Porphyry's Rhetoric: Text and Translation
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Read Book Five Texts on the Mediaeval Problem of Universals
FIVE TEXTS ON THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM OF UNIVERSALS : PORPHYRY, BOETHIUS, ABELARD, DUNS SCOTUS, OCKHAM PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Paul V. Spade | 320 pages | 15 Mar 1994 | Hackett Publishing Co, Inc | 9780872202498 | English | Cambridge, MA, United States Five Texts on the Mediaeval Problem of Universals : Porphyry, Boethius, Abelard, Duns Scotus, Ockham PDF Book Seller Inventory APC Henry Desmond Paul. Without a doubt, it is the captivating simplicity of this picture, especially as compared with the complexity of the via antiqua picture, that was the major appeal of the Ockhamist approach. Although Abelard — under pressure to conform to an orthodoxy which, as it turned out, he was in any case accused of infringing — might accept a certain element of inexplicable mystery in the doctrine of divine triunity, he elaborated in the different versions of his Theologia a complex theory of sameness and difference, which seems to have been designed to explain in terms of logic how something can be three and yet one. Create a Want Tell us what you're looking for and once a match is found, we'll inform you by e-mail. Scotus was a great champion of St. An Explorative Study. Indeed, it is precisely this possibility that allows me to form the universal mental representation, that is, the universal concept of all particular triangles, regardless of whether they are isosceles or scalene. Hissette, R. Aben Ezra. Abelard would not hesitate, therefore, to say that, for example, it is and was always wrong for a mentally normal adult to commit adultery unless, in some way, he is unaware that it is in this case adultery because he could not fail to know that adultery is divinely forbidden and that, therefore, it shows contempt to God to perform it. -
Proclus on the Elements and the Celestial Bodies
PROCLUS ON THE ELEMENTS AND THE CELESTIAL BODIES PHYSICAL TH UGHT IN LATE NEOPLAT NISM Lucas Siorvanes A Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History and Philosophy of Science, Science Faculty, University College London. Deuember 1986 - 2 - ABSTRACT Until recently, the period of Late Antiquity had been largely regarded as a sterile age of irrationality and of decline in science. This pioneering work, supported by first-hand study of primary sources, argues that this opinion is profoundly mistaken. It focuses in particular on Proclus, the head of the Platonic School at Athens in the 5th c. AD, and the chief spokesman for the ideas of the dominant school of thought of that time, Neoplatonism. Part I, divided into two Sections, is an introductory guide to Proclus' philosophical and cosmological system, its general principles and its graded ordering of the states of existence. Part II concentrates on his physical theories on the Elements and the celestial bodies, in Sections A and B respectively, with chapters (or sub-sections) on topics including the structure, properties and motion of the Elements; light; space and matter; the composition and motion of the celestial bodies; and the order of planets. The picture that emerges from the study is that much of the Aristotelian physics, so prevalent in Classical Antiquity, was rejected. The concepts which were developed instead included the geometrization of matter, the four-Element composition of the universe, that of self-generated, free motion in space for the heavenly bodies, and that of immanent force or power. -
Plato As "Architectof Science"
Plato as "Architectof Science" LEONID ZHMUD ABSTRACT The figureof the cordialhost of the Academy,who invitedthe mostgifted math- ematiciansand cultivatedpure research, whose keen intellectwas able if not to solve the particularproblem then at least to show the methodfor its solution: this figureis quite familiarto studentsof Greekscience. But was the Academy as such a centerof scientificresearch, and did Plato really set for mathemati- cians and astronomersthe problemsthey shouldstudy and methodsthey should use? Oursources tell aboutPlato's friendship or at leastacquaintance with many brilliantmathematicians of his day (Theodorus,Archytas, Theaetetus), but they were neverhis pupils,rather vice versa- he learnedmuch from them and actively used this knowledgein developinghis philosophy.There is no reliableevidence that Eudoxus,Menaechmus, Dinostratus, Theudius, and others, whom many scholarsunite into the groupof so-called"Academic mathematicians," ever were his pupilsor close associates.Our analysis of therelevant passages (Eratosthenes' Platonicus, Sosigenes ap. Simplicius, Proclus' Catalogue of geometers, and Philodemus'History of the Academy,etc.) shows thatthe very tendencyof por- trayingPlato as the architectof sciencegoes back to the earlyAcademy and is bornout of interpretationsof his dialogues. I Plato's relationship to the exact sciences used to be one of the traditional problems in the history of ancient Greek science and philosophy.' From the nineteenth century on it was examined in various aspects, the most significant of which were the historical, philosophical and methodological. In the last century and at the beginning of this century attention was paid peredominantly, although not exclusively, to the first of these aspects, especially to the questions how great Plato's contribution to specific math- ematical research really was, and how reliable our sources are in ascrib- ing to him particular scientific discoveries. -
