The Alliance Party and the Minnesota Legislature of 1891

Home , Legislature, New Alliance Party

MR. CHRISLOCK IS associatc professor of history in Augsburg College, Minneapolis. He is especially interested in the politics of protest in Minnesota during the 1890s.

The Alliance Party and the MINNESOTA LEGISLATURE of 1891

CARL H. CHRISLOCK

IN THE GENERATION following the during the first decades of statehood, this CivU War, Minnesota politics were as was not evident in state elections, for the turbulent as frontier politics are usually habit of casting decisive majorities for supposed to be. The troublesome issues the Republicans became well established faced by a new state and the aggressive in the years after 1860. A Democrat occa personalities who assumed political leader sionally was elected to Congress, but from ship conspired to make it so. The principal 1860 through 1888 the Republicans won arenas of political conflict during this pe every contest for state office and held over riod were the biennial Republican state whelming control in every legislature. conventions and the state legislatures. Both The election of 1890 marked a sharp were notoriously unpredictable. For exam break in this pattern. When the returns ple, Alexander Ramsey's immense prestige were tabulated, it was clear that the period did not save his "dynasty" when it came of unchallenged Republican supremacy had under attack in the Republican convention ended — at least temporarily. By an ex of 1873, and in 1875 the legislature rejected tremely thin margin, the Republicans man his bid for a third term in the United States aged to re-elect Governor William R. Mer Senate. In 1883 Senator Wifliam Windom riam and other state officials with one was defeated for re-election, and his suc exception. The post of state auditor went cessor, Dwight M. Sabin, was permitted to Adolph Biermann, who enjoyed the com to serve only a single term. In 1888 it was bined support of the Democratic and generally agreed that Governor Andrew R. Farmers' Alliance parties. The outcome of McGifl had given the state a creditable this contest carried significant implications; administration, but he was denied renomi- it suggested what might be possible if per nation by his party .^ manent Democratic-Alliance fusion could vythough Minnesota politics were fluid be effected. As it was Governor Merriam could hardly claim electoral endorsement 'See Harlan P. Hall, Observations; Reing More or of his administration. His plurality over Less a History of Political Contests in Minnesota from Judge Thomas Wilson, the Democratic can 181f9 to 1901,, 121-154. 196-201, 206-214 (St. Paul, 1904). didate, was fewer than twentv-five hundred

September 1957 297 votes, and he received less than forty per with the Grange and also with the Green cent of the total ballots cast.' back party, another expression of agricul If the state returns were discouraging to tural discontent in the 1870s and 1880s. Afl Republicans, the Congressional results were three, in varying degrees, called for an disheartening. Although the incumbent del inflationary monetary policy and the invoca egation had been solidly Republican, in the tion of state police power and federal regu 1890 election only one district, the Second, latory authority to control freight rates, was salvaged by the Grand Old Party. In marketing practices, and money lending. this southwestern Minnesota area, John The 1890 platform of the Alliance party in Lind was returned to the House by a mar cluded afl these demands.* gin of less than five hundred votes.^ The Throughout the 1880s the Minnesota First, Third, and Fourth districts, which at Farmers" Alliance had eschewed third-party that time included the Twin Cities as well activity. Instead it had operated as a pres as the southeastern and the south central sure group within the two-party system. counties, were captured by the Democrats. For a time this strategy appeared well con In the Fifth District — roughly all of Min ceived. In response to Afliance pressure, the nesota north of Swift County — Kittel Hal legislature of 1885 established a three-man verson, the Alliance candidate, was the railroad and warehouse commission as a victor. "strong" regulatory body, enacted several That agricultural discontent was chiefly laws defining and prohibiting discrimina responsible for the 1890 electoral upset is tory railroad practices, and set up a system indicated by the surprising showing of the of grain inspection at terminal elevators. In new Alliance party, the farmer's self-pro 1886 the Republican party wrote into its claimed spokesman. Although it was not platform a series of reform demands pre yet four months old at election time, the sented jointly by the Alliance and the Alliance party's candidate for governor, Knights of Labor. In the fall elections, a Sidney M. Owen, polled 58,513 votes, near substantial number of legislative candi ly a fourth of the total cast for the office. dates committed to Alliance objectives In addition to electing a third-party Con were named.^ gressman, Afliance voters contributed to Thus Alliance hopes had never been higher the victories of two of the three successful than at the opening of the legislative ses Democrats in the Congressional races. Ap sion of 1887. Yet within a few weeks these proximately a third of the members of the hopes came crashing to earth. The powerful new legislature were Alliance party men — bipartisan (but predominantly Republican) enough to prevent the organization of that reform bloc in the legislature led by Igna body by either the Democrats or the Re tius Donnelly split into two embattled fac- publicans. ' For voting returns discussed in this and succeed ing paragraphs, see Minnesota Legislative Manual, THE SUDDEN APPEARANCE of the 1891, p. 554-571, 574-576. Alliance party in the campaign of 1890 ''Lind is, of course, better known to Minnesota marked a stage, not a beginning, in the his political history as a Democrat. His party allegiance shifted from Republicanism in 1896. tory of Minnesota agrarian protest politics. * See Minneapolis Journal, July 17, 1890. Two works In the 1870s the Patrons of Husbandry, dealing with agrarian protest politics in the Midwest better known as the Grangers, held the cen are John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Min ter of the agrarian stage. Grange vitality neapolis, 1931), and Russel B. Nye, Midwestern Pro declined, but within a very few years the gressive Politics (East Lansing, 1951). complex of organizations making up the ^ A detailed discussion by Donald F. Warner of Farmers' Alliance movement had come into the Alliance activities outlined here and in succeeding paragraphs may be found in "Prelude to Populism," in being. The Afliance had much in common Minnesota History, 32:130-140 (September, 1951).

