DOCSLIB.ORG

Vol. 10, No. 2, Sep-Nov 1987

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Vol. 10, No. 2, Sep-Nov 1987 , . -- November 1978-The Freedom fund, and that no written or oral agree­ Socialist Party and Radical Women are ment to return the money was ever ordered It) vacate Freeway Hall, their math or implied. headquarters and a popular center of political and cultural activity for more March 1985-Judge Terrance Carroll thana deCade. They launch an intensive rejects the FSP's requestfordismissal search for a new building and establish of the entire suit, but throws out the Freeway Hall Eviction Fund. Snedigar's charges of abuse of trust and violation of charitable solicitation laws. December 1978 - April 1979-FSP negotiates brief extensions of the evic­ May 1985-Judge Arthur Piehler or­ tion deadline with the new landlord, ders the FSP to tum over "all informa­ restaurateur llltu Haglund. tion previously requested and requested in the future" by Snedigar, including January - June 1979-FSP rejects as membership and contributor lists, in­ too extravagant Richard Snedigar's ternal minutes, and other conjidentiIJI offer to seU his house and donate all records. ' proceeds to the evictionfund. After his housemates agree to higher rent, June 1985-The grueling searchfora Snedigar refinances the house for new hall ends $52,500 and donates $22,500 to the eviction fund, . Snedigar v. Hoddersen, with purchase of a build­ Hall Saga: At stake r.n b the Freedom So- ing in Seattle's Columbia City district. The Freeway ad arters purchased y h' h Snedi- retaining $30,000 to pay first mortgage, back taxes, and debts. August. October 1985-Snedigar et al. is a new he a~~ of an Eviction Fundbto; ;~us demands FSP meeting minutes refer­ y January 1980-FSP and RW gear up ringto hall search and the emergency. cialist Pa'!Y bYdm~oW he wants his mo!'e a~h~ newly re- for the administrative hearing in Clara September 1985-TbeFSP, with sup­ Fraser's sex and politkal itholbgy he wa.-JiOll!f1S, discrimination case against Seattle port from the National lAwyers Guild ~=e~:s~:!e~Wl:!e~ ':;;li:~~~~!~~h=' City Ught. Freeway Hall is the center (NLG) and the American Civil Uberties stored and remo of case support work. Union (ACLU), winsreversalofJudge Piehler's order from the Washington Febrnaty 1980-Haglund issues a State Court of Appeals. second eviction notice. But the FSP wins a temporary extension after adverse October 1985-Judge Robert Dixon publicity forces Haglund to relent. orders the 'FSP to turn over the minutes eitherto Snedigar or to ajUdge form August 1980-A city hearing panel camera review. • overturns the hearing examiner's favor­ able decision in Fraser's case. Fraser November 1985 - December 1986- Case Issues appeals to Superior Court. The FSP asks the state Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals to review September 1980-Sned~gtu resigns Judge Dixon's Qrder. An unprecethnted from the FSp, without exp/Qnation, 56 organizations co-sign an NLG • Violation of organizational privacy claiming that he has '~no disagree­ amicus briefthscribing the devastating Snedigar assumed that, as a major contributor to the FSP's eviction fund, ments" with the party and expressing effect any disclosure ofminutes would he had the right to dictate which building the party should buy and when. The good will. have on First Amendment rights. FSP, whose internal democracy is not for sale, rejected Snedigar's assump­ Thousands of people sign petitions and tions. Now, Snedigar and his lawyers seek to have the courts force return of February 1982-Baglund tries to dou­ write letters to the courts. But neither the contribution, which would effectively overturn the party's right to set its bk the rent, but the FSP holds down court wiu rel/iew the case. own policies and priorities. , the increase by documenting Haglund's Additionally, Snedigar's demand that the FSP disclose its internal documents failure to repair the building. April 1987 -Snedigar files a thfau/t motion demanding that he win without is a grievous threat to the party's political privacy. When hostile or even sup­ August 1982-Fraser wins in court even g(ling to trUdbecause of the FSP' s posedly neutral political forces gain access to a radical organization's private and is awarthd back pay and reinstate­ refusal to relinquish the minutes. discussions and membership records, individual members become targets for ment. Superior Court Judge Warren Chan harassment and candidates for the unemployment lines. The group's ability February 1983-Fraser is awarUd gives the defendants 20 doys to comply to organize is compromised and its survival jeopardized. attorneys' fees. or be held in default. And it doesn't stop there.,Were the courts to strip by fiat the FSP's privacy rights, this chilling precedent would swiftly threaten labor, civil rights, environ­ July 1983-Almost three years aJUr May 1987 -FSP attorneys discover mental, church, and all , community organizations. Who indeed is safe if the he severed contact with the FSp' that Snedigar's personal copy ofa Free­ judicial arm of government can arbitrarily junk the Constitution? Snedigar writes the party, accusing it way Ball Case deposition has been (If inventing the eviction fund as a given to a righ/wing employer. who "ruse" to bilk supporters. He demands is suing FSP attorney and defendant the dismantling of the fund and return Fred Hyde. (See "The Latest Round," of all contributions. p.3.) • Sentence before verdict The FSP refuses to comply with the order to disclose minutes, which may Jannary 1984-Snedigar files suit in May 1987 -Judge Chan signs the de­ result in a default decision. Snedigar could then, without having to prove a King County Superior C(lurt demand­ fault order, but refuses to file it until thing in court, try to seize the party's headquarters and defendants' wages, ing return ofhis gift plus interest and . the appeals court decides whether it bank accounts, and personal property. Such a penalty imposed before the lawyers' fees. He charges the FSP with will accept discretionary review of the issues in this case have been decided would strike at the heart of due process. fraud, undue influence, breach of constitutional issues in the case. contract, unjust enrichment, abuse of May 1987 -The FSP petitions the trust, and violation of the chari4zble Court of Appeals to review the case. solicitation /Qws. Snedigar moves to dismiss the FSP's • Treasury raid June 1984-The FSP defeats Snedi­ request for review. Normally, freely given gifts are irrevocable. But Snedigar wants back the gar's attempt to impound the eviction gift of $22,500 made to the FSP's eviction fund- ostensibly because the party fund pending outcome of his suit. June 1987 -Appeals court C(lmmis· sioner JoAnne Tompkins denies didn't immediately buy a new hall, but plainly because Snedigar no longer January 1985-1n oral thposition, Snedigar's motion to dismiss and sends agrees with the FSP's politics. Snedigar admits that the eviction crisis the FSP' s request for review to a three­ His suit threatens any voluntary organization whose existence depends on was real and ongoing, that he wasfree judge panel to consider on August 28. contributions from members and supporters. No group can operate for long if to contribute or not to the eviction She refuses to allow oral arguments. its treasury can be raided with impunity by disaffected former contributors. It's been a legal rollercoaster ride for Letters, petitions, pickets-and tbe the Freeway Hall Case defendants this 58 people who crowded the ~ourtroom spring and summer. In April, King on May 14-pJayed a large part in con~ County Superior Court Judge Warren vincing Chan to delay filing the default Chan found the FSPin default for refus­ and to recognize ing to tum OVer its minutes. Then in May, he signed but the case's significance. When Snedigar's attorney, Thomas did not officially Wampold, denounced concern fQr First file the default order. Amendment issues as a "red herring," Judge Chan said he wished to provide Chan asked, "How do you weigh a the party an opportunity to request ap­ claim for $22,()()() against a claim of ' pellate court review of the case's crucial invasion of constitutional rights?" constitutional issues before default actu­ ally took place. Sinister partnership. Earlier in the Breakthrough! Until Chan, -no judge hearing, Carlson dropped a bombshell had even admitted these constitutional by presenting evidence that Snedigar is issues should be reviewed. However, colluding with a rightwing employer Chan refused to consider them himself who, in