Brazil's October 2014 Presidential Election Peter J
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Brazil Ahead of the 2018 Elections
BRIEFING Brazil ahead of the 2018 elections SUMMARY On 7 October 2018, about 147 million Brazilians will go to the polls to choose a new president, new governors and new members of the bicameral National Congress and state legislatures. If, as expected, none of the presidential candidates gains over 50 % of votes, a run-off between the two best-performing presidential candidates is scheduled to take place on 28 October 2018. Brazil's severe and protracted political, economic, social and public-security crisis has created a complex and polarised political climate that makes the election outcome highly unpredictable. Pollsters show that voters have lost faith in a discredited political elite and that only anti- establishment outsiders not embroiled in large-scale corruption scandals and entrenched clientelism would truly match voters' preferences. However, there is a huge gap between voters' strong demand for a radical political renewal based on new faces, and the dramatic shortage of political newcomers among the candidates. Voters' disillusionment with conventional politics and political institutions has fuelled nostalgic preferences and is likely to prompt part of the electorate to shift away from centrist candidates associated with policy continuity to candidates at the opposite sides of the party spectrum. Many less well-off voters would have welcomed a return to office of former left-wing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), who due to a then booming economy, could run social programmes that lifted millions out of extreme poverty and who, barred by Brazil's judiciary from running in 2018, has tried to transfer his high popularity to his much less-known replacement. -
The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System*
The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System* Carlos Ranulfo Melo Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brazil The Brazilian party system presents a paradox. Although the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) have controlled presidential elections for the last 20 years, their force at the other levels of electoral competition has not grown. The objective of this study is to undertake a discussion of this situation through the 2014 general elections. After attempting to explain why successive challengers have not been able to change the structure of competition for the Brazilian presidency, I will analyze the relation established between the pattern observed at this level and the other “connected” electoral disputes—both those for state executive and federal legislative office. The general conclusion is that even if the pattern continues, it is quite improbable that this will significantly impact the other levels of national political party competition. Keywords: Presidential elections; competition structure; Brazilian party system. magine a country with little political party tradition, where parties are I relatively recent and organizationally fragile; where the majority of the electorate is more accustomed to valuing individual candidates than the available party labels and do not identify with any of them. Now add to this the fact that for the sixth consecutive time, the same two parties dominated the presidential election and one of them won the last four disputes. There is something strange about these two things. It would not be so strange if the parties, in this case the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), were also the two largest national parties; however, they (*) http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212014000200004 The author would like to express his thanks for the comments and suggestions of anonymous colleagues of the Brazilian Political Science Review. -
The Week in Review on the ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: the Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) Announced That GDP Growth for the Second Quarter Totaled 1.5%