298 MINNESOTA History HOLLER mill at Stephen, 1890

tions, and only a small part of the Alliance 1890, when the Minnesota Farmers' Alli program was enacted into law. For the next ance again assembled for its annual conven two years the Farmers' Alliance was so tion, the organization was formidable. weakened by war between these factions But the problem of unity was stifl an that its influence with Republican leaders urgent one. The 1889 arrangement of elect shrank to the vanishing point. As a result, ing a compromise candidate to the presi some members of the Alliance felt that the dency and employing Donnelly as state organization should sponsor the creation of lecturer was renewed by the 1890 conven a new third party. tion, much to the chagrin of Donnelly's friends. With great reluctance he accepted IN 1889 the basis was laid for a Farmers' the decision, but during the summer of Afliance renaissance. At its annual state 1890 he made it clear that he would not convention, which met in March, a truce — again tolerate what he considered a denial though necessarily a tenuous one — was of his rightful due. negotiated between the factions, and plans The 1890 convention was also obliged to were made for an ambitious membership face the issue of future Farmers' Alliance drive. Ignatius Donnelly made a substan political strategy. Expressions on the floor tial contribution to both these projects. For and numerous resolutions from Alliance the time being he set aside his own ambi locals indicated that independent political tion to be president of the state Afliance action commanded stronger support than and agreed to the selection of a compromise ever before. Donnelly, however, opposed candidate for this post. Since Donnelly's the immediate creation of a state-wide aspiration to lead the movement was the third party; he proposed instead a concen principal issue at stake between the fac trated effort to elect friendly legislators and tions, his forbearance was essential for in local officials. Other Alliance leaders were ternal unity. As Alliance state lecturer, thought to favor fusion with the Demo Donnelly also lent his great forensic talents crats, or at least exploratory moves in that to the organizational drive. His success was direction. In the face of divided opinion, striking; in 1889 and 1890 Afliance locals the convention did not definitively settle multiplied at a phenomenal rate. By March, the question of a third party. Instead the

September 1957 the same reluctance manifested at the March convention, Donnelly's supporters accepted Owen and the other candidates on the state ticket.

