempting a comprehensive review of all work along with other Mexicans in Chicago, were done in these broad areas of research, it aims to among the first and loudest voices demand- highlight arguments that are particularly novel ing the opportunity to vote from abroad in Mexican elections. They were active in ad- raise migrants’ consciousness and to socialize vancing collaborative efforts with similar participants to more effective ways of engaging groups from other Latin American nations, politically and achieving desired results. particularly at the Summit of Latin American Migrant Communities held for the first time DEVELOPMENT AND CHARACTERISTICS 69 in 2007 in Mexico, and in the formation of an OF A TRANSNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE umbrella advocacy organization, the National LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean Around 1990, there was a significant recon- Communities (NALACC). They were also ceptualization of (im)migration1 which was instrumental in organizing the largest demon- captured by the term transnationalism. This stration in Chicago’s history and in catalyzing new perspective built on prior scholarship that the nationwide mass mobilization in defense of highlighted how migration takes on a self-sus- immigrants’ rights on May 1, 2006. Scholars taining momentum as social networks come to and the American populace are just beginning link migrants’ hometowns with specific desti- to recognize the significance of these activities nations in the United States (Dinerman 1982; in Chicago. Massey, Alarcón, Durand, and González 1987; The first section of this paper reviews the Mines 1981; Reichert 1981). In pioneering re-

New Trends in Civic Engagement development of a transnational perspective search conducted in Aguililla, Michoacán, and and explicates the fundamental characteristics in Redwood City, CA, Roger Rouse argued that and advances of this approach. Then, within “through the continuous circulation of people, this approach, it explores concepts and devel- money, goods, and information, [these] vari- opments that expand our understanding of ous settlements have become so closely woven migrant civic and political participation, with together that, in an important sense, they have particular attention to new actors including come to constitute a single community spread HTAs, women, and the 1.5 and second genera- across a variety of sites” (1991,14). Coining tions. Based on these findings, it comments on the term “transnational migrant circuit” to the nature of citizenship and political engage- refer to this phenomenon, Rouse asserted that ment and ends with reflections on empower- “it is the circuit as a whole rather than any one ment and the processes through which it might locale that constitutes the principal setting in be achieved. relation to which Aguilillans orchestrate their One of the most significant findings is lives”; as a consequence, Aguilillans have be- that transnationalism does not necessarily ne- come involved in the “chronic maintenance of gate nationalism or integration in the United two quite distinct ways of life” (ibid.). Writing States. Indeed, as in the vignette presented in a similar vein shortly thereafter, Nina Glick above, it is often the same individuals who Schiller, Linda Basch, and Cristina Szanton engage in civic and political activities in both Blanc contributed what some consider to be national contexts. In doing so, they enhance “the most widely cited formulation of a trans- their political power and that of the organiza- national perspective” (R.C. Smith 2003, 301), tions and communities of which they are con- defining “transnationalism as the processes by stituents. An additional conclusion is that civic which immigrants build social fields that link participation, whether in an HTA or women’s together their country of origin and their coun- community organization, has the potential to try of settlement” (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992,1; see also Basch, Glick cluding impacts of transnational migration on Schiller, and Szanton Blanc 1994, 7). the Mexican sending village (Grimes 1998); These insights moved our understanding the continuing importance of place, viewed of migration away from a bipolar framework through the practice of constructing houses that viewed migrants’ homelands and destina- (Fletcher 1999); changing patterns of gender 70 tions as autonomous entities. They challenged and sexuality, viewed through a focus on mar- earlier assumptions that migrants could only riage (Hirsch 2003); issues of political commu- be involved in one of these locales at a time, nity, gender, and the second generation (Smith with assimilation being the ultimate outcome, 2006); language and identity, focusing on rural at least within a generation or two. Instead, a (ranchero) linguistic styles (Farr 2006); and transnational perspective opened the possibil- indigenous migration, with attention to grass- ity that the world in which migrants live, earn roots organizing and the structural constraints a living, maintain social relations and reputa- migrants encounter (Velasco 2005, Stephen New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New tions, dream, gossip, build houses, and plan 2007).2 Although the current discussion fo- for the futures of themselves, their families, cuses on Mexican migration to the United and communities may include two national States, there is ample evidence that similar territories. Whereas the definition contributed transnational reconfigurations are unfolding by Glick Schiller and her colleagues defines among other countries that occupy compara- transnationalism in terms of the actions of mi- ble structural positions (for example, see Levitt grants, it is clear that this phenomenon affects [2001] and Guarnizo [1998] on the Dominican and encompasses not only those who move, Republic; England [2006] on Honduras; and but also those who stay put with whom mi- Glick Schiller and Fouron [2001], Richman grants continue to interact. From the start, this [2005], and Pierre-Louis [2006] on Haiti).

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO perspective made a point of relating the social and cultural reconfigurations captured by this term to political-economic shifts that accom- HOMETOWN ASSOCIATIONS (HTAS) pany the current phase of global capitalism. In particular, they highlighted forces that have Transnationalism intersects most explicitly undermined traditional forms of livelihood in with civic and political participation in the migrants’ hometowns while creating a demand hometown associations that migrants form in for a low-wage “flexible” labor force in the the United States to carry out public works United States. Indeed, Michael Kearney de- and other projects in their Mexican pueblos. clared that “transnationalism . . . corresponds This is an area that has received extensive at- to the political and sociocultural ordering of tention from scholars in a variety of academic late capitalism” (Kearney 1991, 57; see also disciplines. Research has established that HTAs Rouse 1991). are one of the most significant arenas through Building on the insights of Rouse, Kearney, which migrants reaffirm communal ties and and Glick Schiller, Basch, and Szanton Blanc, continue participating in their hometowns, it has become common for migration schol- thus constituting transnational community ars to conduct research on both sides of the forms (Boruchoff 1998, 1999; Smith 2006). border. Resulting studies of “transnational Through this process, these migrants have, communities” now span a range of topics, in- often inadvertently, enhanced their political influence. Whereas HTAs typically formed After a relative lull under the Zedillo admin- out of members’ simple desires to improve cir- istration (1994-2000), Mexican communities cumstances in their hometowns, participants in the United States received renewed attention in these organizations increasingly interacted when Vicente Fox entered the presidency. A with government officials who collaborated in centerpiece of Fox’s agenda for Mexicans in the 71 funding and planning projects, hence drawing United States was the “3x1” program created these citizens into a process of politicization. in 2002, which followed similar procedures to LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: A major turning point in these develop- those initiated by the PCME, with the addi- ments came in 1990, when the Salinas ad- tional participation of municipal governments. ministration introduced the Programa para In addition, to allow for input into policymak- las Comunidades Mexicanas en el Extranjero ing by Mexican citizens and nationals in the (PCME). It launched this strategy for out- United States, the Instituto de los Mexicanos en reach to the Mexican citizenry in the United el Exterior (IME), created in April 2003, sought States through pilot programs focusing on consultation from Mexican and Mexican- Guerrerenses in Chicago and on Zacatecanos American leaders elected to IME’s consejo con- in Los Angeles.3 Through the PCME, govern- sultivo (advisory council). Furthermore, during ment officials sought to expand the number of this time frame, in order to promote coordi-

New Trends in Civic Engagement HTAs and institutionalize the continued par- nated actions, HTAs from the same state had, ticipation of migrants in projects in Mexico in numerous instances, joined together in fed- to which the HTA, their home state govern- erations. Several of these federations, in turn, ment, and the Mexican federal government collaborated in forming confederations, nota- contributed equally.4 Whereas the focus was bly the Confederation of Mexican Federations on public works that would raise the standard (CONFEMEX) formed in Chicago in 2003 of living in poor Mexican villages, program and the Council of Presidents of Mexican brochures and the actions of government Federations of Los Angeles formed in Los agents indicate that this program was also de- Angeles in July 2002.5 signed to engage expatriate citizens in a new Strong government involvement has led way of organizing and a new way of relating some analysts to characterize the development to the government. Citizens would be encour- of HTAs as an instance of “transnationalism aged to openly express their concerns, make from above” (e.g., Guarnizo 1998). In contrast, demands, propose projects, and have a say in others argue that they exemplify “transnation- government expenditures. These objectives alism from below,” emphasizing the active role were clearly demonstrated, for example, by of the citizenry in initiating projects and in so- Mexican officials who traveled to the United liciting and influencing government collabora- States to meet with HTA representatives. tion.6 In fact, these developments are best seen In meetings in Chicago in 1993 and 1994, as deriving from both above and below, con- Mexican government representatives reiter- sisting of negotiations and accommodations. ated their respect and concern for the citizens Many HTAs did form thanks to the encourage- and coaxed them to speak up, take initiative, ment of government officials, and government and directly make requests of government programs provided a structure within which agents with whom they should collaborate on many HTAs came to operate. Nonetheless, it an equal footing (Boruchoff 1999). is clear that government officials created the programs for Mexicans living abroad in reac- or the impression that leaders are mostly inter- tion to the activities and demands of existing ested in furthering their own power and po- HTAs and as recognition of the great eco- litical careers. Notwithstanding these bumps in nomic and political potential of this constitu- the road, HTAs have had considerable impact ency whose allegiance they could not afford to by involving significant numbers of migrants 72 lose. This interplay of agency emanating from in civic activities. Indeed, these activities in- both above and below is also reflected in am- creased what anthropologist Akhil Gupta refers bivalent outcomes for migrant empowerment. to as “performative competence in navigating Officials affiliated with the PCME encouraged and mobilizing state institutions for their own early participants by asserting that organizing ends” (1995, 381). As noted above, HTAs and would increase their power (fuerza); and, to the the programs for Mexicans abroad depended extent that migrants prompted a response from on citizens’ active participation, not only government representatives and entered into through their forming hometown clubs and New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New negotiations with them, this seems to be true raising funds, but in designating priorities by (Goldring 1998,188; M.P. Smith 2003). At the selecting the projects to be carried out in col- same time, these programs are a mechanism laboration with the government. Furthermore, to hold this power in check via tactics that are as Luin Goldring’s observations confirm, al- reminiscent of old corporatist strategies, while though negotiations between representatives of allowing the government to expand and par- hometown clubs and municipal, state, and fed- tially control this source of crucial collective eral officials were at times confusing, “overall, remittances (Guarnizo 1998, M.P. Smith 2003, they seemed to be learning a new way of partic- Goldring 2002, Boruchoff 1999). ipating in local decisions” (2002, 87). Perhaps The thousands of public works initiated by most noteworthy is that these Mexicans feel