POLICY MONITOR August 26 – 30 , 2013 The Week in Review ON THE ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: The Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) announced that GDP growth for the second quarter totaled 1.5%. This year, GDP grew by 2.1%. Interest Rate: The Monetary Policy Committee (COPOM) of the Central Bank unanimously decided to raise interest rates by 0.5% to 9%--the fourth increase in a row. The Committee will hold two more meetings this year. Market analysts expect interest rates to rise by at least one more point to 10%. Strikes: Numerous groups of workers are under negotiations with the government for salary adjustments. Among those are regulatory agencies, national transportation department (DNIT), and livestock inspectors. DNIT workers have been on strike since June and livestock inspectors begun their strike on Thursday. On Friday, union workers will hold demonstrations throughout the country. Tourism: A study conducted by the Ministry of Tourism showed that the greatest cause of discontent for tourists coming to Brazil was high prices. The second most important reason was telecommunication services. Airport infrastructure, safety, and public transportation did not bother tourists as much and were ranked below both issues. Credit Protection: The Agency for Credit Protection Services (SPC Brasil) announced that the largest defaulting groups are in the middle class (Brazilian Class C). Forty-seven percent of all defaults are within Class C, 34% in Class B, and 13% in Class D. Forty-six percent of respondents claim to have been added to the list of default due to credit card payment delays and 40% due to bank loans. -
Myths and Images in Global Climate Governance, Conceptualization and the Case of Brazil (1989 - 2019)
Article Myths and images in global climate governance, conceptualization and the case of Brazil (1989 - 2019) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201900205 Revista Brasileira de Rev. Bras. Polít. Int., 62(2): e005, 2019 Política Internacional ISSN 1983-3121 Abstract http://www.scielo.br/rbpi Countries have a self-image of their role in global climate governance. If that image does not correspond to the country’s actual level of climate power, 1 Matias Alejandro Franchini commitment and leadership, it becomes a myth. In this article, we define climate 1Universidad del Rosario - Political Science, Government and International self-images/myths and analyze comprehensively the Brazilian case between Relations, Bogotá, Colombia 1989 and 2019. For most of this period, Brazil’s self-image was a myth. ([email protected]) ORCID ID: Keywords: Global Environmental Governance; Brazilian Foreign Policy; orcid.org/0000-0002-6831-5944 International Political Economy of Climate Change 2Eduardo Viola 2Universidade de Brasília, Institute of International Relations, Brasília, Brazil Received: April 30, 2019 ([email protected]). ORCID ID: Accepted: July 14, 2019 orcid.org/0000-0002-5028-2443 Introduction uring the second half of the 2000s, the Brazilian D government consolidated an official narrative of the country as a major reformist power in the governance of climate change. This self-image had three central dimensions: Brazil as a major agent in the global carbon cycle; a key player in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations, and a developing country that far exceeded its obligations to contribute to stabilizing global Copyright: greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, thus becoming a role model • This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of a Creative Commons in terms of mitigation actions. -
BOTS, SOCIAL NETWORKS and POLITICS in BRAZIL Analysis of Interferences Made by Automated Profiles in the 2014 Elections
POLICY PAPER BOTS, SOCIAL NETWORKS AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL Analysis of interferences made by automated profiles in the 2014 elections The action of bot networks This study shows the use of automated profiles that shared contents of Aécio’s, Dilma’s and Marina’s campaigns. Evidence of interference The analysis revealed the presence of Russian bots in the dissemination of campaign material. DAPP.FGV.BR Alert for 2018 elections The risks identified warn against the use of public resources in online FGV.DAPP campaigns conducted by political parties for the 2018 presidential elections. FGVDAPP MARCH, 15TH 2018 Policy Paper • BOTS, SOCIAL NETWORKS AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL • Analysis of interferences made by automated profiles in the 2014 elections Rio de Janeiro FGV DAPP 2018 Contents • 1. Executive Summary 4 2. Introduction 6 Flow chart - Aécio Neves’s Campaign 9 Flow chart - Dilma Rousseff’s Campaign 10 3. Identification of bots 11 CASE 1 - Aécio Neves’s Campaign 12 CASE 2 - Marina Silva’s Campaign 14 CASE 3 - Dilma Rousseff’s Campaign 15 4. Identification of foreign influence 18 5. Public policies recommendations 33 6. Appendices 35 CASE 1 - Aécio Neves’s Campaign 36 CASE 2 - Marina Silva’s Campaign 51 CASE 3 - Dilma Rousseff’s Campaign 52 References 57 FGV DAPP 3 1. Executive Summary 1.1. The use of bots and automated profiles in the political debate are risks known to the democratic process since at least 2014, according to the FGV DAPP’s study from August 20171. The study which showed the presence of “bots” acting in favor of the main political fields on Twitter during elections that year. -
