Individually Free Yet Collectively Limited?
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Roma of Romania
Center for Documentation and Information on Minorities in Europe - Southeast Europe (CEDIME-SE) MINORITIES IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE Roma of Romania Acknowledgements This report was prepared in cooperation with the Ethnocultural Diversity Resource Center (EDRC). It was researched and written by Cathy O’Grady and Daniela Tarnovschi, and updated by Tibor Szasz, Researchers of CEDIME-SE and EDRC. It was edited by Panayote Dimitras, Director of CEDIME-SE; Nafsika Papanikolatos, Coordinator of CEDIME-SE; and Caroline Law and Ioana Bianca Rusu, English Language Editors of CEDIME-SE and EDRC. CEDIME-SE and EDRC would like to express their deep appreciation to the external reviewers of this report, Gabriel Andreescu, program director of “National Minorities and Religious Freedom,” member of Romanian Helsinki Committee, Istvan Haller, program coordinator of Liga ProEuropa, Florin Moisa, Executive President of the Resource Center for Roma Communities, and Julius Rostaş governmental expert at the Department for Protection of National Minorities -National Office for Roma. CEDIME-SE and EDRC would also like to thank all persons who generously provided information and/or documents, and/or gave interviews to their researchers. The responsibility for the report’s content, though, lies only with CEDIME-SE. We welcome all comments sent to: [email protected]. 1 MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS Updated: November 2001 State Romania Name (in English, in the dominant language and, if different, in the minority language) Roma (English), Ţigani, or sometimes Romi (Romanian), Rom (the language of the minority). Is there any form of recognition of the minority? Yes. The government Department for the Protection of National Minorities has a National Office for Roma. -
The Political Integration of the Roma In
The Political Integration of the Roma in Multicultural Societies The Cases of Macedonia and Serbia By Marina Vasić Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Lea Sgier CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 ABSTRACT Roma, as the largest and most disadvantaged European minority, are one of the hardest cases of social and political integration. The work of scholars on ‘multicultural citizenship’ provides a possible framework for integrating disadvantaged groups within the wider society. It explains three components: a proper categorization- status of national minorities, active participation from the groups and the input from the international community (pressure on national governments to implement certain affirmative action). This work takes into consideration two former Yugoslav republics (Macedonia and Serbia) that show different results in political integration of Roma. Macedonia, as an ethnically unstable country, serves as an exemplar case where the Roma are substantially integrated in society. The minority has a developed civil sector, with numerous non-governmental organizations. Romani political parties actively participate in the elections from the time when Macedonia was recognized as an independent country. In contrast, Serbia (as a less ethnically unstable country) shows less successful results in dealing with cultural diversity. Even though the group has obtained the status of national minority, the effects of this provision did not contribute to political integration. Roma prove to have their political parties and organizations but somehow the outcomes of parliamentary elections do not go in favor of political integration of the minority. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Serbia Date of Election: May 6, 2012 (Parliamentary and first round presidential); May 20, 2012 - second round presidential Prepared by: Bojan Todosijević Date of Preparation: 05. 08. 2013. NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: ° The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. ° Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. ° Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] ° If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ X] Upper House [ ] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Democratic Party (Demokratska stranka, DS) 2b. -
LD5655.V855 1989.K434.Pdf