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO HTAs have clearly brought improvements to empowered to confront and stand up to gov- migrants’ hometowns, although the impact for ernment officials. longer-term development has been question- The sense of agency that the PCME aimed able. Analysts and government officials empha- to instill may have gone beyond that initially size the need to shift the focus from basic in- envisioned by designers of the program. HTA frastructure and social projects to projects that participants and organizations have begun to foment sustainable development, though this play a role in other political activities and are- objective is often a point of contention with nas. For instance, they have been active in the HTA members who have other types of proj- movement to allow Mexicans in the United ects in mind. A more certain outcome has been States to vote from abroad, and once this right the politicization of HTA participants. This was recognized they worked to encourage their process has not proceeded without difficulties, compatriots to vote. Some HTA leaders have however. Many organizations have been short- moved on to elected positions in Mexico; these lived. Some HTAs and federations have experi- include Andrés Bermúdez, a.k.a. the “Tomato enced internal conflicts, often leading to splits King,”7 and Timoteo Manjarrez, who were when dissenting members feel that the organi- elected municipal presidents of Jerez, Zacatecas zation is not representing their interests due to (Smith and Bakker 2005), and of Teloloapan, perceived incompetence, corruption, undemo- Guerrero (Olivo and Ávila 2007), respectively. cratic or exclusionary practices, partisanship, In addition, HTA leaders and organizations have become increasingly active in the United (Enlaces News, no. 8 [November 2004]) until it States, mobilizing, in particular, in defense of ceased operation as a separate entity in January migrants’ rights. CONFEMEX, for example, 2008, having transferred many of its initiatives “has actively participated in domestic issues to CONFEMEX and NALACC. Recognizing such as immigration reform, driver’s license that many of the participants were likely to re- 73 bill SB 67, consular identification card bill SB main in the area and be involved in other com-

1623, education reform, day laborers’ rights, munity organizations and institutions, since LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: civil rights, and economic development in Latin 2001 the Chicago Community Trust has also America,” the latter activities owing to their al- awarded a series of grants with comparable ob- liance with other Latin American migrant or- jectives (Perry 2006). ganizations (Rivera-Salgado, Bada, and Escala- This type of trajectory has not been unique Rabadán 2005,19). Indeed, CONFEMEX to hometown associations. Similar dynam- explicitly promotes a transnational agenda that ics are found among other social sectors, as I aims to “reaffirm [their] binational identity.”8 elaborate below. And, finally, distinction within the realm of HTA activities has helped certain individuals to enter the political ranks in the United States, as PROSPECTS FOR WOMEN

New Trends in Civic Engagement well as in Mexico. José Luis Gutiérrez has risen from leadership roles in his Michoacán HTA Writing in 2001, Sarah Mahler and Patricia and federation in Chicago to be appointed a Pessar observed that “gender has rarely been top aide to the governor of Illinois. a principal focus of studies on transnational These developments may not be simply spaces and processes, including transnational the result of the experiences and encourage- migration” (2001, 441). Nonetheless, this ment gained through collaboration with the seems to be changing and existing studies sug- Mexican government. HTAs have also drawn gest certain patterns and trends. Viewed from the attention of NGOs and philanthropic a transnational perspective, migrants typically organizations in the United States that have encounter and draw on varied models of gen- sought to work with them to enhance their or- der, as gender norms, ideologies, and roles may ganizational capacities and effectiveness. Such differ between their homelands and U.S. places organizations certainly appear to have had an of residence, particularly when migrants move impact in Chicago. Enlaces América, for exam- between rural villages and large cities (Rouse ple, began its Mexican Hometown Federation 1992; R.C. Smith 2006; Malkin 2004; Hirsch Leadership Training Initiative in 2002, work- 2003; Grimes 1998, 92-105). Further com- ing with leaders and representatives of federa- plicating this picture, scholars are careful to tions on organizational development, financial point out that these models of gender are in management, and strategic planning (Enlaces a constant state of flux; gender ideologies and News, no. 3 [November 2002]). It continued practices typically vary between generations as its “leadership capacity-building programs ... well as through the life course, even within a to enhance the ability of organized Latino im- single locale or society. As Robert Smith points migrant communities to work collaboratively out, “the cultures of the countries of origin with civil society allies in the United States and and destination are themselves both evolving Latin America as transnational change agents” and internally inconsistent” (2006, 126). This results in complex configurations and combi- to preliminary planning discussions and subse- nations of elements, wherein norms and ideals quent fundraising activities, but most of the re- from both locations may influence individu- sponsibility for organizing and implementing als on each side of the border. To convey this projects, as well as serving on the mesa direc- complexity, ethnographic accounts recount the tiva (board of directors), remains the domain 74 circumstances and life trajectories of several in- of men. Laura Velasco Ortiz similarly observed dividuals (or couples) that represent the range that “despite the notable visibility of women as of variation within the community under activists in organizations on both sides of the study (R.C. Smith 2006, Velasco Ortiz 2005, border, this visibility diminishes considerably Zlolniski 2006, Stephen 2007). when one looks at leadership” (2005, 161).9 There has been an overall trend toward Likewise, Lynn Stephen concurred that the “companionate marriages” based more on confi- hometown “committee does not appear to be anza (trust) than respeto (respect) (Hirsch 2003) a mechanism for expanding women’s political New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New and toward changing domestic arrangements as participation and leadership. It may sometimes men take on some household tasks and women serve to preserve and strengthen male-dom- work outside the home, especially in the United inated political culture in the United States” States. Still, several factors perpetuate traditional (2007, 264). Furthermore, state outreach tends gender patterns and restrict women’s civic and to perpetuate male privilege (Goldring 2001, political activities. Since gender is integral to 524). “[T]ransmigrant organizations and the subjectivity and identity, men and women re- Mexican state privilege constructions of mas- gard their own and others’ gendered behavior as culinity and femininity that locate women in central to their reputations and status as well as roles that support men’s participation in home- to those of their families. Therefore, as Victoria town organizations. These constructions also

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO Malkin has argued, social “networks structure normalize a nonpolitical and non-decision female agency”; even as “women may contest making role for women” (ibid., 504). their situations, fighting for a chance at prog- In contrast to the limited role conferred ress, new knowledge and experience ... they upon women in traditionally male-dominated are subject to social roles and kinship networks organizations like HTAs, “Mexican and other that continue to constrain them” (2004, 94). Latina women are, and have a history of being, These constraints are further compounded by active in a range of community organizations” economic exigencies. However, studies suggest (Goldring 2001, 526). Indeed, Christian that restrictions on women’s civic and political Zlolniski confirms that various “studies portray participation are more pronounced in some immigrant women at the forefront of com- arenas than in others. munity activities through which they forge a “The political culture that most transmi- sense of community, transform their political grants are familiar with in Mexico does not identity, and advance new forms of political present many opportunities for, or models citizenship” (2006, 147-48). In his own study of, women’s participation in formal politics” of Mexican immigrants in the Silicon Valley (Goldring 2001, 520). These expectations and neighborhood he refers to as Santech, Zlolniski norms carry over into the United States. In depicts the commitment and efforts of women Zacatecan HTAs in Los Angeles, for example, in the areas of education, housing, and fam- Goldring found that women may contribute ily issues and in combating discrimination (see also Velasco Ortiz [2005, 166] for corrobora- to the extent that political socialization is often tion). Detailing processes of “political socializa- effected by collaboration with well-meaning tion” (2006, 163), he argues that “community activist organizations, such alliances may com- politics in Santech formed a gendered space promise the full extent of women’s agency and dominated by women who, as they become achievements in the end. In the case of Santech, 75 engaged in these mobilizing activities, develop for example, through such collaboration, the a strong political and ethnic consciousness. women gained access to influential leaders and LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: To do so, women activists in Santech struggle public officials and developed more effective to overcome a cultural ideology that restricts strategies for negotiating with them and oth- them to spheres of the household and work ers; yet, in the process, “residents partially lost and away from the public arena of politics” control of their own meetings and of the power (ibid., 148). Stephen describes a similar pro- to decide which goals and issues would be ad- cess among participants in Mujeres Luchadores dressed by collective action” (Zlolniski 2006, Progresistas (MLP), a women’s leadership proj- 165). ect that formed to provide income-producing Nonetheless, as was the case with the HTA activities, but also “provides farm-worker participants discussed in the previous section, women with an opportunity to foster pride the skills and new attitudes acquired within the

