WANNING SUN Read this: media is part of the story

The more migrant community members are regarded as equal partners in the political and social processes of the nation, the more likely they are to fulfil their own duties and responsibilities as Australian citizens, and identify with and embrace the democratic values of their adopted country. The Chinese community is no exception to this.

Among the various Asian diasporic communities place of origin, history of migration, political in , Chinese-speaking migrant communities allegiance, and socioeconomic status. Now the present a distinct set of challenges and opportunities growing scale and influence of the local Chinese to Australia’s political, economic, social, and foreign language media is posing challenges to how the relations agenda. For many years, Australia’s Chinese Australian government (and the mainstream media) communities have been the most diverse and respond to the country’s Chinese diaspora. complex in terms of dialect, linguistic competence,

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As a result of the arrival in Australia of new Chinese “vessels” that can propel China’s public diplomacy migrants from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) agenda out into the world. Indeed, such efforts have over the past three decades or so, the diversity in begun to bear tangible outcomes in Chinese-language demographic composition of the ethnic Chinese migrant media in various countries outside China. population has intensified. To date, the PRC is the In Australia, as elsewhere, China’s state media have largest overseas birthplace for after the made significant inroads into the space of Chinese- United Kingdom and . According to the language media over the past few years. We have 2011 census, there were about 866,200 Australian seen cases of struggling Chinese-language media residents claiming Chinese origin, and as many as enterprises being bailed 74 per cent of them were the first generation of their out as a result of the family to move to Australia. The soon-to-be-released Like Narendra largesse of the Chinese data from 2016 will no doubt confirm this upward Modi’s government, state media, as well as trend in both diversity and sheer numbers. Added which actively examples of lucrative deals, to this, China has now surpassed Japan as Australia’s pursues its diasporic partnerships, and content- biggest trading partner, in terms of both imports and communities – “non- sharing arrangements exports. This means that China is one of only two resident Indians” between China’s state countries, along with the United Kingdom, that not media organisations and only have seen large numbers of migrants settling – to contribute to cash-strapped Chinese in Australia but also have proven to be crucial ’s national migrant media entities. to Australia’s economic survival. economy, the Chinese government also Very commonly However, unlike the UK, which was for a long time considers diasporic misunderstood is the moral considered to be the “mother country” by many Chinese communities motivation behind China’s Anglo-Celtic Australians, China is not a liberal attempts at global media democracy. Unlike India, another supplier of skilled as public diplomacy expansion. One phrase that migrants to Australia and a member of the British resources and assets. appears in China’s policy Commonwealth, the Chinese generally do not discussions so often that share with Anglo-Australians a passion for cricket, it has taken on the appearance of a self-evident and most Chinese migrants did not have English truth is the saying that ‘the West is strong and as a lingua franca prior to their migration. Thus, in we are weak’. This expression captures China’s comparison with their Indian migrant community perception of the current dynamics of the global counterparts, Chinese-speaking migrants generally media and communication sector and its own place experience a greater linguistic, cultural, and political within it. Another frequently-used phrase states that distance from Australia’s Anglo-Celtic mainstream. China is ‘in a passive position and often gets beaten It is this paradoxical situation – Australia’s economic up’. In other words, what often dominates policy dependence on China, hand-in-hand with its discussions is a deep-seated sense of injustice and perception that China’s political, ideological, and grievance, imbued with the feeling of being “hard cultural values are incompatible with Australia’s done by” in relation to the West – Australia included. – that explains the prevailing feelings of fear and China’s soft power initiative, of which expansion anxiety that many Australians have about China. into Australia’s media landscape is a part, aims to increase China’s media presence globally, with the Chinese-language media in Australia main purpose being to reduce or even eradicate the “bias” and “prejudices” against China that are These feelings are no doubt exacerbated by the seen as pervasive in Western media. The overriding global discourse on the “rise of China,” and mounting conviction that fuels this drive is that China has been evidence of the Chinese government’s efforts to robbed of its rightful voice in a world dominated by shape international public opinion through the media. the imperialistic media power of the West. Like Narendra Modi’s government, which actively pursues its diasporic communities – “non-resident Ironically, but perhaps not surprisingly, China’s Indians” – to contribute to India’s national economy, actions aimed at seeking redress for these perceived the Chinese government also considers diasporic moral and discursive injustices have become new Chinese communities as public diplomacy resources sources of anxiety for the West, reinforcing the West’s and assets. Moreover, much more than the Indian fear of a “China threat.” In the mainstream Australian government, the Chinese administration strategically media, China’s efforts to globalise its own media have engages with diasporic Chinese media who are now been read as a covert attempt to move propaganda widely described in policy circles in China as the offshore, to export communism, and to take over the