another harassment lawsuit, is or consider any option less drastic than suing FSP attorney Fred Hyde. default. Snedigar's personal copy of a Freeway Hall Case document was given to the Shortchange. The FSP imrhediately employer, Thomas Layne. As an ad­ petitioned the Washington State Court ministrative law judge for Washington of Appeals to review the issues that lie State, Hyde had ruled that Layne had behind the default order-and Snedigar' s discriminated against a transgenderal thing else he can lawyers immediately demanded dismis­ employee. Layne charges that Hyde, sal of the party's request. because he is a socialist and human . a e garnishments and any ost of them low- . On June 19, appeals court Commis­ rights activist, is "biased" against em­ cars, savIngs 'Jiw ! the nine defendant~ mil this before a tnal sioner JoAnne Tompkins rejected ployers and should be removed from his commandeer .ro orkers. He deman s a FSP refuses to Snedigar's dismissal motion and sent job. the FSP's request for review directly to Carlson herself was subpoenaed to income or ~etir~h: complaints,. becaus,e t~~utes and financial a three-judge panel to consider on Au­ provide Freeway Hall Case Legal Fund on the me~ts OJ mbership lists, mt~rna m gust 28.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Election Results
    This document is made available electronically by the Minnesota Legislative Reference Library as part of an ongoing digital archiving project. http://www.leg.state.mn.us/lrl/mngov/electionresults.aspx I , 1 PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY ELECTION - COUNTY SUMMARY. 2 STATE PRIMARY ELECTION - COUNTY SUMMARY " 8 STATE GENERAL ELECTION - COUNTY SUMMARY 30 STATE GENERAL ELECTION - PRECINCT SUMMARY 54 MAPS ILLUSTRATING VOTER TURNOUT AND 185 ELECTION RESULTS ORDER FORM - ELECTION RESULTS ON DISKETTE. .. .. 191 DFL. .. .. Democratic-Farmer-Labor IR Independent-Republican CI Conservative Independents CP. ... .. Constitution Party GRP .... Grassroots Party IND. .. .. Independent IER ..... Independents Economic Recovery IFP ... .. Independents for Perot LIB ... .. Liberatarian MTP .. .. Minnesota Taxpayers Party NLP. .. .. Natural Law Party NAP .. .. New Alliance Party PCP .. .. Perot Choice Party SWP Socialist Workers TLC Term Limits Candidate NOTE: Amendments to correct discrepancies in official results noted by an asterisk. Published by: Election Division, Secretary of State 180 State Office Building, 100 Constitution Ave., St. Paul, Minnesota 55155-1299 1 N VOTER REGISTRATION AND VOTER PARTICIPATION BY COUNTY VOTE FOR NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES BY COUNTY APRIL 7,1992 PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY ELECTION VOTER REGISTRATION PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES PERSONS PERSONS PERSONS TOTAL DFL DFL DFL DFL DFL REGISTERED REGISTERED VOTING BY NUMBER OF LARRY NATHANJ. EDMUND G. STEPHEN BILL COUNTY ASOF7AM ON ELECTION ABSENTEE PERSONS AGRAN AVERICK BROWN
    [Show full text]
  • Parties and What They Do Parties and What They Do Objectives You May Wish to Call Students’ Attention to the Objectives in the Section Preview
    MAG05_CA_TE_CH05_01 1/10/06 10:02 AM Page 116 1 Parties and What They Do Parties and What They Do Objectives You may wish to call students’ attention to the objectives in the Section Preview. The objectives are reflected in the main headings of Objectives Why It Matters Political the section. Dictionary 1. Define a political party. Political parties are essential to democratic govern- Bellringer Ask students whether 2. Describe the major functions of ment. In the United States, political parties have ★ political party they have ever ridden in a car with political parties. shaped the way the government works. Today, the ★ someone who was such a bad driver major parties major parties perform several important functions ★ partisanship that they wanted to stop the car and without which our government could not function. ★ party in power take over the driving. Explain that in this section, they will learn about how the political party that is out of inning isn’t everything; it’s the only This definition, with its emphasis on princi- office can’t wait to take control of thing.” So said legendary football ples and public policy positions, will not fit the government from the party that is in. ““WW coach Vince Lombardi. Lombardi was talking two major American parties, however. The Vocabulary Builder Ask students to about teams in the National Football League. His Republican and Democratic parties are not determine what word or word part words, however, could also be used to describe primarily principle- or issue-oriented. They are, links all four terms in the Political the Republican and Democratic parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Supreme Court of the United States