New Trends in Civic Engagement and mutual solidarity and to learn new skills context of women-dominated community orga- in public speaking, leadership, accounting, and nizations may in turn be mobilized in other do- public education” (2007, 233). Akin to the mains (Stephen 2007, 256). Although the com- processes of political socialization among the munity-oriented organizations in which women women in Santech, through their experiences predominate provide a crucial counterpart to in a women-only space, participants in the male-dominated organizations, these studies MLP gained self-confidence and proficiency in raise the possibility of women making inroads taking positions, speaking up in public, and as- into the latter’s political spheres. One of the suming leadership roles (ibid., 256). participants in MLP was elected to the board of The gains achieved by these women, while directors of the male-dominated farm workers’ clearly significant, were not unqualified. Velasco union that was the parent organization of the Ortiz concluded in her study of Oaxacan in- women’s project. Having become “a charismatic digenous migrants that women’s participation speaker” who was “comfortable asserting her should be seen as way of “claiming agency for ideas in a wide range of arenas,” she developed women, empowering them in different spaces as a leader in women’s, immigrants’, and labor while keeping them subject to a social order rights, close to home and nationally, including that legitimizes masculine authority” (2005, in mixed-gender organizations (ibid., 235). 77), although this social order is increasingly These trends appear to be manifest in coming under question. Although women are Chicago where women are highly visible in interested and able participants, their potential immigrant organizations, including Mexican contributions may be constrained by continu- federations; yet the reality remains that the ing obligations at home—where at times they cultural expectations and sexism intrinsic in find themselves working “double-duty” inside the community are serious barriers to partici- and outside of the home—and by gender ide- pation (see the rapporteur’s report in this vol- ologies that deny their equality. Furthermore, ume). Although Goldring’s general observa- tions about the limited role of women in HTAs important part of many second-generation still ring true, it is important to cite exceptions youths’ personal development involved return to this rule. A notable case in Chicago is that visits to their parents’ villages in Mexico, espe- of Marcia Soto who was elected president of cially in order to participate in activities for the her home state federation and, subsequently, patron saint’s fiesta. Smith demonstrates how 76 of CONFEMEX, which she has used as a the positive experiences and feelings of belong- springboard to act as an outspoken advocate ing that these youths acquired in Mexico not in a number of realms. Whereas such cases are only inspired them to create a youth group still exceptional, it is instructive to examine the with functions akin to the adult men’s HTA extent to which such accomplishments may be committee, but, additionally, provided them due to personal or local idiosyncrasies and the with a foundation to assimilate in a positive extent to which they may indicate the leading way in the United States. This enhanced suc- edge of a growing trend. Given that the posi- cesses in their educational and career endeav- New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New tion of president requires the support of the ors. He contrasts this positive scenario with largely male CONFEMEX membership, the the trajectory commonly found among the so- election of a woman suggests the broad accep- called 1.5 generation, youths who came to the tance of women as leaders and the potential United States as teenagers, often to join parents for women’s participation to expand beyond who acquired legal status through the amnesty their traditional roles and spheres of civic ac- of the Immigration Reform and Control Act tion. An exemplary area in which women take of 1986. Many of these youths had difficulty leadership roles is in the immigrants’ rights adjusting, not only to an unfamiliar way of life movement; some of the principal organizers in that included violent targeting by other neigh- Chicago are women. These women are clearly borhood minority peers, but frequently also to

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO significant figures in their own right; however, living with their parents for the first time in they tend to come from families in which other years. Hence these members of the 1.5 gen- members have similar involvements. Although eration found a greater sense of security and their cases confirm the acceptance of women belonging among gangs that were entrenched taking the helm, they also raise interesting ques- in their neighborhoods and schools, the gangs tions about the socialization processes through serving “as an institution of migrant reception which women gain the drive and skills for civic and recruitment” (ibid., 218). While return and political leadership and point to the likeli- visits built up the self-esteem of second-genera- hood of increased involvement of women, es- tion youths, the 1.5-generation gang members pecially in their daughters’ generation. were typically accused of disruptive behavior and came away from visits to their hometowns with no greater sense of belonging or security than they found in the United States. 1.5 & SECOND GENERATIONS Smith’s is but one of a few works that focus on youth from a transnational perspective. Robert Smith has argued that the “transna- Although some might balk at his emphasis tionalization of second-generation adolescence on youth who come under the sway of gangs, seems to be historically new” (2006, 283). He since many in the 1.5 generation do not share presents a very interesting case in which an such experiences, Smith’s findings not only depict an important reality for many young education and lives of their children. Leaders migrants, but, more broadly, are suggestive of advocate an approach that involves youth in crucial experiences in adolescents’ lives that meaningful ways, listening to them and af- can direct them toward particular paths. His fording them space to develop their ideas, and conclusions suggest the need for ways to instill giving them active roles, especially in projects 77 a sense of belonging and self-esteem in mi- that are of direct interest in and would have a grant and immigrant youth on which they can direct impact on their lives, such as lobbying LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: build in positive ways throughout their lives. for the Development, Relief, and Education Emphasizing the symbiosis between transna- for Minors Act (the DREAM Act). It is tionalism and assimilation, he demonstrates also productive to capitalize on skills at which how these experiences play out in contexts that youth excel, for example in technology, and to span the border. Smith, moreover, notes how, engage them as bridges to involve other youth. as they mature, successful, upwardly mobile These same tactics may be fruitfully employed second-generation immigrants tend to decrease by HTAs and other organizations with a more their participation in the transnational com- specifically transnational orientation, as chil- munity. Even when they have an interest, the dren are likely to attend meetings with parents pressures they feel to achieve educational and who lack access to childcare and are likely to

New Trends in Civic Engagement career success in order to fulfill the “immigrant help their parents with activities such as pre- bargain” (2006, 125)—that is, getting ahead so paring and selling snacks at fundraising events as to honor and compensate for their parents’ (Mora 2008). sacrifices—reduce the time and energy they These agencies seem cognizant of the con- have to devote to civic and political activities clusions offered by Smith’s study of the second on either side of the border, especially once and 1.5 generations. However, their focus has they undertake the added responsibilities of traditionally been on “immigrants,” that is, raising children of their own (ibid., 194). those who presumably are in the process of set- The challenge remains of how to channel tling in the United States, rather than explicitly ongoing transnational dispositions into greater addressing the transnational nature of migra- civic and political engagement. Leaders of tion. Hence they have emphasized assistance Chicago social service agencies like Erie House, in integrating newcomers through advocacy Latinos Progresando, and Latinos United (now in areas such as education, housing, legal ser- “Latino Policy Forum”) are making strides to- vices, and the promotion of immigrants’ rights. ward addressing the particular difficulties faced Yet, as was the case with the organizations by migrant children and teens. Youth are fre- that worked with HTAs and women’s groups quently an area of concern for these agencies, to enhance their leadership abilities and po- which have special program areas specifically litical efficacy, these agencies now go beyond addressed to young people. Early childhood their traditional roles and increasingly position education is identified as particularly crucial. themselves as centers of political education and Effort is made to assure that appropriate ser- mobilization. In fact, the leaders of many com- vices and infrastructure reach the areas that munity-based organizations themselves come immigrants inhabit (specific urban neighbor- from the 1.5 generation (Gzesh 2008), thus hoods and, increasingly, specific suburbs) and demonstrating the potential for civic engage- to educate parents and involve them in the ment of immigrant youth. Given their own migration experiences, these leaders may also citizens reside. Today, concepts of citizenship be ideally positioned for their agencies and the take into account active citizens who reside civic and political mobilization they engender abroad, as well as noncitizens who participate to operate in a transnational context. in civic and political processes of the nation- state whose territory they inhabit. HTA mem- 78 CITIZENSHIP bers who negotiate with Mexican government officials about public works projects in their Migrants often find themselves in a position hometowns or migrants who lobby for the of being denied full citizenship rights in both ability to vote from abroad may be referred to of the national contexts they inhabit. For in- as “extraterritorial citizens” (M.P. Smith 2003) stance, the ability to vote in Mexican elections or as “transborder citizens” who are “long dis- from abroad has, until recently, been denied tance nationalists” who claim a single national and continues to be constrained.10 The right to affiliation that they express from outside that New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New dual nationality, approved in 1998, facilitates nation’s territory (Glick Schiller and Fouron, continued participation in Mexico even if one 2001, 25). Indeed, ironically, the case of HTA were to take citizenship elsewhere. However, members suggests that such citizens have not this provision hinges on a distinction between only exercised but have, in fact, enhanced their citizenship and nationality; those born in participation in the Mexican state by residing Mexico, who become citizens of another coun- outside of Mexico’s territorial borders. try, and the children of those born in Mexico, Adding another twist to this concept, recent regardless of their citizenship, are eligible to scholarship also recognizes that civic and polit- claim Mexican nationality. Mexican nationals ical participation encompasses a much broader are granted certain additional rights, especially range of activities than voting, full enjoyment