TO A CONSIDERABLE EXTENT Owen and the Alliance held the initiative during the 1890 campaign. In meeting the chal lenge of the new party, Democrats and Republicans alike emphasized their agree ment with basic Alliance contentions about the plight of the farmer, the "wickedness" of monopolies, and the urgent necessity to legislate economic imbalances out of ex istence. Although subsequent campaigns were to be marked by Republican and Democratic efforts to capitalize on alleged third-party extremism, this was not the case in 1890. The campaign centered about the question of which party was best equipped to enact a reform program. To assume that this was the only issue, or that the election's outcome depended solely upon the farmer's interpretation of his situation would, however, be erroneous. Other problems, related and unrelated, played a role. The Republicans gained little DONNELLY, "the Minnesota Don Quixote" from their association with the Harrison ad issue was referred to the local Alliances, ministration, largely because the McKinley where before spring yielded to summer the tariff was exceedingly unpopular. Opposi rank-and-file members made it clear that tion to it was a leading plank in the Alli they favored third-party action. As a re ance platform, and in part the Democratic sult, at a special convention on July 16, sweep of Minneapolis and St. Paul was 1890, the Minnesota Alliance party was attributable to resentment of Republican brought into existence by the overwhelm protectionism.^ ing vote of 394 to 28." The general reputation of the state ad Alliance factionalism asserted itself, how ministration created additional liabilities ever, when the convention turned to the for the Republicans. Suspicion that Mer problem of nominating a gubernatorial can riam had "boodled" his way into party didate. Donnefly was a determined con tender for the honor; his opponents, who ° For the proceedings of both conventions, see the Journal, March 7, 8, July 16, 17, 1890. See also Great were supporting R. J. Hall, the president West (St. Paul), July 25, 1890; Donnelly to Merriam, of the Farmers' Alliance, were equally re June 1, 1890, Donnelly Letter Book. The Donnelly solved to block Donnelly's nomination. For Papers are owned by the Minnesota Historical So ciety. a time it appeared that the new party ' On the Republican campaign, see the Journal, Oc might dissolve before it was launched. This tober 17, 1890; Northfield News, August 2, November eventuality was avoided by the nomination 1, 1890. For Republican editorial explanations of the election results, see issues of the Journal and the St. of Owen, editor of Farm., Stock and Home, Paul Pioneer Pre.ss, November 6, 1890; News, No a widely read agricultural biweekly. With vember 8, 1890.

300 MINNESOTA History leadership, and a conviction that he per can be exaggerated. Blocs, ad hoc and oth sonified the power of money in politics, was erwise, had been a feature of preceding leg obviously grist for Alliance mflls. But the islatures, and party discipline had often Democrats were also in a position to make been conspicuously absent. For thirty years, capital of these charges, especially in Hen however, formal Republican supremacy had nepin County, where Merriam suffered ad been a fact, and now it had been broken. ditional handicaps.' The question of the moment was what bal The comic-opera census war between ance of forces would take the place of the Minneapolis and St. Paul was fought in the Republican majority which had organized early summer of 1890. One of its by-prod previous legislatures. ucts was the creation of an atmosphere in The balance-of-power position of the Al which it was almost impossible for St. Paul liance party meant that its legislators held and Minneapolis politicians to co-operate. the most important key to the situation. To Under the circumstances, Merriam, who was a great extent, the initiative lay with Don a St. Paul banker, and his closest associates nelly, although he had been excluded from became victims of Minneapolis' hostility the inner circles of the Alliance movement for St. Paul. A spirited but unsuccess before and during the campaign. However, ful drive against the governor's renomina- his successful race for the Senate from his tion was launched by Hennepin County own county of Dakota made him a mem Republicans. Its principal result was that ber-elect of the forthcoming legislature — the county was denied its traditional repre an obvious advantage — and his political sentation on the Republican state ticket. and legislative experience far exceeded that Whatever the cause — the McKinley law, of his Alliance colleagues. Many of them Merriam, or both — the Republican party were substantial farmers or merchants who suffered a catastrophic defeat in Minne had served in local offices or, at most, a apolis and Hennepin County. The incum term or two in'the legislature. Donnelly's bent Republican city administration, which political career, on the other hand, extended suffered some liabilities in its own right, back to 1860, and included service as lieu was swept out of office; and nineteen Dem tenant governor. Congressman, and state ocrats were elected to Hennepin's twenty- legislator. His literary work had gained him one-man legislative delegation, a situation prominence, and his position at the fore that contributed substantially to the dead front of every agr irian movement since the lock in the 1891 legislature. 1870s had made him the "Mr. Reform" of Minnesota politics.'' AS 1890 receded and 1891 approached, po "The sky is luminous with promise." ^^ litical observers directed their attention to This was Donnelly's assessment of the out the forthcoming legislative session. The look immediately after the election. Per Democrats had made substantial gains in haps his exuberance reflected satisfaction both chambers, and the Afliance had been that the Alliance movement had reached a successful in enough races to create a stale summit hitherto unattained, but in view of mate. Perhaps the novelty of the situation his unsatisfactory relations with the Alli 'The charge that Merriam "boodled" is discussed ance leadership, it is more likely that he by Hall in Observations, 201. On the Hennepin County was thinking of personal vistas opened by situation below, see the Journal, March 3, July 7, 14, the election's outcome. His experience 24, 25, 1890; News, May 24, 31, July 12, August 16, 1890. clearly qualified him to lead the Afliance " See John D. Hicks, "The Political Career of Ig legislators at a time of challenge and oppor natius Donnelly," in Mississippi Valley Historical Re tunity; the successful exercise of such lead view, 8:80-132 (June-September, 1921). ership might increase his influence in the " Donnelly to W. W. Mayo, November 6,1890, Don nelly Letter Book. affairs of the party.