Alexander Jones Calendrica I: New Callippic Dates
ALEXANDER JONES CALENDRICA I: NEW CALLIPPIC DATES aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 129 (2000) 141–158 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 141 CALENDRICA I: NEW CALLIPPIC DATES 1. Introduction. Callippic dates are familiar to students of Greek chronology, even though up to the present they have been known to occur only in a single source, Ptolemy’s Almagest (c. A.D. 150).1 Ptolemy’s Callippic dates appear in the context of discussions of astronomical observations ranging from the early third century B.C. to the third quarter of the second century B.C. In the present article I will present new attestations of Callippic dates which extend the period of the known use of this system by almost two centuries, into the middle of the first century A.D. I also take the opportunity to attempt a fresh examination of what we can deduce about the Callippic calendar and its history, a topic that has lately been the subject of quite divergent treatments. The distinguishing mark of a Callippic date is the specification of the year by a numbered “period according to Callippus” and a year number within that period. Each Callippic period comprised 76 years, and year 1 of Callippic Period 1 began about midsummer of 330 B.C. It is an obvious, and very reasonable, supposition that this convention for counting years was instituted by Callippus, the fourth- century astronomer whose revisions of Eudoxus’ planetary theory are mentioned by Aristotle in Metaphysics Λ 1073b32–38, and who also is prominent among the authorities cited in astronomical weather calendars (parapegmata).2 The point of the cycles is that 76 years contain exactly four so-called Metonic cycles of 19 years. -
94 Erkka Maula
ORGANON 15 PROBLÊMES GENERAUX Erkka Maula (Finland) FROM TIME TO PLACE: THE PARADIGM CASE The world-order in philosophical cosmology can be founded upon time as well as .space. Perhaps the most fundamental question pertaining to any articulated world- view concerns, accordingly, their ontological and epistemological priority. Is the basic layer of notions characterized by temporal or by spatial concepts? Does a world-view in its development show tendencies toward the predominance of one set of concepts rather than the other? At the stage of its relative maturity, when the qualitative and comparative phases have paved the way for the formation of quantitative concepts: Which are considered more fundamental, measurements of time or measurements of space? In the comparative phase: Is the geometry of the world a geometry of motion or a geometry of timeless order? In the history of our own scientific world-view, there seems to be discernible an oscillation between time-oriented and space-oriented concept formation.1 In the dawn, when the first mathematical systems of astronomy and geography appear, shortly before Euclid's synthesis of the axiomatic thought, there were attempts at a geometry of motion. They are due to Archytas of Tarentum and Eudoxus of Cnidus, foreshadowed by Hippias of Elis and the Pythagoreans, who tend to intro- duce temporal concepts into geometry. Their most eloquent adversary is Plato, and after him the two alternative streams are often called the Heraclitean and the Parmenidean world-views. But also such later and far more articulated distinctions as those between the statical and dynamic cosmologies, or between the formalist and intuitionist philosophies of mathematics, can be traced down to the original Greek dichotomy, although additional concepts entangle the picture. -
Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece
Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Ancient Greek Philosophy but didn’t Know Who to Ask Edited by Patricia F. O’Grady MEET THE PHILOSOPHERS OF ANCIENT GREECE Dedicated to the memory of Panagiotis, a humble man, who found pleasure when reading about the philosophers of Ancient Greece Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece Everything you always wanted to know about Ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask Edited by PATRICIA F. O’GRADY Flinders University of South Australia © Patricia F. O’Grady 2005 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Patricia F. O’Grady has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identi.ed as the editor of this work. Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East Suite 420 Union Road 101 Cherry Street Farnham Burlington Surrey, GU9 7PT VT 05401-4405 England USA Ashgate website: http://www.ashgate.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Meet the philosophers of ancient Greece: everything you always wanted to know about ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask 1. Philosophy, Ancient 2. Philosophers – Greece 3. Greece – Intellectual life – To 146 B.C. I. O’Grady, Patricia F. 180 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Meet the philosophers of ancient Greece: everything you always wanted to know about ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask / Patricia F. -