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO to own property and to work in Mexico, but of public benefits, and other citizenship rights. not full citizenship rights such as the right Hence scholars propose the concepts of “sub- to vote and hold office. Likewise, these same stantive membership and citizenship” to speak rights are denied in the United States, unless of “de facto forms of participation and mem- or until an immigrant becomes a U.S. citizen. bership claims not limited to formal political Limitations are perpetuated by the fact that citizenship” (Goldring 2002, 64; see also R.C. naturalization rates for Mexicans are mark- Smith [2003] on “citizenship” vs. “member- edly lower than those for immigrants of other ship”). “When people make claims to belong nationalities, although the rates have risen to a state through collectively organizing to significantly in recent years (Fox 2005b, 27). protect themselves against discrimination, gain As Woody Carter (2007) suggests, it is much rights, or make contributions to the develop- more difficult for those with lower levels of ment of that state and the life of the people education and wealth, as is the case for most within it, they are said to be substantively act- Mexican migrants, to successfully complete the ing as citizens, whether or not they have legal requirements to become U.S. citizens. documents that recognize such a status” (Glick Transnationalism stretches our under- Schiller and Fouron 2001, 25).11 standing of the concept of citizenship that Substantive citizenship seems to be on the conventionally assumes full membership and rise. Many HTA leaders are now U.S. citizens legal rights in a state within whose territory whose participation in Mexico exceeds the limits of conventional notions of citizenship. segments of the immigrants’ rights movement Perhaps even more striking is the increased in Chicago. By 2008, the original organizers mobilization of HTA members and organiza- of the 2006 megamarch had diverged into two tions on the U.S. front, in spite of—or perhaps main groups that had nevertheless collabo- because of—increased restrictions on nonciti- rated in organizing a May 1 march; while they 79 zen residents in the United States, especially agreed on a common goal of legalization for all those who are undocumented. This phenom- (im)migrants, they differed in the emphasis of LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: enon is manifested most vividly in the huge their organizing strategies.13 The Chicago May immigrants’ rights marches, which represented Day group appeared to operate from a vision of the “largest congregation in Chicago’s his- empowerment grounded in collaboration with tory” and the “first national-level movement in politicians, working through existing political U.S. history spearheaded by Latinos” (Flores- channels, and an emphasis on the importance González et al. 2006, 1). Even though a ma- of the vote. They thus seemed to favor the ac- jority of marchers were U.S. citizens (a major- quisition of traditional forms of citizenship and ity of whom were foreign-born), a significant the vote as the ultimate path to ensure rights percentage were not;12 the latter marchers were and produce political change. The Movimiento thus exercising substantive citizenship. For 10 de Marzo group, on the other hand, seemed

New Trends in Civic Engagement many participants, this demonstration was the to embrace a vision of empowerment grounded “first time they had engaged in political activi- in a broad-based grassroots mobilization. Their ties” (ibid., 4); though, presumably, many of efforts were directed toward outreach to in- the non-U.S.-citizen marchers may also have volve participants regardless of their official expressed substantive citizenship in other ven- citizenship in protests and actions that might ues such as labor unions, school councils, and pressure officials, influence public opinion and other community organizations. political processes, and keep their agenda in In a discussion of what he refers to as the public eye, as well as on the agenda of those various forms of “transnational citizenship,” who influence and make policy. Jonathan Fox cautions us that “influence is not Clearly the various forms of substantive par- the same as rights, and not all rights are citi- ticipation in no way should detract attention zenship rights” (2005a, 174); “claiming rights and efforts from maximizing the rights and is not the same as gaining citizenship” (ibid., influence of both citizens and noncitizen resi- 176). His observations raise the question of dents; nor should it detract from assuring the whether it is still most politically effective to potential for noncitizen residents who fulfill encourage migrants to gain U.S. citizenship so reasonable requirements to eventually become that they may enjoy full protections and rights citizens should they choose to. The impact of and affect political processes at the ballot box. substantive citizenship by noncitizens remains This tension over the emphasis on gaining citi- to be proven and evaluated. However, as was zenship in order to vote and exercise influence the case in the efforts of the two main groups through formal political channels versus the that organized the May 1 march in Chicago, emphasis on mobilizing broad participation to conventional formal citizenship and politi- exercise a voice and exert pressure, regardless cal channels, on the one hand, and substan- of the participants’ formal citizenship, seems tive citizenship and the promotion of a social to underlie the varied approaches of different movement regardless of participants’ formal citizenship, on the other, may be complemen- As evidenced in the HTAs, the transnational tary strategies geared toward common goals. context may actually enhance effective politi- Whereas Fox’s cautionary words are well taken, cal engagement. After all, migrants’ access to the exercise of substantive citizenship may be economic resources in the United States made significant for overall empowerment—an issue them an object of attention for Mexican gov- 80 on which I comment further in the final sec- ernment officials who vied for their continued tion of this paper. allegiance and some control over migrant col- lective remittances. This lent these migrants a degree of influence most would not likely have CONCLUSION: FROM CIVIC TO achieved had they remained in their home- POLITICAL PARTICIPATION towns. Through programs focusing on collab- orative public works, HTA members gained Scholars are ever more attentive to the myriad experience in negotiating with and making New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New ways that (im)migrants negotiate and at times demands of government agents. They devel- transform structural limitations imposed by oped an increased sense of political agency and global economic forces, states, and cultural became more outspoken and proficient politi- norms and expectations. Whether we con- cal actors. Perhaps most notable is that many sider HTAs, women, or youth, we find similar of these migrants assumed a similar stance transformations taking place thanks to experi- toward the United States. Several of the most ences they attain through civic participation. prominent organizers of the immigrants’ rights Participants may come together for a defined marches in Chicago also play prominent roles communal goal: to carry out public works in in Mexican extraterritorial political processes their hometown, to improve conditions in as members of CONFEMEX, the IME, or

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO their local schools, or to participate in the fiesta Mexican political parties. In this regard, viewed of their town’s patron saint. But, along the way, from a transnational perspective, migrants’ they gain self-confidence, a greater sense of continued participation in civic and political their own agency, and an awakened conscious- processes in their native land is not at odds ness that may ultimately point them toward with integration in their destination country; greater political engagement. Carol Zabin and in fact, engagement in one of these arenas may Luis Escala concur that “political empower- enhance participants’ efficacy in the other. ment is [in part] ... constructed through par- It is important not to exaggerate the gains ticipation in civic organizations” (2002, 8). achieved, nor to romanticize the individuals HTAs furnish members with a “source of civic and groups that achieve them. Many would- education” and provide youths with activities be participants are constrained by economic and “traditional” Mexican values that “shield and ideological demands that prioritize work them from the influence of gangs or the drug and caring for home, children, and family. culture” (ibid., 18). Some participants may, Furthermore, as Fox points out, “It is also im- in turn, go on to more explicitly political portant to recognize that transnational migrant struggles, fighting for the rights of expatriate political mobilization may be undemocratic” citizens, disenfranchised migrants, women, (2005a, 190). Grassroots movements are not or workers. Some may attain political offices immune to developing authoritarian, clien- themselves. telistic, and patriarchal practices. We must be attentive to the ways that old-style Mexican cate (im)migrants about the nature of U.S. political practices are perpetuated, even in new political processes and why it is so important contexts, as well as to the ways in which new to continue participating. These challenges are experiences in the United States may contrib- compounded by a widespread fear, which has ute to transforming political culture in Mexico. intensified in the wake of increased raids by 81 There are also potential pitfalls when commu- Immigration and Customs Enforcement, in- nal organizations collaborate with government cluding of one at the Little Village Discount LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: agencies or with more formal, experienced or- Mall, which is frequented by Mexican migrants. ganizations; through these relationships, orga- Nonetheless, there is a demonstrated interest in nization members may lose some control over participating, especially by a dedicated core of goals and decision-making processes. leaders and participants in HTAs and in com- (Im)migrant political participation and munity and immigrants’ rights organizations. claims to substantive membership have ex- There are concerns about increasing the ef- panded in ways that would not have been fectiveness of participants and of leadership in predicted, even a few years ago. It remains to order to develop an approach that will be stra- be seen whether this trend will maintain its tegic in promoting their agendas rather than momentum and, if so, where it will lead. We merely reacting to challenges that arise. While