September 1957 301 He had not given up his ambition to be Immediately after the election he began president of the Farmers' Afliance. The or to initiate plans and negotiate agreements ganization's new convention was scheduled to accomplish his objectives. He wrote per for December 30, 1890, on the eve of the sonally to fellow senators-elect in an effort legislature's convocation. Donnefly had ac to secure their adherence to his bloc. The tively campaigned for the presidency at task of contacting House members was en least since July, and he was in an advan trusted to C. P. Carpenter of Farmington, tageous position to press his bid for the publisher of the Dakota County Tribune, office. His prospective role in the organiza who had served as chief clerk of the House tion of the Senate, and perhaps of the in 1889 and hoped to secure the position House, enabled him to hold out the lure again. With some reluctance, Donnelly of legislative patronage in return for sup pledged his support to E. T. Champlin of port of his candidacy.^^ Garden City for the speakership. A promi Donnelly's campaign was successful. By nent Blue Earth County farmer who had a vote of 542 to 105, the December conven served in two previous legislatures, Champ tion elected him to the presidency of the lin had the backing of established leaders Minnesota Farmers' Alliance.^^ It might be of the Alliance party and was looked upon added that his control of the Alliance was with favor by Democrats with Alliance not seriously challenged in the years that leanings, for he had won his House seat on followed; it can also be said that never a Democratic-Alliance fusion ticket. Don again did the organization wield the power nefly also agreed to back Fred Van Duzee it did in 1889 and 1890. As an inspirational of Luverne for secretary of the Senate. reform evangelist Donnelly had few rivals. Like Champlin, Van Duzee had strong Unfortunately, he seldom demonstrated a support among southwestern Minnesota sustained capacity to manage a situation Democrats and Alliancemen.^* which required conciliation and compromise. As the opening day of the session ap proached, it was not clear what partisan PREOCCUPATION with the campaign combination would best accomplish Don for the Alliance presidency did not keep nelly's ends. The presumption was on the Donnelly from thinking about the forth side of a Democratic-Alliance coalition, but coming legislative session. In fact, his bid it was not certain that such an arrangement to head the Afliance and his aspiration to could be negotiated. Champlin's candidacy dominate the organization of the legisla ture were parts of a single plan to re-estab " On Donnelly's campaign for the office, see Warner, lish his leadership of the farmers' move in Minnesota History, 32:140; Donnelly to A. M. Mor ment. He was particularly eager to control rison, November 12, 1890, and to J. Q. Cronkhite, No vember 18, 1890, Donnelly Letter Book. the distribution of legislative patronage. He '" For accounts of the convention, see the Pioneer was also determined to secure for himself Press, January 2, 1891; Martin County Sentinel (Fair the chairmanship of the Senate railroad mont), and Great West, January 9, 1891. committee, to obtain dominant positions " Donnelly's plans are set forth in his circular letter to local Alliances, November 15, 1890, Donnelly Pa on other key committees for his TUliance pers; and in a letter to Henry Feig, November 22, colleagues, and to bring about the election 1890, Donnelly Letter Book. of an Allianceman to the speakership of the "Donnelly to Eric Sevatson, November 13, 1890; House. If these objectives could be realized, to F. M. Currier, G. A. Glade, and A. Y. Eaton, No vember 15, 1890; to E. T. ChampHn, November 26, the new party would have offices to dis 1890. See also letters to Donnelly from W. W. Mayo. pense, the Alliance program presumably November 8, 14, 1890; Jay La Due, November 11, would fare well in the legislature, and Don 1890; C. p. Carpenter, November 14, 24, 1890; J. H. Baker, November 15, 1890; E. T. Champlin, Novem nefly's title to third-party leadership would ber 16, 1890; and F. M. Currier, November 22, 1890. be indisputable.'^' Donnelly Papers.