    No. 19-524 IN THE Supreme Court of the United States ROQUE DE LA FUENTE, AKA ROCKY, Petitioner, v. AlEX PADIllA, CALIFOrnIA SECRETARY OF STATE, et al., Respondents. ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES CouRT OF AppEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRcuIT BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE PROFESSORS OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND HISTORY IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER ALICia I. DEARN, ESQ. Counsel of Record 231 South Bemiston Avenue, Suite 850 Clayton, MO 63105 (314) 526-0040 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae 292830 A (800) 274-3321 • (800) 359-6859 i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF CONTENTS..........................i TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES .............. ii INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE ..................1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .................................6 ARGUMENT....................................7 I. CERTIORARI IS DESIRABLE BECAUSE THERE IS CONFUSION AMONG LOWER COURTS OVER WHETHER THE APPLY THE USAGE TEST ...........7 II. THE NINTH CIRCUIT ERRONEOUSLY STATED THAT BECAUSE MINOR PARTY PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES HAVE APPEARED ON THE CALIFORNIA BALLOT, THEREFORE IT IS NOT SIGNIFICANT THAT NO INDEPENDENT PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE HAS QUALIFIED SINCE 1992 ..............................15 CONCLUSION .................................20 ii TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES Page CASES: American Party v. Jernigan, 424 F.Supp. 943 (e.d. Ark. 1977)..................8 Arutunoff v. Oklahoma State Election Board, 687 F.2d 1375 (1982)...........................14 Bergland v. Harris, 767 F.2d 1551 (1985) ..........................8-9 Bradley v Mandel, 449 F. Supp. 983 (1978) ........................10 Citizens to Establish a Reform Party in Arkansas v. Priest, 970 F. Supp. 690 (e.d. Ark. 1996) .................8 Coffield v. Kemp, 599 F.3d 1276 (2010) ...........................12 Cowen v. Raffensperger, 1:17cv-4660 ..................................12 Dart v.
    [Show full text]
  • How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman Rachel F
    Hofstra Law Review Volume 33 | Issue 1 Article 5 2004 How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman Rachel F. Moran Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Moran, Rachel F. (2004) "How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman," Hofstra Law Review: Vol. 33: Iss. 1, Article 5. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr/vol33/iss1/5 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Moran: How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman HOW SECOND-WAVE FEMINISM FORGOT THE SINGLE WOMAN Rachel F. Moran* I cannot imagine a feminist evolution leading to radicalchange in the private/politicalrealm of gender that is not rooted in the conviction that all women's lives are important, that the lives of men cannot be understoodby burying the lives of women; and that to make visible the full meaning of women's experience, to reinterpretknowledge in terms of that experience, is now the most important task of thinking.1 America has always been a very married country. From early colonial times until quite recently, rates of marriage in our nation have been high-higher in fact than in Britain and western Europe.2 Only in 1960 did this pattern begin to change as American men and women married later or perhaps not at all.3 Because of the dominance of marriage in this country, permanently single people-whether male or female-have been not just statistical oddities but social conundrums.