New Trends in Civic Engagement should bear in mind that organizers of the im- advocates concur on the need for training, it migrants’ rights marches capitalized on net- is crucial to offer training that will enhance works of civic organizations in order to mo- the skills of participants without compromis- bilize demonstrations of unprecedented scale. ing the power and agendas at the grassroots. Their success was built on a groundwork laid Likewise, as leaders become more sophisticated by countless prior civic actions. One can only and professionalized there are always greater speculate about the effect of these marches risks that they will become less representative on the many participants for whom this was of their constituents. Whereas there are clearly their first involvement in political activities. challenges ahead, especially with the recent rise Some evidence seems to support the assertion in anti-immigrant sentiment in the United of one of the leaders of the Chicago marches: States, Chicago is likely to continue as a sig- the presence of children and youth in today’s nificant venue for continued and innovative marches and labor picket lines is like a school migrant civic and political action in domestic, through which they will be socialized toward as well as in Mexican contexts. greater political awareness and activism and an attitude that “¡Sí, se puede!” Yet others express concern about the chal- REFERENCES lenges that persist. Many feel disillusioned Basch, Linda, Nina Glick Schiller, and Cristina and frustrated that so little seems to have hap- Szanton Blanc. 1994. Nations Unbound: pened after so many people participated in the Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, marches in 2006 and 2007; it is difficult for and Deterritorialized Nation-States. Langhorne, them to understand why they should continue PA: Gordon and Breach. to engage in civic and political activities. As Boruchoff, Judith A. 1998. The Road to Luis Gutierrez, executive director of Latinos Transnationalism: Reconfiguring the Spaces of Community and State in Guerrero, Mexico, Progresando, suggests, there is a need to edu- and Chicago. Hewlett Foundation Working Paper Series, No. 2, Center for Latin American Glick Schiller, Nina, Linda Basch, and Cristina Studies, University of Chicago. Blanc-Szanton. 1992. “Transnationalism: A _____. 1999. “Creating Continuity across Borders: New Analytic Framework for Understanding Reconfiguring the Spaces of Community, Migration.” In Towards a Transnational State, and Culture in Guerrero, Mexico, and Perspective on Migration, eds. Nina Glick 82 Chicago.” Ph.D. dissertation, Anthropology, Schiller, Linda Basch, and Cristina Blanc- University of Chicago. Szanton. New York: Annals of the New York Carter, Woody. 2007. “Civic Engagement in Academy of Sciences 645: 1-24. a World Dominated by Electoral Politics.” Glick Schiller, Nina and Georges Eugene Fouron. Community Dialogue on Transnational 2001. Georges Woke Up Laughing: Long-Distance Activism, Chicago, October 26-27; available at Nationalism and the Search for Home. Durham, http://www.nalacc.org. NC; London: Duke University Press. De la Garza, Rodolfo O. 1997. “Foreign Policy Goldring, Luin. 1998. “The Power of Status in Comes Home: The Domestic Consequences of Transnational Social Fields.” Comparative Urban the Program for Mexican Communities Living and Community Research 6:165-95. New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New in Foreign Countries.” In Bridging the Border: _____. 2001. “The Gender and Geography of Transforming Mexico-U.S. Relations, eds. Rodolfo Citizenship in Mexico-U.S. Transnational O. de la Garza and Jesús Velasco. Lanham, MD: Spaces.” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Power 7 (4): 501-37. Dinerman, Ina R. 1982. Migrants and Stay at Homes: _____. 2002. “The Mexican State and A Comparative Study of Rural Migration from Transmigrant Organizations: Negotiating the Michoacán, Mexico. Monographs in U.S.-Mexican Boundaries of Membership and Participation.” Studies, No. 5. La Jolla: Center for Mexican Latin American Research Review 37 (3): 55-99. Studies, University of California, San Diego. González Gutiérrez, Carlos. 1995. “La England, Sarah. 2006. Afro Central Americans in Organización de los Inmigrantes Mexicanos New York City. Garifuna Tales of Transnational en Los Ángeles: la Lealtad de los Oriundos.” Movements in Racialized Space. Gainesville: Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior 46:59-101.

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LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO in the United States (McCann, Cornelius, and 1 I use the term (im)migration to connote the Leal 2006; Fox 2005b). often uncertain distinction between the imper- 11 An affiliated concept, “cultural citizenship,” manence of the migrant and the more settled has been proposed “for conceptualizing how nature of the immigrant. marginalized social groups move from claim- 2 This list gives only selected book-length works; ing recognition, public space, and eventually many more articles add to this scholarship. specific rights to changing formal political systems” (Stephen 2007, 269). See also Flores 3 Both of these states had established offices simi- and Benmayor (1997) for discussion of Latino lar to the PCME. For descriptions of PCME see cultural citizenship. Boruchoff (1999), de la Garza (1997), Goldring (1998, 2001, 2002), González Gutiérrez (1995, 12 According to Flores-González et al. (2006), 1997), M.P. Smith (2003), and R.C. Smith 27 percent were noncitizens. Considering the (1998, 1999, 2003); on the Guerrero–Chicago survey conditions, it is reasonable to expect case, see Boruchoff (1999); on the Zacatecas– that additional respondents may have falsely Los Angeles case, see Goldring (1998, 2002), claimed U.S. citizenship, thus increasing the González Gutiérrez (1995), M. P. Smith (2003), tally of noncitizen participants. and R.C. Smith (2003). 13 Note that labor unions were a third major party 4 The monetary contributions were equal; the involved in organizing for May 1. HTA, the state government, and the federal COMMUNITY DIALOGUE ON 85

TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM: LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: A Rapporteur’s Report by Amy Shannon Charles Stewart Mott Foundation

The Community Dialogue on Transnational and how to overcome them; Woody Carter Activism took place over two days, October (University of Chicago) on civic engagement

26 and 27, 2007, at the Casa Michoacán, in a world dominated by electoral politics; New Trends in Civic Engagement headquarters of the Michoacán Federation Maricela García (Latinos United) on the key in Chicago, and site of the national coor- integration challenges for Latinos posed by dination office of the National Alliance of early childhood education and housing; Jesús Latin American and Caribbean Communities García (Little Village CDC) on the challenges (NALACC). Participants represented a diverse for immigrant integration posed by the demo- set of organizations and perspectives and in- graphic shift in the settlement of recent im- cluded a strong set of local immigrant leaders, migrants from traditional urban centers to the from both the Mexican and Central American suburbs; and Ricardo Estrada (Erie House) on communities; academics working on issues of what it will take to build political power for civic engagement in the greater Chicago region; transnational activism. activist organizations whose focus is mostly do- mestic; and more traditional “service” organi- zations working locally in the Latino commu- FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26, 2007 nity. In total, more than 55 people participated in the event. PRESENTATIONS Additional documents pertaining to this conference can be found at: http://www.nal- Oscar Chacón (NALACC): Chicago acc.org/. The presentation on the Chicago and Transnational Activism immigrant marches by Amalia Pallares, along with audio versions of the papers presented Chacón emphasized that Chicago is an im- at the conference, are available in electronic portant space for transnational activism and format on the NALACC website. Additional global citizenship because of its vibrant Latino audio segments available for download in- (and especially Mexican) community. Mexican clude presentations by: Luis Gutiérrez (Latinos hometown associations (HTAs) have a long Progresando) on barriers to civic engagement history in the city. In recent years, they have come together into statewide federations and important to recognize substantive citizenship have become the center of direct action and as a form of political participation; people can intervention in their hometowns. They have become important actors in their community promoted projects that have enhanced their without formal citizenship. communities back home and have prompted 86 discussion with sending country governments PANEL I: INTEGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, on how they should be treating immigrants. AND CIVIC ENGAGEMENT A major challenge is how to take this vibrant civic energy and use it in a more effective This panel began with a presentation based way in relating to the public at large; that is, on a paper by Susan Gzesh (Director, Human to demystify misconceptions about immigrant Rights Program, University of Chicago). communities in a move toward more healthy Gzesh’s paper provided a broad overview of dialogue. This challenge applies both in the Latino (particularly Mexican) immigrant civic New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New United States and in home countries; policy participation in the Chicago area with the goal agendas that look beyond national borders of shedding light on why and how Latino im- have the best chance of getting at the root migrant civic participation has developed there causes of migration. over the past two decades. The panel also in- cluded a case study by Sylvia Villa (Director of Judith Boruchoff (University of the first Illinois Immigrant Welcoming Center) Chicago): Transnational Perspectives on on the efforts of the government of Illinois to Migrant Civic and Political Engagement in integrate immigrants into civic life in Chicago; the United States an extemporaneous reflection by Woody Carter (Professor, University of Chicago) on the state Boruchoff began with an explanation of trans- LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO of civic engagement; and a discussion by Luis nationalism, the perspective that has informed Gutiérrez (Director of Latinos Progresando) much research on migration since the early on barriers to political participation following 1990s. Reviewing selected works within this the large immigrant marches of 2006. paradigm and drawing on her anthropologi- cal research in Guerrero and Chicago, she Several important points were made, includ- highlighted advances made by members of ing the following: HTAs, women, and youth of the second and 1.5 generations and identified common ob- UÊ Social citizenship can be expressed when stacles that limit their political efficacy. For people do not have legal citizenship. It each of these constituencies, what begins as can be practiced on many different levels, civic participation—whether in hometown such as participating in marches, attend- associations, community organizations, or ing meetings, and so on. But voting is still communal rituals—may provide a forum and the key to wielding power at the formal crucial experiences for raising awareness of level, so becoming a citizen is important. political issues and enhancing participants’ self-confidence and sense of agency in effect- UÊ The issue of immigration has not been as ing change. This lays the foundation for po- polarized racially in Chicago as it has liticization and greater political activism. It is been in other parts of the country, per- haps due to the fact that other immigrant out on housing overcrowding suggests that it groups, such as the Poles and Irish, also is more of a political issue than a quality-of-life had undocumented relatives in the com- issue and reflects the lack of dialogue between munity until very recently. Nonetheless, new immigrants and local communities and there is a growing anti-immigrant constitu- elected officials. 87 ency in the Chicago suburbs, due mainly

to demographic changes. Jesús García (Little Village CDC) added that LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: since 2000 the majority of Latinos now live UÊ The state of Illinois has taken an active role in suburban areas where housing is more af- in trying to promote immigrant integra- fordable and better education available. In the tion, culminating in the New Americans city, gentrification has become a real factor in Democracy Project, which promotes citi- shrinking the availability of affordable hous- zenship and has established a welcom- ing. There is also a predatory lending prob- ing center in an attempt to connect newly lem, with foreclosures on the rise. arrived immigrants with appropriate ser- vices and institutions. However, people Ric Estrada (Erie House) pointed out that are still fearful of deportation and raids. there are still serious barriers for immigrant