302 MINNESOTA History did not command full Democratic support, that a Democratic-Alliance coalition had and Carpenter's aspirations were opposed assumed control of that chamber. During by F. J. Smafley, the state Democratic the next few days other detafls of the coali leadership's choice for chief clerk. tion agreement came to light. The lieuten From time to time, disquieting rumors ant governor was stripped of his customary of counterplans gained credence. One re power to appoint committees; six commit port had it that "organization" Democrats tee chairmanships were allotted to Alliance were confident of their ability to attract senators and thirteen to Democrats; Don enough Afliance legislators to their ranks nefly was given the coveted chairmanship to control the House independently of of the railroad committee. Detailed ar Donnelly and Champlin. On the eve of the rangements were also made for the division session it was rumored that a sufficient num of legislative patronage.'^" ber of Democrats would support Republi A similar combination ultimately or can Representative Frank E. Searle of St. ganized the House, but there agreement Cloud to assure his election as speaker. was not reached until the third day of the Such rumors, coupled with Donnelly's in session. The principal difficulties were over nate distrust of the Democratic leadership, the speakership and the post of chief clerk. led him to explore alternatives to Demo At the start. Alliance members backed a cratic-Alliance coalition. Among them was Champlin-Carpenter combination for these an utterly impractical plan to organize a offices, while the Democrats supported Rep "reform" bloc consisting of Alliance legis resentative H. C. Stivers for speaker and lators and enough disaffected Republicans Smafley for clerk. Newspaper reports af and Democrats to constitute a majority. firmed that Afliance determination to secure Donnelly also approached Lieutenant Gov the chairmanship of the railroad committee ernor Gideon S. Ives with a proposal that was an additional point of contention he reserve key positions on important com between leaders of the two parties. On mittees for Alliance senators in return for January 8 a compromise was worked out, Alliance co-operation with the Republicans and the way cleared for a Democratic- in organizing the Senate. Ives rejected the Alliance coalition. Champlin was selected proposal.'' speaker, Smalley became chief clerk, and The legislature convened on January 6 committee chairmanships were distributed with the deadlock still unresolved. But be equally. The Democrats were given the fore the end of the day, the election of Van right to select the first chairman, the Alli Duzee as secretary of the Senate indicated ance the second, the Democrats the third, and so on. As anticipated, the Democrats' first choice was the House raflroad com- ^° On November 15 Donnelly wrote to Major J. M. Bowler: "I think a combination of D's and A's prob mittee.'^'' able." Donnelly Papers. For information on the vari ous rumors and plans, see the Journal, January 2, 1891; Donnelly to John Diamond, November 27, 1890; to REPUBLICAN reaction to the formation Mayo and to J. P. Jennison, December 1, 1890; to Ives, of a Democratic-Alliance "combine" — as December 18, 1890, Donnelly Letter Book. See also the coalition came to be called — was swift Ives to Donnelly, December 20, 1890, Donnelly Pa pers. and sharp. Republican senators signed a ^'Journal, January 6, 1891; Pioneer Press, January protest containing three major points: that 6, 11, 1891. Key votes at the opening of the session re the Democratic-Alliance majority had vealed the following division in the 54-member Senate: Republicans, 26; Democrats, 15; Alliance party, 13. acted fllegally in stripping the lieutenant In the 114-member House, there were 40 Democrats; governor of his authority to appoint com 41 Republicans; 32 Alliance party members; and one mittees; that the Republican "plurality" vacancy created by a disputed election. " Journal, January 7. 8, 9,1891; Pioneer Press, Janu had been deprived of its rightful number ary 7, 9, 20, 1891. of committee assignments; and that farmer