Power in Stalinist states: The Personality cult of Nicolae Ceausescu by John Oliver Kinder Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science APPROVED: Timothy W. Luke Lynette G. Rummel Ronald G. Shaiko April 26, 1989 Blacksburg, Virginia Power in Stalinist states: The Personality cult of Nicolae Ceausescu by John Oliver Kinder Timothy W. Luke Political Science (ABSTRACT) This study examines the Socialist Republic of Romania as a Stalinist state which employs a personality cult. The leader of a state is the focus of a personality cult, but he does not enjoy the status it gives without consent from elsewhere within the government. In order to determine where this power comes from, three possible sources are discussed. These are: Nicolae Ceausescu, president of Romania; the state bureaucracy; and the people. The Soviet Union, during the time of Stalin, is used as a comparative element. When Nicolae Ceausescu came to power he did so with the consent of the elite. As the Romanian elite are less inclined to support his policies, Ceausescu has had to continually take steps to stay ahead of the opposition. The Romanian people also lent their support to Ceausescu earlier, and have since become discontented with the regime. This study concludes that a leader with a personality cult must have some form of consent to come into power, but his personal characteristics will determine how he leads and whether or not he will be able to remain in power if that consent is withdrawn. -
Romania, Dobruja, Crimean Tatars and People Around Them
Iulian Boldea (Editor) – Literature, Discourses and the Power of Multicultural Dialogue Arhipelag XXI Press, Tîrgu Mureș, 2017, eISBN: 978-606-8624-12-9 ROMANIA, DOBRUJA, CRIMEAN TATARS AND PEOPLE AROUND THEM Ismail Nilghiun Lecturer, PhD, Giresun University, Turkey Abstract:This paper attempts to highlight some aspects of social and cultural history of the Crimean Tatar ethnic minority in Romania, as part of the western hinderland of the Balck Sea, the south- eastern corner of Europe. This research is based on both quantitative and qualitative analysis for which I used some documents which are part of the heritage of the Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Minister‟s Office), issues faced by the refugees during thier refuge from the Crimean peninsula to the Ottoman lands, challenges following thier settlement in the newly created state Romaia, the assimilation process influenced by the nationalist discourse of the Romanian political elites reflected on newpapers of time owned by Constanta County Library „Ioan Roman”. The body of the paper highlights some aspects of historical evolution of the Crimean Tatars living in today‟s Dobruja, Romania and provides detailes about their religion affiliation and demographic evolution based on Romanian official data. The conclusion lines of this paper shows my own views on cultural bridges build up by the Crimean Tatars ethnic minority of Dobruja and emphasizes minority‟s strugle to protect its cultural identiy. Keywords:Crimea, Dobruja, Crimean Tatars, historical memory, the challenge of diversity. 1.Introduction 1.1. Argument and methods related to this research It is a great pleasure for me to write this study dedicated to the Crimean Tatars of Dobruja, their origins, homeland and history, as I am a native Crimean Tatar borne in Dobruja, Romania. -
Roma Participation in Elections in South-Eastern Europe 2003 – 2005
Contact Point for Roma and Sinti Issues Briefing Paper Joint European Commission and OSCE ODIHR Programme: “Roma use you ballot wisely!” Country Profiles: Roma Participation in Elections in South-Eastern Europe 2003 – 2005 Warsaw, December 2006 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................... 3 COUNTRY PROFILES ............................................................................................................. 5 Albania ............................................................................................................................... 5 Bosnia and Herzegovina..................................................................................................... 8 Bulgaria ............................................................................................................................ 11 Croatia .............................................................................................................................. 16 Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia ....................................................................... 19 Moldova ........................................................................................................................... 23 Romania ........................................................................................................................... 26 Serbia and Montenegro ................................................................................................... -