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symbolic space of the free world. China’s expansionist alarmist at worst. In most cases, media reports have impulses are seen as imperialistic in design and been more or less accurate about the extent and intent, with the ultimate goal being to achieve scale of the penetration of local Chinese-language global dominance and “rule the world.” media by Chinese state media. However, what they have left out of the discussion is whether the Australian mainstream media response increased presence of China’s propaganda equates to or translates into a direct impact on Chinese- What role do the Chinese-language media in speaking migrant audiences. Nor has there been Australian play? What is the current lay of the a concerted attempt to explain the political and land with this sector, and what challenges and moral motivations behind China’s efforts. Due to opportunities have the developments in this sector these blind spots, the mainstream English-language thrown up for Australia in political, economic, social, media’s coverage has to some extent contributed and cultural terms? It is not until recent months to fear and anxiety about the implications of China’s that serious public discussions surrounding these rise, rather than seeking to understand and address questions have started to emerge. these sentiments.

For many years, mainstream English-language Of particular interest to mainstream English media and diasporic Chinese-language media have reporters are the speeches and actions of Chinese existed in parallel universes. While it is apparent individuals who display pro-China nationalism – as that there exists a multicultural ethnic media sector in the case of a Chinese student rally in “out there,” with the exception of SBS’s multicultural against the Hague’s decision – and Australia’s language programs, this sector remains “ethnic.” position – on China’s sovereignty claims in the South The implication of labelling and treating non-English- China Sea. Yet few of these journalists reflect on the language migrant media as “ethnic” is that, except on possibility that such pro-Chinese nationalism is as controversial matters, its content usually does not much a response to their own narrowly-focused and register in the consciousness of the English-speaking one-dimensional reporting on China as it is the result mainstream, and it is widely assumed there is little of Chinese government’s patriotic propaganda. need for two-way cross-fertilisation of content. Thus, the onus has always been on the ethnic side Risk of alienating the Chinese community to translate the content of mainstream media into the ethnic language in question, but seldom the Equally problematically, the mainstream English- other way round. language media have more or less related to Australia’s Chinese-language media as the nation’s Due to the language barriers that are reinforced Other. There is usually little interest in seeking by this attitude, non-Chinese audiences have perspectives and information from these media, typically considered Chinese-language media in except to look for evidence of differences from or Australia to be some kind even hostility towards Australian views, or to try and of “black box,” and for unearth pro-China – and sometimes actual Chinese China’s soft power this reason, these media government – perspectives. initiative, of sources have existed which expansion mostly outside the purview Most worrying of all is the tendency, evidenced into Australia’s of Australian media in some recent media reports, to accuse Chinese media landscape regulators, the business migrants of being agents of influence on behalf is a part, aims to sector, Government bodies, of the Chinese government, thereby conflating increase China’s and mainstream media the Chinese government with the , media presence establishments. and Chinese citizens with diasporic Chinese communities. globally, with the Over the last couple of main purpose being years, and, in particular, The implications of an ever-expanding Chinese to reduce or even during the past year, media sector, including digital and social media, eradicate the “bias” the mainstream English- in Australia are many and complex. To look on the and “prejudices” language media’s position “bright side,” it seems that the Chinese migrant against China. vis-à-vis the Chinese media community in Australia are “spoiled for choice,” in Australia has swung from since they have, within their reach, state Chinese apathy and indifference to media, Chinese migrant media, transnational mild obsession. But the frameworks within which Chinese media from other Chinese migration these discussions have taken place are mostly destinations, the Chinese-language media provided narrowly-focused at best, and sensationalist and as part of Australia’s multicultural media (SBS radio,