New Trends in Civic Engagement There is a sense that the political leader- families when it comes to education. For early ship in Washington does not represent childhood education, there is a mismatch be- their interests, which is compounded by tween service providers and where the need a lack of understanding of the roles of the is. Infrastructure needs to be developed in different branches of government. those areas that have the most people who would utilize the services. There is also an UÊ The economy is the driving force behind incorrect perception that families do not want how people view the immigration issue. institutional childcare. Latino immigrant ex- tended families also have eligibility barriers; some cannot show income because they are PANEL II: LOCAL CHALLENGES: working without documents; others living in EDUCATION AND HOUSING shared households exceed income eligibility thresholds since combined income is used to In this session, several leaders with many years determine eligibility. of experience in local activism on housing and education issues spoke of the practical chal- Amalia Pallares (Professor, Latino and lenges for integration that impact immigrants’ Latin American Studies, University of Illinois ability to engage civically and politically. at Chicago) presented a paper describing four different strategies used to mobilize for Maricela García (Latinos United) stressed immigrants’ rights and, more specifically, to the importance of early education in long-term prevent the separation of mixed-status families development. Parent engagement programs in Chicago: marches, lobbying, advocacy, and facilities that offer full-day services to meet and sanctuary. For each of these strategies, the needs of working families are important. the paper examined the actors involved, the A recent study that her organization carried messages they convey, the goals they seek, and the impact they have on shaping public nities in Wisconsin, Indiana, and in the opinion and public policy. The paper was com- Illinois collar counties. plemented by a media presentation of a com- parative analysis of surveys of the immigrant UÊ A conscious strategy for engaging women marches of May 1, 2006, and May 1, 2007. and young people should include a strong 88 training component.

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 27, 2007 UÊ Participation of young people should be cultivated by focusing on issues that ap- On this second day of discussion, the composi- peal to them, e.g., the DREAM Act. Youth tion of the group shifted, with a notably larger are interested in active participation, such presence of members of local Mexican HTAs as theater, sports, and so on, and in hav- and significantly fewer academics and “profes- ing meaningful roles in the organization. New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New sional” NGO staff. This shift was expected. An obvious area in which young people In fact, the Friday-Saturday structure of the can be engaged is technology. meeting was designed, in part, to draw on a diverse set of participants as members of vol- The remainder of the morning’s discus- unteer-based hometown associations often find sion centered on a paper written by Rebecca Saturdays to be good days for meetings. Vonderlack-Navarro (doctoral candidate, The opening session included a recap of the University of Chicago), who is carrying out previous day, for those who were unable to at- dissertation research on the binational advo- tend, and a small group discussion on how to cacy efforts of the Confederation of Mexican make transnational activism more inclusive of Federations (CONFEMEX) in Chicago.

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO groups that are sometimes left out, including CONFEMEX is an alliance of eight state-level women, young people, and suburban residents. hometown federations in Chicago, including The issue of women’s participation produced the largest federations, those of Michoacán and lively debate, with some participants noting Zacatecas. CONFEMEX played a key role in that in Chicago, women play a strong and vis- organizing the large immigrant mobilizations ible role in immigrant organizations, including that took place in Chicago in March and May Mexican federations. Some of the women lead- of 2006. CONFEMEX has also been an active ers suggested that this fact did not detract from proponent of absentee voting by Mexican citi- the reality that for many women, cultural ex- zens in Mexico, as well as of voter registration pectations and intrinsic sexism in the commu- in Illinois. Vonderlack-Navarro’s paper traced nity do present serious barriers to participation. some of the history of CONFEMEX and its incursion into civic participation, with an eye Some of the ideas that emerged from that con- toward both Mexico and the United States. Her versation included the following: paper also signaled some possible challenges ahead, including the lack of institutional infra- UÊ Groups interested in broadening partici- structure (no paid staff), an overloaded agenda pation need to get to where the people (overly high expectations), and the potential are, including newer immigrant commu- for conflicting priorities in terms of local and international work. After a question-and-answer session, the in places of origin, such as the “mirror clubs” group divided up to discuss a related set of that are springing up in several states, should questions aimed at teasing out the current and be supported and nurtured, as well as other future roles of immigrant networks in transna- civil society organizations that may share in- tional advocacy. terests in specific issues, such as human rights, 89 local development, and microfinance.

In the wrap-up conversation, the issue of LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: REACTION VS. STRATEGY academic researchers vis-à-vis community groups surfaced as a concern for many partici- Several participants pointed out that even pants. Among the HTA participants, there was though people recognize the importance of a sense that academics often take advantage of careful analysis and strategy, it is much easier community groups by studying them, publish- to communicate the urgency of organizing and ing work that will advance their own careers action in the face of a concrete threat, such as but that they do not then take the next step unfair legislation. Also, in some cases, reacting of using their research to advance local orga- may be the appropriate strategy since govern- nizing. This is an issue that immigrant orga- ments (rather than civil society) are often driv- nizations need to pursue on a more systemic

New Trends in Civic Engagement ing the political agenda. Others noted that level. To the extent that the organizations can being able to shape the agendas could change negotiate effectively and make specific requests that dynamic over time, and pointed to serious of researchers and academic institutions, the barriers that impede strategic approaches, in- relationship will better resemble a balanced cluding lack of experience/training in strategic partnership. planning, lack of paid staff in many organiza- tions, and language barriers for some leaders. DIALOGUE AND AREAS OF DEBATE

MAKING CONFEMEX AND OTHER The discussions over the two days touched TRANSNATIONAL NETWORKS MORE on many themes, but several issues came up EFFECTIVE a number of times in different forms. The issue of citizenship and expressions of civic Participants suggested that a conscious ef- engagement evoked lively debate, with some fort must be made to learn from mistakes and participants emphasizing the electoral compo- document experiences. Much has already been nent and others stressing the diverse ways in accomplished simply by working together over which immigrants can make effective political time. An effort must be made to identify in- interventions. Several participants pointed out dividual roles and responsibilities in collective the significant challenge of engaging Latino processes, and appropriate alliances should immigrants in electoral politics when many of be made with government agencies, identify- them are unable to vote and may have also had ing the officials with whom to be in dialogue. negative experiences with party politics in their Leadership must be constantly trained and de- countries of origin. In the United States, those veloped, and funds must be raised to carry out immigrants who are likely to be able to vote the work plans that are identified. Counterparts (i.e., those in the country 15 years or more) are clustered in a relatively small number of places, wondered if that was the best approach, or if few of which are political “battleground” it would be more effective to identify multi- states. For this reason, many politicians from ple messages that reflect regional diversity and both parties have calculated that they can get could appeal to different audiences. Those who more benefit from immigrant-bashing than favored the single-message strategy stressed the 90 from looking for sensible solutions to immi- importance of saying the same thing over and gration reform. over in many different venues until it creates Another challenge is that the mechanisms an “echo effect” in the public. All agreed that for transnational political engagement are it would be important to reach beyond the not always obvious in a world that is domi- Spanish-language media and get messages to nated by the logic of the nation-state. Social/ the English-speaking public. The issue of mes- substantive citizenship may exist even when sage testing was discussed, with participants people do not have legal citizenship, but it arguing for a flexible strategy that could allow New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New can be hard to make this concept meaningful for learning from successful communications under the current rules. Creative responses will experiences at the grassroots, rather than just be critical. Several participants pointed out that relying on centralized focus group testing. many Latino immigrants have become impor- Another issue that evoked significant inter- tant actors in their community without formal est was the challenge posed by shifting demo- citizenship. In addition to the major marches graphics in the greater Chicago region. Over of 2006 (discussed in more detail below), some the past 10 years, the location of the Latino groups have mobilized voters, held candidate immigrant population has shifted from the forums, and organized get-out-the-vote drives, city to the suburbs. Now more than half of using a volunteer base that often comprises the immigrant population is living in the collar

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO noncitizens. Chicago allows all those who have suburbs of Chicago, rather than in the tradi- children in the public schools to vote for and tional urban gateway neighborhoods. The in- participate on local school councils, and several frastructure to serve these new communities is organizations have promoted this as part of a largely absent or developing only slowly, with strategy for engaging immigrant parents on most traditional service providers and commu- civic issues. nity organizations, and even the immigrant-led Given the extreme negative content being HTAs still based in the city. This demographic promoted in the mainstream media, partici- shift has also provoked fear among traditional pants discussed the urgent need for new media powerbrokers in suburban areas who won- strategies that can put a human face on the der how new voters in the areas that have re- issue of migration. As several participants cently received immigrants will affect the po- pointed out, the messages of fear that flood litical landscape. The changing demographics the media make the prospect of meaningful present an opportunity to frame discussions immigration reform, or even a healthy debate more broadly in order to build bridges with on the issue, very complicated. They debated other communities; for example, the African- the importance of agreeing on a consolidated American community faces many of the same set of messages. Although several participants barriers in terms of education and housing as conceded that it would be important to come do immigrants. These shared interests should up with a coordinated media strategy, others form the basis of new alliances. For many groups, including HTAs, the children are going to be paying my Social 2006 immigrants’ rights marches represented Security.” Messages should be tailored to spe- a key turning point in engagement in national cific audiences; for example, if the discussion of politics. Groups learned much about organi- economic justice is framed more broadly, then zation and about the many factors that were Latino immigrants and the African-American 91 out of their control. Because so many families community could find common ground. participated in the marches, the marches also Forging effective alliances requires understand- LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: became a way of engaging children in the po- ing what others’ issues are and how Latino im- litical process. However, many people have be- migrant communities and organizations could come disillusioned since the last “megamarch” provide meaningful reciprocal support on those and feel that their participation does not have issues. Also, likely allies must be identified, any effect on the system. Participants empha- such as bankers who may want to sell products sized the need to develop a political strategy to the community but who are challenged by that frames the marches in a broader context, Patriot Act restrictions, or insurance companies seeing them as a means to an end, not merely that want to limit the number of uninsured as goals in and of themselves. motorists. Making such personal connections Participants identified several key strategies at the local level is a key development.