BRAZIL NEWS BRIEFS July 2011
4 BRAZIL NEWS BRIEFS July 2011 POLITICS Marina Silva leaves the Green Party Transport minister resigns Photo: Jose Cruz/Agencia Brasil Photo: Renato Araujo/Agencia Brasil Photo: Macello Casal Jr/Agencia Brasil Former Senator Marina Silva The ground continues shifting for oppo- sition parties. Former Senator Marina Transport Minister Alfredo Nascimento (left) steps down, and new minister Paulo Sergio Silva, who last year gave an impressive Passos (right) takes over the task of overhauling transport infrastructure. performance as a presidential candidate (20% of the votes), has left the Green Party. Brazil’s transport minister has resigned daunting task of overhauling Brazil’s Although she avoided harsh criticism of over a corruption scandal. Alfredo Nas- transport infrastructure to support the party, she left because, among other cimento stepped down over allegations Brazil’s economic growth and prepare reasons, she failed to convince José Luiz that staff at his ministry were skimming the country for the 2014 World Cup. Penna, party president for 12 years, to call off money from federal infrastructure Nascimento was the second senior offi- a convention to choose a new direction. contracts. So far 20 staff members have cial to resign since Rousseff took office Silva said, “We can achieve the democracy left the ministry. President Rousseff in January. Her chief of staff, Antonio we want if we are willing to continue the named Paulo Sergio Passos as Nasci- Palocci, left on June 6 amid charges of walk, which is why I and many others are mento’s replacement. Passos has the corruption. (July 12) leaving.” (July 8) NATIONAL SECURITY FOREIGN POLICY Brazil and Colombia work Brazil and Argentina celebrate Brazil and U.S. -
Dados Biográficos Da Ministra Marina Silva
Dados biográficos da Ministra Marina Silva Eleita pela primeira vez para o Senado em 1994, Marina Silva (PT do Acre) foi naquela ocasião, aos 36 anos, a senadora mais jovem da história da República, tendo sido a mais votada entre os candidatos de seu estado. Em 2002 foi reeleita com uma votação quase três vezes superior à anterior. Foi designada Ministra de Estado do Meio Ambiente pelo Presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e tomou posse em 1º de janeiro de 2003. Marina nasceu em 8 de fevereiro de 1958, na colocação (espaço explorado por uma família dentro do território do seringal) Breu Velho, no Seringal Bagaço, a 70 quilômetros de Rio Branco, capital do estado, para onde foi aos 16 anos. Seu primeiro emprego foi de empregada doméstica. Nessa época, alfabetizou-se pelo antigo Mobral, fez supletivo e, aos 26 anos, formou-se em História pela Universidade Federal do Acre. No mesmo ano – 1985 – filiou-se ao PT. Participou das Comunidades Eclesiais de Base, de movimentos de bairro e do movimento dos seringueiros. Em 1984 foi fundadora da CUT no Acre. Chico Mendes foi o primeiro coordenador da entidade e Marina, a vice-coordenadora. Nas eleições municipais de 88 foi a vereadora mais votada em Rio Branco e conquistou a única vaga de esquerda na Câmara Municipal. Em 1990 candidatou-se a deputada estadual, sendo novamente a mais votada. Uma pesquisa da Universidade Federal do Acre mostra que Marina teve a melhor atuação parlamentar naquela legislatura. No Senado Federal, é vice-presidente da Comissão de Assuntos Sociais e membro titular da Comissão de Educação. -
A Morte De Eduardo Campos E a Narrativa Do Espetáculo Político Midiático: Do Jornalismo À Propaganda Eleitoral