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television, and Internet outlets), and the mainstream Furthermore, Australia’s Chinese communities have English-language Australian media. At the same been key stakeholders in the long history of racial time, individuals in this community are sometimes – politics in the nation. They have been both victims perhaps often – confronted of, and advocates against, racism. At the same time, with conflicting and like every other community, they are also equally Few of the journalists competing perspectives capable of entertaining cultural stereotypes and reflect on the on Australia and China, or racial biases against others. Successful engagement possibility that in relation to other relevant with the Chinese community is thus a litmus such pro-Chinese global affairs. test for the effectiveness of nationalism is as as a national policy. As a result, it has become For instance, China’s state much a response a matter of pressing concern to turn the current media criticise the United tension between the Chinese community and the to their own States and Australia for mainstream into an opportunity for building a more narrowly-focused meddling in the South inclusive multicultural program which, as Andrew and one-dimensional China Sea dispute, Jakubowicz, noted scholar of multiculturalism, reporting on China whereas the mainstream argues, “validates difference while stressing common as it is the result of Australian media criticise values associated with universal human rights,” and Chinese government’s China for its aggressive which encourages rigorous, behaviour in asserting patriotic propaganda. rational and respectful sovereignty rights in the The tensions and dialogue and debate. region. The tensions and dilemmas facing dilemmas facing individuals from the Chinese Finally, political, social, migrant community become at best a source of individuals from and cultural actors aside, cultural anxiety and frustration, at worst a trigger the Chinese migrant Chinese migrants can be for social disharmony. Situations such as these can community become enthusiastic promoters encourage the formation of a vicious circle of racism at best a source of of goodwill on behalf of whereby the Australian mainstream commercial/ cultural anxiety and Australia in the cultivation tabloid media’s coverage of China-related issues frustration, at worst of mutually beneficial may generate negative and often visceral sentiments a trigger for social Australia–China relations. towards Australia among Chinese migrants, whose disharmony. To be sure, the Australian consequent sense of grievance – sometimes government has also expressed in emotionally charged terms – may incur noted the importance further mainstream prejudice against them. of diapora diplomacy, particularly the need to draw on the linguistic skills, social networks, and cultural Chinese as key players in Australian community connections of diasporic communities. public life But to prosecute this policy effectively has never been as important as it is now, given that China has To dispel the spectre of such a vicious circle is crucial been increasingly pro-active in its efforts to engage to Australia’s national agenda of strengthening Chinese migrant communities as key assets of its democracy, ensuring economic prosperity, own public diplomacy agenda. promoting social cohesion, and practising effective engagement with China. Chinese migrants in Recommendations to the Australian Australia are voters capable of shaping outcomes government in electoral politics. This is evidenced in the recent Federal election, where pro-Coalition Chinese voters The importance of cultivating a deeper level of effectively used WeChat – currently the most widely engagement in Australian public life within the used Chinese social media platform – to campaign Chinese (and broader Asian) diaspora cannot against the Labour Party. – be overstated. And it behoves the Australian whether they realise it or not – have also been active Government to develop an acute understanding agents on behalf of economic growth. This is not of both the challenges and opportunities that lie only because, as individuals, they are enthusiastic ahead in this sphere. consumers with high consumption power in the To prosecute diaspora diplomacy effectively has Australian economy, but also, and equally notably, never been as important, given that China has because the Chinese business community in been increasingly pro-active in its efforts to engage Australia is a key intermediary in business and Chinese migrant communities as key assets of its trade relations between the two countries. own public diplomacy agenda.

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As a start, the Australian Government may want to consider the need to redefine and reposition diasporic media in Australia so that they are no longer labelled “ethnic media” and instead become an authentic, integral part of a genuinely multicultural, multilingual mainstream media landscape.

The Government may also want to put in place some practical measures and incentivizing schemes and recruitment policies aimed at increasing diversity within the English-language media organizations, encouraging bilingual content production, facilitating cross-cultural training and exchange between English-language media and diasporic media, and generating dialogue and debate.

The rationale for these recommendations is simple and clear. The more migrant community members feel that they are being treated with respect and are regarded as equal partners in the political and social processes of the nation, the more likely they are to reciprocate this respect and egalitarian treatment and fulfil their own duties and responsibilities as Australian citizens, and identify with and embrace the democratic values of their adopted country. The Chinese community is no exception to this.

Wanning Sun is Professor of Media and Communication at the University of Technology .

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