September 1957 303 members of the Senate had been denied long career in the Minnesota legislature. their share of committee posts. Republican These issues, however, offered a slen newspaper comment followed the main lines der base for co-operation with the Alliance of the protest and, in addition, interpreted party. Its members were, on the whole, the combine arrangement as a cynical suspicious of the single tax. Alliance plat scheme entered into for the control of forms had given endorsement to labor's patronage by two groups inherently inca most important demands, but rank-and-file pable of co-operation on policy matters.^^ Alliance members were at best lukewarm Due allowance has to be made for the supporters of the measures. No doubt many partisanship underlying these aflegations, of them feared that the eight-hour day and but the combine scheme was inherently bans on child labor might be applied to vulnerable at several points. True, there agriculture." were areas of agreement between the Alli The Democratic legislators from rural ance and the Democratic parties on such Minnesota were not a particularly cohesive issues as the tariff. In the campaign both group. On questions of public policy they had battled a common enemy —the Re were about as divided as their Republican publican party — and the election had seen colleagues. Some had been elected with fusion arrangements in several contests. formal Alliance support — Dr. W. W. Mayo To a generation accustomed to the ex of Rochester, for example — and others istence of the Democratic-Farmer-Labor were basically sympathetic to Afliance de party, a Democratic-Alliance combination mands. However, most of them were fresh might seem perfectly logical, but there was man legislators. They were not, therefore, another side of the coin. Untfl 1896 the as influential in party councils as men like acknowledged leader of the Minnesota Senator Henry Keller of Stearns County Democratic party was Michael Doran of and other veterans from traditionally Dem St. Paul, a pronounced conservative in the ocratic districts. On the whole, such lead Grover Cleveland sense. No doubt the un ing Democrats had little in common with principled boss image of Doran created by the Alliance. Thus it cannot be said that his political opponents was less than just, the combine partners were sufficiently com but there can be no question that he was patible on public policy issues to assure thoroughly unsympathetic to the Alliance the harmonious development of a legisla movement and determined to prevent his tive program. own party from becoming an instrument for the enactment of the Alliance program. THE COALITION also faced other prob Minnesota's leading Democratic daily, the lems. Republican possession of the gover St. Paul Globe, shared Doran's point of view. norship was an obvious handicap. Politi cally it would have been extremely unwise Some Democratic legislators were not re sponsive to Doran's leadership, but this for Merriam to block the enactment of a did not automatically make them sympa reform program, but little incentive or thetic to the Alliance party. For example, opportunity existed for him to exert his lead in the Hennepin County delegation several ership in the development of such legisla Minneapolis Democrats were advocates of tion. Moreover, neither the Alliance party Henry George's single tax. A few were en nor the Democrats had a surplus of experi- thusiastic supporters of employer liabflity legislation, the eight-hour day, factory in "See Pioneer Press, January 11, 15, 1891; Sentinel, spection, and prohibition of child labor. January 16, 1891. ^'' Open meetings between Single-taxers and Alliance- Leading the latter group was S. A. Stockwefl, men were not particularly harmonious. See Pioneer then at the beginning of his phenomenafly Press, January 30, February 6, 1891.