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements
    The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements By Laura K. Nelson A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Kim Voss, Chair Professor Raka Ray Professor Robin Einhorn Fall 2014 Copyright 2014 by Laura K. Nelson 1 Abstract The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements by Laura K. Nelson Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Berkeley Professor Kim Voss, Chair This dissertation challenges the widely accepted historical accounts of women's movements in the United States. Second-wave feminism, claim historians, was unique because of its development of radical feminism, defined by its insistence on changing consciousness, its focus on women being oppressed as a sex-class, and its efforts to emphasize the political nature of personal problems. I show that these features of second-wave radical feminism were not in fact unique but existed in almost identical forms during the first wave. Moreover, within each wave of feminism there were debates about the best way to fight women's oppression. As radical feminists were arguing that men as a sex-class oppress women as a sex-class, other feminists were claiming that the social system, not men, is to blame. This debate existed in both the first and second waves. Importantly, in both the first and the second wave there was a geographical dimension to these debates: women and organizations in Chicago argued that the social system was to blame while women and organizations in New York City argued that men were to blame.
    [Show full text]
  • Town Clerk's Office
    Town Clerk’s Office Town Hall Room 12 52 Main Street • Milford, MA 01757 Ph: (508) 634-2307 • Fax: (508) 634-2324 [email protected] Amy E. Hennessy Neves, Town Clerk What’s Happening Now at the Town Clerk’s Office: Important Reminders for the 2018 September Primary The deadline to register to vote for the Primary or Change your Political Party affiliation is Wednesday August 15th by 8:00 p.m. The deadline to apply for and vote by absentee in person is Friday August 31st by 5:00 p.m. If you need to apply for an application by mail and/or need a ballot send to you by mail, you must do so as soon as possible to allow for mailing time. Democratic Political Party-Voter can ONLY receive this ballot at the Primary D Party Election Republican Political Party-voter can ONLY receive this ballot at the Primary R Party Election Political Party-Voter can ONLY receive this ballot at the Primary Libertarian Party L Election WHO Can Vote in the September Primary? In Massachusetts, registered voters may choose to (1) enroll in a political party; (2) enroll with a political designation; or (3) choose to be an “unenrolled” voter (i.e., an “independent”). Voters may change their enrollment status with their election official, with a deadline twenty days before an election. All registered voters may vote in General Elections. Massachusetts voters enrolled in a particular Political PARTY may vote only in that party's primary, and cannot cross-over to vote in another party's primary, but "Unenrolled" voters may cast a primary ballot for one of the three parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Contingency Plans for the Feminist Revolution
    ONE C ONTINGENCY P LANS FOR THE F EMINIST R EVOLUTION A 1998 cover of Time magazine broadcasts its apocalyptic question: “Is Feminism Dead?”1 The Time story bolsters its predictions about the death of feminism by cit- ing the declining numbers of women, particularly young women, who identify themselves as feminists.2 The article inside caricatures the movement that its cover kills off by query. “Feminism: It’s All About Me!” the title declares. The drift of this second title is also commonplace: nobody does politics anymore, and this cultural stuff going on with young people is at best lifestyle politics. Young people care more about transforming the individual body than the social polity. Young women, and youth more generally, have embraced the defensive posture of consumption poli- tics: what they eat, what they wear, and what they buy. This potent mix—combining predictions of the movement’s imminent death with a political irrelevance domi- nates media discussions of feminism and youth politics.3 Recent publications about third wave feminism are mostly collections of articles.4 As at the inception of the women’s liberation movement, the diversity of positions and ideas fueling interest in the third wave of feminism is accommo- dated anthology-style. Positions expressed in the collection, then as now, are con- tradictory and widely disparate in their concerns and ideas.5 The writings about as yet diffuse politics suggest rather than state the contours of their subject. The most striking difference from earlier collections edited by Leslie Tanner, Toni Cade, Sookie Stambler, Edith Hoshino Altbach, and other better known feminists is that essays about third wave feminism are written, almost exclusively, in the first person.6 The personal voice does not mean these articles are entirely about the writers.