Simplicius and Avicenna on the Nature of Body
Simplicius and Avicenna on the Nature of Body Abraham D. Stone August 18, 1999 1 Introduction Ibn S¯ına, known to the Latin West as Avicenna, was a medieval Aristotelian— one of the greatest of all medieval Aristotelians. He lived in Persia from 980 to 1037, and wrote mostly in Arabic. Simplicius of Cilicia was a sixth cen- tury Neoplatonist; he is known mostly for his commentaries on Aristotle. Both of these men were, broadly speaking, part of the same philosophical tradition: the tradition of Neoplatonic or Neoplatonizing Aristotelianism. There is probably no direct historical connection between them, however, and anyway I will not try to demonstrate one. In this paper I will examine their closely related, but ultimately quite different, accounts of corporeity— of what it is to be a body—and in particular of the essential relationship between corporeity and materiality.1 The problem that both Simplicius and Avicenna face in this respect is as follows. There is a certain genus of substances which forms the subject matter of the science of physics. I will refer to the members of this genus as the physical substances. On the one hand, all and only these physical substances 1A longer and more technical version of this paper will appear, under the title “Simpli- cius and Avicenna on the Essential Corporeity of Material Substance,” in R. Wisnovsky, ed., Aspects of Avicenna (= Princeton Papers: Interdisciplinary Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 9, no. 2) (Princeton: Markus Wiener, 2000). I want to emphasize at the outset that this paper is about Simplicius and Avicenna, not Aristotle. -
Philosophy in Ancient Greek Biography. Turnhout: Brepols, 2016
Revista Classica, v. 30, n. 2, p. 137-142, 2017 137 BONAZZI, Mauro; SCHORN, Stefan. Bios Philosophos: Philosophy in Ancient Greek Biography. Turnhout: Brepols, 2016. 313p. ISBN 978-2-503-56546-0 Gustavo Laet Gomes* * Mestre em Filosofia Bernardo C. D. A. Vasconcelos** pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. guslaet@ gmail.com Bios Philosophos. Philosophy in Ancient Greek Biography (Brepols, 2016), organized by Mauro Bonazzi and Stefan Schorn, delivers a ** Mestre em Filosofia pela both deep and wide tour through the philosophical aspects of Greek Universidade Federal biographical production. On one hand, it does not concentrate only in de Minas Gerais. the later periods of Greek philosophy, when biographical production bernardovasconcelos abounded, but goes all the way back to the fourth century BCE, when @gmail.com biographical texts were fragmentary and mingled with other styles. On the other, it tries to unveil the philosophical motives in the works of authors who tend to be disregarded as historians, biographers, hagiographers or even as mere fans of the most prominent figures of their own schools. In our review, we will attempt to give a brief account of the ten articles that make up this volume, which, in turn, will hopefully provide an overview of the different connections between the biographies and biographers and their philosophical motives. Thomas Bénatouïl’s Pythagore chez Dicéarque: anectodes biographiques et critique de la philosophie contemplative (p. 11-36) proposes an inversion of the traditional interpretation regarding the testimony of Dicaearchus of Messana about the life of Pythagoras. Since antiquity, Dicaearchus’ reports tend to be seen as positive, because they present a Pythagoras devoid of mysticism and apparently more interested in practical matters. -
A Reading of Porphyry's on Abstinence From
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Justice Purity Piety: A Reading of Porphyry’s On Abstinence from Ensouled Beings A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Classics by Alexander Press 2020 © Copyright by Alexander Press 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Justice Purity Piety: A Reading of Porphyry’s On Abstinence from Ensouled Beings by Alexander Press Doctor of Philosophy in Classics University of California, Los Angeles, 2020 Professor David Blank, Chair Abstract: Presenting a range of arguments against meat-eating, many strikingly familiar, Porphyry’s On Abstinence from Ensouled Beings (Greek Περὶ ἀποχῆς ἐµψύχων, Latin De abstinentia ab esu animalium) offers a sweeping view of the ancient debate concerning animals and their treatment. At the same time, because of its advocacy of an asceticism informed by its author’s Neoplatonism, Abstinence is often taken to be concerned primarily with the health of the human soul. By approaching Abstinence as a work of moral suasion and a work of literature, whose intra- and intertextual resonances yield something more than a collection of propositions or an invitation to Quellenforschung, I aim to push beyond interpretations that bracket the arguments regarding animals as merely dialectical; cast the text’s other-directed principle of justice as wholly ii subordinated to a self-directed principle of purity; or accept as decisive Porphyry’s exclusion of craftsmen, athletes, soldiers, sailors, and orators from his call to vegetarianism. -