304 MINNESOTA History enced leaders. The latter had not controlled the legislature for over a generation, and the Alliance had to rely on Donnelly who, for all his brilliance, was not an effective legislator. Factionalism also constituted a danger; the session was to show how effec tively outbreaks of intra-Afliance dissen sions could disrupt a legislative program. Still another handicap was lack of editorial support. Then, as in later years, the Min nesota press was predominantly Repub lican. Considered together these difficulties ap pear formidable, but perhaps they were not insurmountable. Certainly there was in 1891 a sense of urgency about reforms long overdue, and a deep anxiety about the plight of the farmer. If platforms and cam "THE Farmer in Control" paign pronouncements have any meaning whatever, it should have been possible to the arts of compromise rather than the enact a minimal reform program. Spokes techniques of political evangelism. The men of all parties were agreed that shippers, leaders of the combine were unable to rise and especially small shippers, were entitled to the challenge. to legislative protection against railroad After the Senate's thirteen Alliancemen discrimination; that something had to be and fifteen Democrats had united to or done to improve the farmer's bargaining ganize that body, an acrimonious debate position at the local elevator level; that developed on the subject of the Republican high interest charges had to be dealt with; protest. The debate was precipitated by a and that the state's wage earners needed series of parliamentary moves by Donnelly more legal protection against the hazards to prevent the protest from being entered of the factory than they were getting.-" in the Senate Journal — moves which in the The responsibility facing the legislature end were unsuccessful — but time and again of 1891, and particularly the combine during the first two weeks the subject gen leaders, was to translate these areas of erated heated discussion. When its poten agreement into law. Admittedly this was tialities were exhausted, allegations about a difficult assignment. Tensions within the improper use of money in the contest the combine had to be contained insofar for United States Senator in 1889 were ex as possible, and maximum agreement on humed for examination. Since the success essentials cultivated. Republican help had ful candidate in the race had been William to be courted on behalf of measures which D. Washburn, with whom Donnelly had could not command full Democratic-Afli- fought more than one political duel, this ance support. To enact a reform program topic, like the protest, had great contro under such circumstances required skiflful versial possibilities, which were exploited to the fullest. The debate ended when the group diplomacy and the application of Senate authorized the printing of ten thou sand copies of a transcript of the 1889 leg -° These basic reforms were called for in Governor islature's investigation of the bribery Knute Nelson's inaugural message two years later. See charges.^^ Pioneer Press. January 5, 1893. '^ Pioneer Press, January 21, February 5, 8,13, 1891. The opening debates set the tone for

September 1957 305 terest rate should be. Rather it was a ques tion of what penalties should be prescribed for exceeding the maximum contract rate. One group of senators favored forfeiture of both interest and principal as the maxi mum penalty for violation. Others insisted that such action would be unnecessarily punitive, and that it would drive capital from the state. A few wanted to repeal ex isting legislation, which provided for for feiture of interest, and eliminate entirely any ceding on the contract rate.-- When the issue reached the floor, Don nelly supported a bifl introduced by Repub lican Senator Charles R. Davis of Nicoflet County, which in its original form provided for forfeiture of both interest and principal. Although Donnelly's position was the logi cal one for an Afliance senator to take, his moral right to support the Davis measure was challenged by several Democratic col leagues. According to Senator J. W. Craven of Carver County, one of the conditions agreed to at the time the combine was CARTOON entitled "The Daily Exhibition formed was that the Davis act would be in the Senate Cockpit" sidetracked in favor of one to be drafted by the Senate banking committee — a bfll the 1891 session. Zealous preoccupation which, as it turned out, was less stringent with irrelevancies and bitter controversy than that drafted by Davis. Now, said over trivialities became the mark of daily Craven, Donnefly not only had the bad Senate routine. Had the division continued grace to oppose the committee's version, along partisan lines, it is possible that a but he also accused its sponsors and sup legislative program might have been en porters of "corruption." ^' acted. But the acrimony was not long con Most of the Senate Democrats supported fined within a Republican versus combine the banking committee's bill and a mfld context — a serious matter, for the latter forfeiture clause. So did a number of Afli dominated the Senate by only two votes. ance senators. The St. Paul Pioneer Press When the major bills of the session came up of March 3, 1891, reported that Senator E. for consideration, Democrat was frequently E. Lommen of Polk County defined his po at odds with Allianceman, and at times sition by quoting from a constituent's let Allianceman bitterly opposed Allianceman. ter: "If you want to send this whole upper Usually these disagreements were accom country to Hades by the shortest route, panied by charges of bad faith and broken then pass all these [interest] bills at once." promises. Senator John Hompe of Otter Tail County SUCH A SITUATION developed when in agreed with Lommen. On the other hand. terest and usury legislation came up for debate. The main issue was not the per "Pioneer Press, February 27, 1891. '"Pioneer Press, March 1, 1891. Senator Keller gave centage definition of the legal interest rate, the same version of the agreement. See the Press of or even what the maximum contract in April 16, 1891.