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A Page 1 • Boris Tadić Choice for a Better Life • Tomislav Nikolić Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) • Ivica Dačić SPS, PUPS, JS • Vojislav Koštunica Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) • Zoran Stanković United Regions of Serbia (URS) • Čedomir Jovanović LDP, SPO, SDU... • Jadranka Šešelj Serbian Radical Party (SRS) • Vladan Glišić "Dveri" • Istvan Pasztor SVM • Zoran Dragišić Pokret radnika i seljaka • Muamer Zukorlić Citizen's group • Danica Grujičić Social Democratic Alliance Page 2 • Choice for a Better Life - Boris Tadić • Let’s Get Serbia Moving - Tomislav Nikolić • Ivica Dačić - Socialist Party of Serbia - PUPS-US • Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) - Vojislav Koštunica • Turnover - Čedomir Jovanović • United Regions of Serbia - Mlađan Dinkić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Dveri for the Life of Serbia • Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians - István Pásztor • Movement of Workers and Peasants • Communist party - Josip Broz • Party of Democratic Action of Sanjak - Sulejman Ugljani • All Together - BDU, CAH, DUC, DFVH, Slovak - Emir Elfić • "None of the offered answers" • Social Democratic alliance - Nebojša Leković • Albanians Coalition from Preševo Valley (KAPD) • Reformist party - Milan Višnjić • Montenegrin party - Nenad Stevović Page 3 • For a European Serbia - Boris Tadić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Democratic Party of Serbia - New Serbia - Vojislav Koštunica • Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) - PUPS - US • Liberal Democratic Party - Čedomir Jovanović • Hungarian -
The National Councils of National Minorities in Serbia
The national councils of national minorities in Serbia Katinka Beretka* and István Gergő Székely** January 2016 Recommended citation: Beretka Katinka and Székely István Gergő, “The national councils of national minorities in the Republic of Serbia”, Online Compendium Autonomy Arrangements in the World, January 2016, at www.world-autonomies.info. © 2016 Autonomy Arrangements in the World Content 1. Essential Facts and Figures 2. Autonomy in the Context of the State Structure 3. Establishment and Implementation of Autonomy 4. Legal Basis of Autonomy 5. Autonomous Institutions 6. Autonomous Powers 7. Financial Arrangements 8. Intergovernmental Relations 9. Inter-group Relations within the Autonomous Entity (not applicable) 10. Membership, “Quasi-citizenship” and Special Rights 11. General Assessment and Outlook Bibliography 2016 © Autonomy Arrangements in the World Project 1. Essential Facts and Figures 1 Serbia is located in the center of the Balkans, being an everyday subject of world news from the beginning of the 1990s, often due to ethnicity-related issues, ranging from civil war and secession to autonomy arrangements meant to accommodate ethnocultural diversity. Although according to the 2011 census almost 20% of the total population of the state (without Kosovo) belong to a minority group (see Table 1), in Serbia there are no officially recognized or unrecognized minorities. There is neither an exact enumeration of minority groups, nor clear principles to be followed about how a minority should be recognized. While the absence of precise regulations may be regarded as problematic, the approach of Serbia to the minority question can also be interpreted as being rather liberal, which may have resulted from the intention to protect ethnic Serb refugees who have become minorities abroad, including in the former Yugoslav member states. -
2.5.Roman**.Q ¥
241 FROM THE UNITARY TO THE PLURALISTIC: FINE-TUNING MINORITY POLICY IN ROMANIA István Horváth and Alexandra Scacco Contents Abstract . 243 1. Introduction . 243 1.1. Demographic characteristics. 244 Table 1. Ethnic Structure of Romania’s Population Censuses of 1930, 1956, 1966, 1977 and 1992 . 245 Table 2. Ethnic Structure of Romania’s Population Censuses of 1930, 1956, 1977 and 1992 (in per cent). 246 Table 3. Ethnic and Religious Structure of Romania’s Population Census from1992 (Percentages) . 247 Table 4. Ethnic Structure of Romania’s Population by Districts. (Percentages) . 248 Figure 1. The Historical Regions of Romania. 249 1.2. Historical background . 249 Table 5. Romania’s Population According to Mother Tongue . 250 1.3. Political mobilisation of minority groups . 252 2. The Legal Framework for the Protection of National Minorities . 253 2.1. Constitutional provisions . 253 Table 6. Romanian Constitutional Provisions Relevant to Minorities . 254 2.2.Draft laws on minorities . 255 2.3. International legislation . 257 Table 7. International Documents (Multi-lateral and Bilateral Treaties) Signed by Romania . 257 3.The Institutional Framework of Minority Protection . 258 3.1. Representation in the legislature. 258 3.2. The Council for National Minorities. 259 3.3. The Department for the Protection of National Minorities . 260 3.4. Specific issues . 261 242 4. Local Public Administration in Romania . 262 4.1. Minority language use in local public administration . 264 5. Minority-language Education . 266 5.1. Special educational measures for the Roma population . 268 6. Conclusion . 269 7. Recommendations . 270 Further Reading. 271 Bibliography . 374 \ 243 FROM THE UNITARY TO THE PLURALISTIC: FINE-TUNING MINORITY POLICY IN ROMANIA István Horváth and Alexandra Scacco Abstract This chapter constructs a typology of the principal minority groups in Romania, incor- porating three types—the Hungarian minority, the Roma minority and the ‘smaller’ minor- ity groups (comprised of fewer than 100,000 members). -
The Tension Between Self-Reliance