A morte de Eduardo Campos e a narrativa do espetáculo político midiático: do jornalismo à propaganda eleitoral Carla Montuori Fernandes Genira Chagas Introdução o Brasil, a corrida presidencial de 2014 ensejou novos rumos dois meses antes do primeiro turno eleitoral, realizado em 05 de outubro do mes- Nmo ano. Desde a oficialização das candidaturas, o cenário da campanha veiculado por órgãos de pesquisa, como o Instituto Brasileiro de Opinião Pública e Estatística (IBOPE), e Datafolha, entre outros, mostrava uma polarização em torno da então presidente e candidata à reeleição Dilma Rousseff, do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), e do candidato Aécio Neves, do Partido da Social Democra- cia Brasileira (PSDB). No início da campanha, a candidata do PT aparecia nas pesquisas com aproximadamente 36% das intenções de voto, seguida de 20% do segundo colocado, o candidato Aécio Neves. O candidato Eduardo Campos, do Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB), estava na terceira colocação e oscilava entre 6% e 8% na preferência do eleitorado1. Em quase todos os cenários previstos pelos institutos, Dilma Rousseff (PT) se reelegeria no segundo turno2. A morte precoce de Eduardo Campos (PSB), no dia 13 de agosto, em um acidente aéreo, quando seguia para um compromisso de campanha em Guarujá (SP), mobilizou diversos setores da mídia jornalística, em uma cobertura que se transformou em espetáculo político-midiático. Para Weber (2011), a transformação de um acontecimento público em espetáculo político-midiático está associada ao potencial do evento em mobilizar instituições políticas, a sociedade e, por isso, atrair a atenção da imprensa. Importante ressaltar que, após a morte de Eduardo Campos, a mídia cons- truiu uma agenda de comoção, capaz de mobilizar diferentes setores da sociedade. -
Campaign Strategy for Brazilian 2014 Presidential Elections- Campos/Silva Ticket
21A.506 MITTask Student5- final campaign strategy Campaign Strategy for Brazilian 2014 Presidential elections- Campos/Silva ticket My campaign strategy is for Eduardo Campos, who will be running for president in the Brazilian elections this October. The candidate is part of the Brazilian Socialist Party, not to be confused with the Brazilian Social Democracy party, and has recently announced his vice-presidential nomination for the famous politician and environmentalist, Marina Silva. Marina Silva gives an otherwise unlikely winner a fighting chance to upset the two parties that have been dominating Brazilian politics for the past two decades. I will review the recent political landscape in Brazil and why Brazilians will be looking for a change in the recent political dynamic through voting on the Campos/Silva ticket. I will then outline the target population who my campaign for Campos/Silva will be targeting, why this is the most effective group to target and the strategy that will be used to reach and effect the votes of the most people possible. To understand current Brazilian politics, we must first look at the political trends that have followed the reinstatement of Democracy in Brazil in the 80’s after the end of 20 years of military dictatorship. In the early ‘80s, the military government, noticing increasing tension in the citizens for greater freedom, began a slow and controlled process of democratization. In 1989, Fernando Collor was the first to be elected president under the new Constitution. After a corruption scandal, his vice president, a member of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, took over. -
Brazil: Disputing Narratives in Unpredictable Elections
: SPECIAL REPORT Brazil: Disputing Narratives in Unpredictable Elections São Paulo, September 2018 Barcelona • Bogota • Buenos Aires • Havana • Lima • Lisbon • Madrid • Mexico City • Miami • New York City • Panama City • Quito • Rio de Janeiro • Sao Paulo Santiago • Santo Domingo • Washington, DC BRAZIL: DISPUTING NARRATIVES IN UNPREDICTABLE ELECTIONS INTRODUCTION BRAZIL: DISPUTING NARRATIVES IN UNPREDICTABLE 1. THE LOVE/HATE ELECTIONS DICHOTOMY SURROUNDING LULAISMOPOSICIÓN AL A television host, a former minister of Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court, various GOBIERNO TEMER entrepreneurs with different ideologies…. 