New Trends in Civic Engagement and next steps for building political power for The need for constant leadership develop- transnational activism. One subject that came ment also topped the list of recommendations up many times in different contexts was alli- in nearly every discussion. As one participant ances. Participants emphasized the need to stressed, there needs to be a new generation of build bridges with others, emphasizing shared leadership that is supported and encouraged by interests; for example, messages should be de- the current leadership within the community. veloped to communicate the economic inter- New leadership emerged from the organizing dependence of U.S. society and immigrants. process of the marches, but there has not been As one participant put it, “Latino immigrant time to nurture that new leadership. 92 APPENDIX 1: Persons Naturalized During Fiscal Years 2005, 2006, 2007, and 2008

PERSONS NATURALIZED DURING FISCAL YEAR 2005 BY CORE BASED STATISTICAL AREA (CBSA) OF RESIDENCE AND SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New

CBSA: Chicago-Naperville-Joliet, IL-IN-WI

Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown

TOTAL 27,054 12,546 14,508 -

Age

UNDER 18 YEARS ---- 18-24 YEARS 2,938 1,334 1,604 - 25-34 YEARS 7,467 3,363 4,104 -

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO 35-44 YEARS 7,285 3,499 3,786 - 45-54 YEARS 4,580 2,149 2,431 - 55-64 YEARS 2,864 1,337 1,527 - 65 YEARS AND OVER 1,920 864 1,056 - UNKNOWN ----

Marital status

SINGLE 5,457 2,940 2,517 - MARRIED 18,857 8,691 10,166 - OTHER 2,680 869 1,811 - UNKNOWN 60 46 14 -

Occupation

EXECUTIVE AND MANAGERIAL 1,130 665 465 - PROFESSIONAL AND TECHNICAL 1,729 735 994 - SALES 717 293 424 - ADMINISTRATIVE SUPPORT 259 61 198 - Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown

FARMING, FORESTRY, FISHERIES 14 14 - - 93 OPERATORS, 1,674 1,198 476 -

FABRICATORS, LABORERS LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: PRECISION PRODUCTION, CRAFT, REPAIR 420 405 15 - SERVICE 864 330 534 - MILITARY 74 59 15 - NO OCCUPATION 3,228 1,059 2,169 - UNKNOWN 16,945 7,727 9,218 -

Top 20 countries of birth

ALBANIA 255 133 122 -

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 874 441 433 - New Trends in Civic Engagement BULGARIA 648 323 325 - CHINA 922 351 571 - ECUADOR 245 119 126 - GUATEMALA 290 141 149 - INDIA 2,906 1,383 1,523 - JORDAN 310 178 132 - KOREA 700 292 408 - LITHUANIA 405 159 246 - MEXICO 4,739 2,436 2,303 - NIGERIA 410 219 191 - PAKISTAN 771 364 407 - PHILIPPINES 1,714 612 1,102 - POLAND 3,548 1,581 1,967 - ROMANIA 516 245 271 - SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO 578 295 283 - SOVIET UNION (FORMER) 493 217 276 - UKRAINE 418 163 255 - VIETNAM 578 243 335 - OTHER 5,593 2,586 3,007 - UNKNOWN 141 65 76 -

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security PERSONS NATURALIZED DURING FISCAL YEAR 2006 BY CORE BASED STATISTICAL AREA (CBSA) OF RESIDENCE AND SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS CBSA: Chicago-Naperville-Joliet, IL-IN-WI 94 Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown

TOTAL 29,047 13,154 15,893 -

Age

UNDER 18 YEARS ---- 18 TO 24 YEARS 3,121 1,327 1,794 - 25 TO 34 YEARS 7,927 3,431 4,496 - New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New

35 TO 44 YEARS 8,213 3,847 4,366 - 45 TO 54 YEARS 4,504 2,130 2,374 - 55 TO 64 YEARS 3,086 1,443 1,643 - 65 YEARS AND OVER 2,196 976 1,220 - UNKNOWN ----

Marital status SINGLE 5,915 3,100 2,815 - MARRIED 20,290 9,148 11,142 -

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO OTHER 2,842 906 1,936 - UNKNOWN ----

Occupation

MANAGEMENT, PROFESSIONAL, AND 3,047 1,446 1,601 - RELATED OCCUPATIONS

SERVICE OCCUPATIONS 1,137 437 700 -

SALES AND OFFICE 1,289 359 930 - OCCUPATIONS

FARMING, FISHING, AND 48 48 - FORESTRY OCCUPATIONS -

CONSTRUCTION, EXTRACTION, MAINTENANCE 467 463 4 - AND REPAIR OCCUPATIONS

PRODUCTION, TRANSPORTATION, AND 1,935 1,401 534 - MATERIAL MOVING OCCUPATIONS

MILITARY 78 65 13 - Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown

NO OCCUPATION/NOT 3,273 1,104 2,169 - WORKING OUTSIDE HOME 95

HOMEMAKERS 727 12 715 - LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: STUDENTS OR CHILDREN 1,932 783 1,149 - RETIREES 373 211 162 - UNEMPLOYED 241 98 143 - UNKNOWN 17,773 7,831 9,942 -

Leading countries of birth

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 812 383 429 -

BULGARIA 584 280 304 -

New Trends in Civic Engagement CHINA 1,027 408 619 - ECUADOR 256 124 132 - GUATEMALA 373 169 204 - INDIA 3,104 1,472 1,632 - JORDAN 272 121 151 - KOREA 787 312 475 - LITHUANIA 340 133 207 - MEXICO 6,466 3,085 3,381 - NIGERIA 406 219 187 - PAKISTAN 733 348 385 - PHILIPPINES 2,116 782 1,334 - POLAND 3,339 1,483 1,856 - ROMANIA 503 216 287 - RUSSIA 278 100 178 - SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO 414 216 198 - SOVIET UNION (FORMER) 332 149 183 - UKRAINE 505 215 290 - VIETNAM 486 199 287 - OTHER 5,809 2,699 3,110 - UNKNOWN 105 41 64 -

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security PERSONS NATURALIZED DURING FISCAL YEAR 2007 BY CORE BASED STATISTICAL AREA (CBSA) OF RESIDENCE AND SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS CBSA: Chicago-Naperville-Joliet, IL-IN-WI 96 Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown

TOTAL 37,736 17,392 20,344 -

Age UNDER 18 YEARS ---- 18 TO 24 YEARS 3,774 1,652 2,122 - 25 TO 34 YEARS 9,709 4,246 5,463 - New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New

35 TO 44 YEARS 11,430 5,332 6,098 - 45 TO 54 YEARS 6,261 2,948 3,313 - 55 TO 64 YEARS 4,131 2,098 2,033 - 65 YEARS AND OVER 2,431 1,116 1,315 - UNKNOWN ----

Marital status SINGLE 7,532 3,933 3,599 - MARRIED 26,688 12,281 14,407 - OTHER 3,516 1,178 2,338 - LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO UNKNOWN ----

Occupation

MANAGEMENT, PROFESSIONAL, AND 4,009 1,922 2,087 - RELATED OCCUPATIONS

SERVICE OCCUPATIONS 2,079 787 1,292 -

SALES AND OFFICE 1,933 562 1,371 - OCCUPATIONS

FARMING, FISHING, AND 107 104 3 - FORESTRY OCCUPATIONS

CONSTRUCTION, EXTRACTION, MAINTENANCE AND REPAIR 733 722 11 - OCCUPATIONS

PRODUCTION, TRANSPORTATION, AND 3,166 2,258 908 - MATERIAL MOVING OCCUPATIONS

MILITARY 81 62 19 - Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown 97 NO OCCUPATION/NOT 4,029 1,260 2,769 - WORKING OUTSIDE HOME LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY:

HOMEMAKERS 1,072 16 1,056 - STUDENTS OR CHILDREN 2,286 891 1,395 - RETIREES 458 264 194 - UNEMPLOYED 213 89 124 - UNKNOWN 21,599 9,715 11,884 -

Leading countries of birth

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 981 474 507 -

BULGARIA 588 289 299 - New Trends in Civic Engagement

CHINA 1,420 601 819 - COLOMBIA 269 86 183 - ECUADOR 359 160 199 - GUATEMALA 540 231 309 - INDIA 3,991 1,975 2,016 - JORDAN 343 175 168 - KOREA 761 326 435 - LITHUANIA 350 124 226 - MEXICO 10,858 5,149 5,709 - NIGERIA 423 221 202 - PAKISTAN 889 441 448 - PHILIPPINES 2,383 955 1,428 - POLAND 4,341 1,888 2,453 - ROMANIA 510 239 271 - RUSSIA 308 101 207 - SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO 398 188 210 - UKRAINE 591 243 348 - VIETNAM 476 196 280 - OTHER 6,875 3,296 3,579 - UNKNOWN 82 34 48 -