    [Show full text]
  • Enrolling in a Political Party
    YOUR ENROLLMENT AS A VOTER When you register to vote, you may choose to enroll in a political party or political designation or may choose to remain “unenrolled,” which is commonly referred to as independent. Choosing to Enroll in a Political Party: There are four political parties in Massachusetts: Democratic Party (D), (617) 776-2676 Republican Party (R), (617) 523-5005 Green-Rainbow (J), (413) 650-6542 United Independent Party (CC), (617) 2UNITED If you enroll in any of these four parties you may vote only in that party’s primary. Enrollment in a political party does not affect your right to vote in the general election. In the general election, all voters receive the same ballot and vote for the candidate of their choice, regardless of party enrollment. Choosing No Enrollment in a Political Party: If you do not wish to enroll in a party, check the box next to “No Party (unenrolled)” on the voter registration form. If you do not enroll in a party, you may still vote in state and presidential primaries by choosing a party ballot and will remain unenrolled, which is commonly referred to as “independent.” Choosing to Enroll in a Political Designation: In addition to the four political parties listed above, there are certain legal political designations in which you can enroll. Currently these are: Conservative Party (A) Prohibition Party (P) Natural Law Party (B) American Independent Party (Q) New World Council (C) Socialist (S) Reform Party (E) Interdependent 3rd Party (T) Rainbow Coalition (F) America First Party (V) Green Party USA (G) Veterans Party America (W) We the People (H) Pirate (X) Constitution Party (K) World Citizens Party (Y) Libertarian Party (L) Working Families (Z) Timesizing Not Downsizing (M) Pizza Party (AA) New Alliance Party (N) American Term Limits (BB) Massachusetts Independent Party (O) Twelve Visions Party (DD) If you enroll in any political designation you may vote in the state or presidential primary of your choice.
    [Show full text]
  • Title of Article
    Title of Article T H E S E C R E T TO HIS SUCCESS? PA G E 3 R E D E F I N I N G REDISTRICTING PA G E 7 EYE ON KATRINA PA G E 3 1 CAPTION TO COME PA G E 4 0 $6.95 SPRING 2006 THE NEO-INDEPENDENT I SPRING 2006 Vol 3. N0. 1 $6.95 THE P O L I T I C S O F B E C O M I N G The Color of the Independent Movement JACQUELINE SALIT Title of Article adj. 1 of, or pertaining to, the movement of independent voters for political recognition and popular power __ n. an independent voter in the post-Perot era, without traditional ideological attachments, seeking the overthrow of bipartisan political corruption __ adj. 2 of, or pertaining to, an independent political force styling itself as a postmodern progressive counterweight to neo-conservatism, or the neo-cons SPRING 2006 THE NEO-INDEPENDENT I I I TABLE OF CONTENTS Vol 3. No. 1 2 Letters 3 Editor’s Note The Color of the Independent Movement 7 Phyllis Goldberg Redistricting Movement Learns Some New Lines 11 Jacqueline Salit The Black and Independent Alliance 16 …And Justice for All? Independents File Voting Rights Complaint with the U.S. Department of Justice 28 Independent Voices 30 Talk/Talk Fred Newman and Jacqueline Salit take on the talking heads 40 Texas Article To come COVER PHOTO: DAVID BELMONT SPRING 2006 THE NEO-INDEPENDENT LETTERS A Welcome Voice Defining “Independent” I have read different magazines As a charter subscriber, I am now with varying levels of satisfaction.
    [Show full text]
  • Ralph Nader: White Knight Or Pied Piper?