2. OPPOSITION TO THE TEMER ADMINISTRATIONCANDIDATOS PRINCIPALES There had been much speculation regarding the “outsider” candidates of Brazil’s traditional political arena who would make the upcoming presidential election the OTHER CANDIDATES most unpredictable since 1989. However, the final list of candidates triggered a “reality ELECTORAL CALENDAR check” moment; Brazilian voters were very much familiar with all those who have a AUTHORS chance of winning. In Brazil’s presidential elections, slated for October, voters have witnessed many discussions regarding legal uncertainties surrounding the candidacy of former President Lula, currently in jail and who has since announced he will not run and endorsed Haddad; political uncertainties arising from the controversial and conservative rightist candidacy of former military officer Jair Bolsonaro; and the lack of candidacy renewals of known politicians who have vied for the presidency in the past, among other topics. Five candidates are deemed top contenders, considering poll data accrued since early 2017 and the party structures supporting them during the campaign: • Jair Bolsonaro (Social Liberal Party), former military officer, currently in his seventh term as federal deputy for Rio de Janeiro. -
Voto De Pesar E Minuto De Silêncio Por Eduardo Campos RINALDO MARQUES Reunião Plenária Da Manhã De Ontem Foi Dedicada À Memória Do Ex-Governador
Diário Oficial Estado de Pernambuco Ano XCI l NO 135 Poder Legislativo Recife, terça-feira, 19 de agosto de 2014 Voto de Pesar e minuto de silêncio por Eduardo Campos RINALDO MARQUES Reunião Plenária da manhã de ontem foi dedicada à memória do ex-governador sentimento de luto Durante o Pequeno Expe- pela morte de Eduar- diente, os deputados Manoel Odo Campos marcou Santos e Odacy Amorim, am- a Reunião Plenária da ma- bos do PT, também lamenta- nhã de ontem, na Casa Joa- ram a morte do ex-governa- quim Nabuco, um dia após o dor Eduardo Campos, que foi sepultamento do ex-gover- deputado estadual entre 1991 nador e candidato à Presi- e 1995. Para Manoel Santos, dência da República pelo o sentimento de pesar atingiu, PSB. O ato foi aberto com além dos políticos, todo o um minuto de silêncio pelo povo pernambucano. “Inde- falecimento do político e pendentemente dos projetos sua equipe, em um acidente políticos divergentes, a perda aéreo ocorrido na última da vida está acima de qual- quarta-feira (13), em Santos quer coisa”, frisou. De acordo (SP). com o parlamentar, aos que O presidente da Assem- ficam, resta manter o senti- bleia Legislativa, deputado mento de solidariedade e res- Guilherme Uchoa (PDT), peito à dor dos familiares. apresentou um Voto de Pe- Já Odacy Amorim lem- sar pela morte do ex-gover- brou que a Assembleia passa nador pernambucano de 49 por um momento muito anos. Na visão de Uchoa, triste da sua história. Para o Eduardo era agraciado e deputado, Eduardo Campos respeitado por políticos dos representava uma expectati- mais variados partidos, e o va de poder e tinha alta apro- trabalho que desenvolvia vação popular, mas seu pro- DESPEDIDA - Acompanhado por milhares de pessoas, cortejo fúnebre passou diante da Assembleia Legislativa beneficiou o povo pernam- jeto foi interrompido. -
Brazilian Election Prognosis Upended As Plane Crash Kills Presidential Candidate Eduardo Campos and Boosts Marina Silva Gregory Scruggs
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 9-5-2014 Brazilian Election Prognosis Upended as Plane Crash Kills Presidential Candidate Eduardo Campos and Boosts Marina Silva Gregory Scruggs Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation Scruggs, Gregory. "Brazilian Election Prognosis Upended as Plane Crash Kills Presidential Candidate Eduardo Campos and Boosts Marina Silva." (2014). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/14270 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 79416 ISSN: 1060-4189 Brazilian Election Prognosis Upended as Plane Crash Kills Presidential Candidate Eduardo Campos and Boosts Marina Silva by Gregory Scruggs Category/Department: Brazil Published: 2014-09-05 An airplane carrying Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB) candidate Eduardo Campos crashed in Santos, São Paulo, on Aug. 13. The plane went down in bad weather although the exact cause remains undetermined. However, there is at present no suspicion of foul play. Campos was on his way to a campaign stop along with three political advisers, a photographer, and two pilots. All seven aboard were killed. In the aftermath of the tragedy, the PSB agreed to nominate Campos’ running mate, Marina Silva, as his replacement on the ballot. Silva previously ran for president in 2010 and came in third. She had intended to run again in 2014, but her political party was not successfully registered with the Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) in time for this year’s October general elections.