Looking to Themselves: The Tension between Self-Reliance, Regionalism, and Support of Greater Romania within the Saxon Community in Transylvania 1918-1935 By Rachel Renz Mattair Submitted to Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Balázs Trencsényi Second reader: Viktor Karády CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2012 Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the author. CEU eTD Collection Abstract This thesis traces the changes in self-preservation policies of the Transylvanian Saxons from 1918 to 1935 as they transitioned from being a semi-autonomous group to an ethnic minority in the newly established Romanian state following the First World War. It examines the domestic and international alliances of both conservative Saxon elites and social dissidents on the basis of interwar cultural journals and press material. Particular emphasis is placed on the tension between rising National Socialist rhetoric from the German Reich and Transylvanian regionalism in these publications. Unlike many existing studies on this topic, the work offers a balanced approach between internal and external Saxon relations, and distinguishes between Saxon elite narratives and average outlooks. The various movements traced lead to the question of whether historians can even speak of a cohesive Saxon identity during the interwar period, or merely of fragmentation among community members. -
Post-Communist Romania
Political Science • Eastern Europe Carey Edited by Henry F. Carey Foreword by Norman Manea “Henry Carey’s collection captures with great precision the complex, contradic- tory reality of contemporary Romania. Bringing together Romanian, West European, and American authors from fields as diverse as anthropology, politi- Romania cal science, economics, law, print and broadcast journalism, social work, and lit- ROMANIA SINCE 1989 erature, the volume covers vast ground, but with striking detail and scholarship and a common core approach. Romania since 1989 provides perhaps the most comprehensive view of the continuing, murky, contested reality that is Romania today and is a must read for any scholar of modern Romania, of East-Central Europe, and of the uncertain, troubled, post-socialist era.” since 1989 —David A. Kideckel, Central Connecticut State University Sorin Antohi “The wealth of detail and quality of insights will make this an excellent source- Wally Bacon book for students of political change after the Cold War. It should be taken seri- Gabriel Ba˘ descu ously by policy practitioners increasingly involved with Romania’s problems.” Zoltan Barany —Tom Gallagher, Professor of Peace Studies, Bradford University, U.K. Politics, Jóhanna Kristín Birnir Larry S. Bush Those who study Romania must confront the theoretical challenges posed by a Economics, Pavel Câmpeanu country that is undergoing a profound transformation from a repressive totali- Henry F. Carey tarian regime to a hazy and as yet unrealized democratic government. The most and Society Daniel Da˘ ianu comprehensive survey of Romanian politics and society ever published abroad, Dennis Deletant this volume represents an effort to collect and analyze data on the complex prob- Christopher Eisterhold lems of Romania’s past and its transition into an uncertain future. -
English Version of This Statement Is the Only Official Document
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Republic of Serbia — Early Parliamentary Elections, 24 April 2016 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Belgrade, 25 April 2016 – This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is the result of a common endeavour involving the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Volodymyr Ariev (Ukraine) headed the PACE delegation. Ambassador Geert-Hinrich Ahrens is the Head of the OSCE/ODIHR Limited Election Observation Mission (LEOM), deployed from 18 March 2016. The assessment was made to determine whether the elections complied with OSCE commitments and Council of Europe standards for democratic elections, as well as Serbia’s international obligations and domestic legislation. Both institutions involved in this IEOM have endorsed the 2005 Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation. This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the electoral process. The final assessment of the elections will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the electoral process, including the count, the tabulation and announcement of results, and the handling of possible post- election day complaints or appeals. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the electoral process. The PACE delegation will present its report at the meeting of the Standing Committee in Tallinn on 27 May 2016. PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 24 April 2016 early parliamentary elections offered voters a variety of choices. The election administration performed its duties efficiently and generally enjoyed the trust of the electoral stakeholders.