    Ralph Nader: White Knight or Pied Piper? Op-Ed printed in The Santa Rosa Press Democrat, November 2, 2000 Ralph Nader wants to win at least five percent of the national vote to qualify the Green Party for federal matching funds in the 2004 campaign, hoping to provide the means to build a permanent political watchdog for progressive causes. The recent experience of minor parties suggests a less happy outcome. Was anyone watching what happened to the Reform Party? Membership in American political parties is wide open, leaving promising minor parties vulnerable to colonization by less successful groups from the fringes of political life, as the Reform Party discovered. If Nader were to get five percent of the vote, the Greens would be a magnet for every group of opportunists jumping ship from the battered Reform Party. First in line likely would be Lenora Fulani, leader of the political cult once called the New Alliance Party, followed by Maharishi University professor John Hagelin of the Natural Law Party. Superficially at least, the left-populist rhetoric of Fulani and the New Age nostrums of Hagelin would be a better fit with the Greens than they were with Reform. Next in line would be the various Trotskyist sects presently biding their time in more marginal minor parties. The banners of one of these, the International Socialist Organization, were already in evidence at the pro-Nader rally outside the Presidential debate in Boston. Battles among such obscure socialist sects as the Workers World Party and its perennial candidates contributed to the decline of California’s Peace and Freedom Party, which lost its ballot status last year, leaving the Greens as the only tempting alternative.
    [Show full text]
  • Town Clerk's Office
    Town Clerk’s Office Town Hall Room 12 52 Main Street • Milford, MA 01757 Ph: (508) 634-2307 • Fax: (508) 634-2324 [email protected] Amy E. Hennessy Neves, Town Clerk What’s Happening Now at the Town Clerk’s Office: Happy Thanksgiving to you and yours from the Town Clerk’s Office. Dog Licenses: If you have moved from another city or town in MA, please bring us your paid 2017 license from your previous city/town and we will give you a current license for Milford at no additional charge. Dog licenses can still be obtained after June 30th for 2017 but the cost includes a $10.00 late fee. Male and Female dogs are now $35.00, Spayed and Neutered dogs are $16.00. Please provide our office with a current rabies certificate from the Vet and also proof of spay/neutering (if this is new from the previous year). If you order a dog license online, please email your rabies vaccination and proof of spay/neutering information to [email protected]. All payments can be made by cash, money order, cashier’s check, business check, debit/credit cards (note that a convenience fee will be charged by Unibank to use the card). We do not accept personal checks. How Do I Become a Permanent Absentee Voters? If you are physically unable to go to your polling location to vote at any of our elections, you could request to be placed on our “permanent” absentee list each year by providing us a letter from your physician’s office stating that you are unable to vote at your polling location due to illness or physical disability.
    [Show full text]
  • Fraser's Defense of a Working Woman's Right to Express Her Political Ideology on and Off the Job Is the Civil Liberties Test Case of the '80S
    I), • Fraser's defense of a working woman's right to express her political ideology on and off the job is the civil liberties test case of the '80s. BY ROBERT CRISMAN AND MARC KRASNOWSKY II 'I eventy years after Pacific Northwest courtrooms frontrunner in the crusade for the dignity of labor and for affirmative reverberated with the tremors of the free speech action for minorities and women. fights launched by IWW rebels, the First Amend­ The right of workers to speak their minds on and off the job, and to ment rights of working people are once more on trial freely choose their own friends and associates, is on trial in Seattle. in Seattle. The job rights of the most exploited and demeaned workers­ s As the testimony unfolds in the critical case of lowpaid women and people of color-are also on trial. Clara Fraser against Seattle City Light management, a harrowing And the right of political radicals and critics of all types to express story comes to light, an incontrovertible record their convictions, without persecution from today's breed of of city management skullduggery against a McCarthyite witchhunters in government and business, is on trial, too. woman employee who has long been a That is why feminist Gloria Steinem called this case "the human and civil rights test case of the '80s." And that is why an impressive and significant groundswell of sup­ port erupted almost overnight once the case came to public hearing on January 14, 1980. Fraser filed her sex and political ideology discrimination charges six years ago, in August, 1974, and was upheld by the Seattle Human TO NEXT PAGE ZFi As Clara Fraser's historic case of discrimination basi political ideology unfolds in the courtroom, it is clear th~ Rights Department in 1977.
    [Show full text]