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security PERSONS NATURALIZED DURING FISCAL YEAR 2008 BY CORE BASED STATISTICAL AREA (CBSA) OF RESIDENCE AND SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS CBSA: Chicago-Naperville-Joliet, IL-IN-WI 98 Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown

TOTAL 43,548 19,873 23,674 1

Age UNDER 18 YEARS ---- 18 TO 24 YEARS 3,723 1,623 2,100 - 25 TO 34 YEARS 10,910 4,616 6,294 - New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New 35 TO 44 YEARS 13,084 6,131 6,953 - 45 TO 54 YEARS 7,993 3,750 4,243 - 55 TO 64 YEARS 5,340 2,581 2,758 1 65 YEARS AND OVER 2,498 1,172 1,326 - UNKNOWN ----

Marital status SINGLE 8,210 4,079 4,131 - MARRIED 31,402 14,528 16,874 - OTHER 3,935 1,266 2,669 - LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO UNKNOWN 1--1

Occupation

MANAGEMENT, PROFESSIONAL, AND 5,651 2,801 2,850 - RELATED OCCUPATIONS

SERVICE OCCUPATIONS 3,076 988 2,088 -

SALES AND OFFICE 2,876 828 2,048 - OCCUPATIONS

FARMING, FISHING, AND 151 141 10 - FORESTRY OCCUPATIONS

CONSTRUCTION, EXTRACTION, MAINTENANCE 1,000 985 15 - AND REPAIR OCCUPATIONS

PRODUCTION, TRANSPORTATION, AND 4,487 3,114 1,373 - MATERIAL MOVING OCCUPATIONS

MILITARY 104 85 19 - Characteristic Total Male Female Unknown 99 NO OCCUPATION/NOT

4,918 1,397 3,521 - LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: WORKING OUTSIDE HOME

HOMEMAKERS 1,512 10 1,502 - STUDENTS OR CHILDREN 2,615 982 1,633 - RETIREES 504 298 206 - UNEMPLOYED 287 107 180 - UNKNOWN 21,285 9,534 11,750 1

Leading countries of birth

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 520 252 268 -

BULGARIA 600 299 301 - New Trends in Civic Engagement

CHINA 1,465 652 813 - COLOMBIA 368 138 230 - ECUADOR 424 169 255 - GUATEMALA 655 279 376 - INDIA 4,689 2,371 2,318 - IRAQ 312 135 177 - KOREA 780 326 454 - LITHUANIA 401 160 241 - MEXICO 13,160 6,100 7,060 - NIGERIA 498 277 221 - PAKISTAN 923 507 415 1 PHILIPPINES 2,655 999 1,656 - POLAND 5,804 2,444 3,360 - ROMANIA 548 237 311 - RUSSIA 404 145 259 - SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO 412 198 214 - UKRAINE 724 307 417 - VIETNAM 468 181 287 - OTHER 7,674 3,657 4,017 - UNKNOWN 64 40 24 -

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security 100 ABOUT THE AUTHORS New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New JUDITH BORUCHOFF worker in El Salvador, under the inspiration and guidance of Archbishop Oscar Romero, Katz Center for Mexican Studies, to his dedication to migrant rights and com- University of Chicago munity empowerment in the United States and abroad since the early 1980s. In 2007, he Judith Boruchoff received a Ph.D. in became the executive director of the National Anthropology from the University of Chicago Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean where she is currently a Research Associate Communities (NALACC), an umbrella of of the Katz Center for Mexican Studies. She immigrant-led organizations dedicated to im- has conducted ethnographic research on proving the quality of life of Latino immigrant transnational connections between Guerrero, communities in the United States, as well as LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO Mexico, and Chicago since 1991, focusing on of peoples throughout Latin America. Prior the mechanisms through which transnational to this position, Mr. Chacón was director of orientations and social spaces are constituted Enlaces América, a project of the Chicago- and on relationships between the Mexican gov- based Heartland Alliance for Human Needs ernment and its citizens in the United States. and Human Rights. For most of the 1990s he Currently, she is researching the politics of was the executive director of Centro Presente Guerrero hometown organizations in Chicago in Cambridge, MA. Mr. Chacón is a frequent and will explore the interrelationships between lecturer on international migration, immigrant these organizations and members’ native vil- integration, and the intersection of racism, lages as a Fulbright Fellow in Mexico during xenophobia and migration. He appears fre- the 2009-2010 academic year. quently in the U.S. media to discuss Latino is- sues. Mr. Chacon served twice as a member of the International Advisory Committee to the OSCAR A. CHACÓN Civil Society Consultation Days of the Global Forum on Migration and Development. He National Alliance of Latin American and was a lead organizer of the first Summit of Caribbean Communities Latin American Migrant Organizations. He Mr. Chacón has dedicated his life to working has served as a member of the Task Force on for justice from his early years as a Catholic lay Immigration Policy and America’s Future, the National Commission on Immigration Custom AMALIA PALLARES Enforcement Abuses and Violations of the 4th Amendment, and the World Social Forum on Latin American and Latino Studies Migration. Currently, he is a board member of Program, University of Illinois at Chicago the International Network on Migration and Amalia Pallares is an associate professor of po- 101 Development. litical science and Latin American and Latino LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: studies. She has a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Texas. She studies social move- SUSAN R. GZESH ments and ethnicity and race in Latin America, as well as among Latinos in the United States. Human Rights Program, She focuses particularly on the relationship be- University of Chicago tween political activism and identity formation among newly politicized groups. Her book, Since 2001, Susan Gzesh has been a senior From Peasant Struggles to Indian Resistance: the lecturer and the director of the Human Rights Ecuadorian Andes in the late Twentieth Century, Program at the University of Chicago. Her re- analyzes the social, economic and political con- search interests include human rights and mi-

ditions that inform contemporary indigenous New Trends in Civic Engagement gration policy, with particular emphasis on the activism and identity in Ecuador. Recently, she North American corridor. She holds a law degree has focused on immigrant activism in Chicago. from the University of Michigan and a bach- Her co-edited book, Marcha: Latino Chicago elor’s degree from the University of Chicago. and the National Immigrant Movement (forth- From 1996 through 2001 she co-directed the coming Spring 2010, University of Illinois Regional Network of Civil Organizations for Press), explores the roles of institutions, collec- Migration, an international civil society coali- tive organizing experiences, political coalitions, tion, which advocated for the human rights and public policies in shaping immigrant activ- of migrants with governments in the North ism and subjectivities. She is also developing American corridor. Gzesh is a nonresident fel- a manuscript on how mixed-status families in low of the Migration Policy Institute and sits Chicago and elsewhere are mobilizing to pre- on the board of directors of the International vent family separations. Network on Migration and Development. She serves on the advisory boards of the Illinois State New Americans Task Force and of the Mexico AMY SHANNON City-based non-governmental organization, PRODESC. She has worked as a consultant Charles Stewart Mott Foundation for philanthropic foundations, international organizations, and the government of Mexico. Amy Shannon is a program officer in the She lectures on migration and human rights Environment Program of the Charles Stewart before academic and community audiences in Mott Foundation, working on sustainable in- the United States and Mexico. Her most recent ternational finance in South America. At the article on re-conceptualizing forced migration time of the Chicago Community Dialogue, appears in the journal Migración y Desarrollo she was acting director of Enlaces América, a (www.migracionydesarrollo.org). program of the Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights, dedicated to en- University of Chicago. Her research focuses abling Latino immigrant-led organizations be- on the community organizing and binational come more effective advocates for public poli- political incorporation of Mexican immi- cies related to their communities, both in the grants in Chicago. Rebecca has cultivated ex- United States and in countries of origin. Before tensive fieldwork connections with emergent 102 joining Enlaces, Ms. Shannon worked as a transnational migrant hometown associations non-profit management consultant, primarily in Chicago, along with several Illinois state assisting foundations and NGOs with program government and Chicago-based Mexican design and project evaluation. Prior to that, consular officials who interact with local im- she was a program officer at the John D. and migrant communities. Before beginning her Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation with her doctoral studies, she worked at a community responsibilities including grant-making and ex- development agency located in a marginalized ploring strategies to enhance biodiversity con- area of Honduras’ capital, Tegucigalpa. While New Trends in Civic Engagement in Civic Trends New servation in Latin America. She holds a mas- in Honduras, she was awarded a Fulbright ter’s degree in business administration from the scholarship to support qualitative research Harvard Business School, where she conducted exploring the economic and political impacts research on rural financial systems, sustainable of a microcredit program on its participants. enterprise, and social marketing. Such cross-border experiences have fostered her intellectual interests in social movements, transnationalism, Mexico’s policies to its REBECCA VONDERLACK-NAVARRO diaspora, and U.S. immigration policy and integration. Her doctoral dissertation focuses School of Social Work on the many practices of civic engagement University of Chicago

LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN THE WINDY CITY: LATINO initiated by CONFEMEX, the first confedera- Ms. Vonderlack-Navarro is a doctoral can- tion of Mexican hometown associations in the didate at the School of Social Work at the Midwest, which is based in Chicago.