Porphyry on Pythagoras V
Porphyry on The Life of Pythagoras Porphyry on Pythagoras v. 12.11, www.philaletheians.co.uk, 3 April 2018 Page 1 of 15 BUDDHAS AND INITIATES SERIES PORPHYRY ON PYTHAGORAS From Porphyrius, Vita Pythagorae, 17. Translated by Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie. Alpine, New Jer- sey: Platonist Press, c. 1919. This biography should not to confused with the another work bear- ing the same title by Iamblichus, thought to be Porphyry’s disciple. ANY THINK THAT PYTHAGORAS WAS THE SON OF MNESARCHUS, but they differ as to the latter’s race; some thinking him a Samian, while Neanthes, M in the fifth book of his Fables states he was a Syrian, from the city of Tyre. As a famine had arisen in Samos, Mnesarchus went thither to trade, and was natu- ralized there. There also was born his son Pythagoras, who early manifested studi- ousness, but was later taken to Tyre, and there entrusted to the Chaldeans, whose doctrines he imbibed. Thence he returned to Ionia, where he first studied under the Syrian Pherecydes, then also under Hermodamas the Creophylian who at that time was an old man residing in Samos. 2. Neanthes says that others hold that his father was a Tyrrhenian, of those who in- habit Lemnos, and that while on a trading trip to Samos was there naturalized. On sailing to Italy, Mnesarchus took the youth Pythagoras with him. Just at this time this country was greatly flourishing. Neanthes adds that Pythagoras had two older brothers, Eunostus and Tyrrhenus. But Apollonius, in his book about Pythagoras, affirms that his mother was Pythais, a descendant, of Ancaeus, the founder of Sa- mos. -
Mathematics and Cosmology in Plato's Timaeus
apeiron 2021; aop Andrew Gregory* Mathematics and Cosmology in Plato’s Timaeus https://doi.org/10.1515/apeiron-2020-0034 Published online March 18, 2021 Abstract: Plato used mathematics extensively in his account of the cosmos in the Timaeus, but as he did not use equations, but did use geometry, harmony and according to some, numerology, it has not been clear how or to what effect he used mathematics. This paper argues that the relationship between mathematics and cosmology is not atemporally evident and that Plato’s use of mathematics was an open and rational possibility in his context, though that sort of use of mathematics has subsequently been superseded as science has progressed. I argue that there is a philosophically and historically meaningful space between ‘primitive’ or unre- flective uses of mathematics and the modern conception of how mathematics relates to cosmology. Plato’s use of mathematics in the Timaeus enabled the cosmos to be as good as it could be, allowed the demiurge a rational choice (of which planetary orbits and which atomic shapes to instantiate) and allowed Timaeus to give an account of the cosmos (where if the demiurge did not have such a rational choice he would not have been able to do so). I also argue that within this space it is both meaningful and important to differentiate between Pythagorean and Platonic uses of number and that we need to reject the idea of ‘Pythagorean/ Platonic number mysticism’. Plato’s use of number in the Timaeus was not mystical even though it does not match modern usage. -
Alexander of Aphrodisias's Account of Universals and Its Problems
Alexander of Aphrodisias’s Account of Universals and Its Problems R I I N SI R K EL the philosophical problem of universals is traditionally framed as the problem about the ontological status of universals. It is often said that the ontological status of universals is a post-Aristotelian problem that was bequeathed to the Middle Ages by a famous sentence in Porphyry’s Isagoge.1 Porphyry raises but then refuses to answer three questions about the ontological status of genera and species, saying that they are too “deep” for the present investigation.2 Although Porphyry is the first to announce the problem, it was Boethius’s commentary on Porphyry, rather than the Isagoge itself, that made this sentence famous and that is therefore respon- sible for the problem of universals in the Middle Ages. However, when Boethius presents his solution to the problem of universals in his second commentary on Porphyry’s Isagoge, he claims to be following Alexander of Aphrodisias. Although Alexander’s contribution to the problem of universals is not yet generally recog- nized, his views on universals play an influential role in the development of the problem. Their influence can be found in Porphyry and Boethius, but also among the Arabic philosophers and the Scholastics.3 1See, for instance, A. C. Lloyd, Form and Universal in Aristotle [Form and Universal] (Liverpool: Francis Cairns, 1981), 4. 2Porphyry, Isagoge, 1, 10–14. The numerals refer to a page and lines of Greek text published in the series Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca [CAG] vol. 4, part 1, ed. A.