306 MINNESOTA History several prominent Republicans, including sue than were the older parties. Yet some Senator Frank Day of Martin County, were of its elected representatives were taking vigorous advocates of a stringent forfeiture a stand considerably more compromising clause.-* than that taken by many Republicans. The stand taken by Lommen and Hompe "What seems strange," editoriahzed the may have given plausibility to suspicions Grant County Herald of March 19, 1891, that the Afliance party, at the time the "is the utter variance between Alliance combine was formed, had agreed to back a precepts at election times and practice of "weak" interest bifl for the sake of legisla Alliance legislators." tive patronage. But it would be unfair not Donnelly's efforts to build support for to recognize that legislators from such "strong" interest legislation gave intra- counties as Polk and Otter Tail were placed Afliance disagreement widespread publicity. under strong pressure by the tight-money On March 6 the Great West carried a let situation in their districts. The pressure ter signed by him as president of the was intensified by the persistent emphasis Farmers' Alliance. In rather temperate upon the relationship between "strong" in language, it presented the case for his own terest legislation and an even tighter money stand on forfeiture and called attention to situation. the danger that several Alliance legislators The St. Paul Globe of March 16, 1891, might not support his position when the quoted the Windom Reporter as saying issue came up for decision. The dissenting that loan companies in Cottonwood County legislators were not dealt wdth severely; were "holding up" credit applications pend charitably Donnelly noted that many of ing action by the legislature. If a stringent them were inexperienced and hence sus usury law was passed, according to the ceptible to threats about credit stringency. Reporter, the companies would suspend Alliance members were urged to exert all business entirely. On March 18 the Globe possible pressure on the waverers so that carried a letter written by John Lathrop, the party could maintain a solid front on onetime secretary of the Farmers' Alliance, interest legislation. which stated that in Lac qui Parle County The appeal may have had some effect. A interest rates of from twelve to eighteen week later the Senate voted to include a per cent were being advertised, the exist forfeiture clause in the pending legislation. ing ten per cent ceiling notwithstanding. A few days later the interest bifl passed on The penalty for seeking legal redress, said a preliminary reading by a vote of 33 to 16, Lathrop, was a "black-listing" which would with 6 Republicans and 10 combine sena effectively deprive the complainant of any tors making up the opposition. Two weeks source of credit. earlier the House had passed a bill which included a forfeiture clause. The 1891 ses THAT it was difficult for legislators from sion did not, however, produce any interest areas most directly affected to ignore the legislation. An effort in the closing hours to ominous implications raised by opponents suspend the Senate rules so that the bfll of a stringent usury law is beyond ques could come up for final passage failed by tion. However, many farmers had joined twelve votes to command the necessary the Alliance movement in the hope of se two-thirds majority.-'* curing relief from excessive interest rates. By its own definition, the Alliance party SENATE consideration of railroad legisla was more uncompromising on the usury is- tion generated as much intramural combine disharmony as did the debates on usury, although the final record was not as bar ^ Pioneer Press, February 28, 1891. " Pioneer Press. March 3, 4, 13, 16, April 19, 1891. ren. In mid-February a coalition, comprised

September 1957 307 of virtually all the Republican and four shipped to terminal points. The distance combine members of the Senate, inflicted tariff had long been an accepted Alliance a humiliating defeat on Donnelly, who, it doctrine. Spokesmen for the organization will be recalled, was chairman of the rail had frequently asserted that terminal rates road committee. Temporarily dominated by not only added to the shipper's burden, but the coalition, the Senate voted to discharge also contributed to an unhealthy concen from the committee the so-called Hompe tration of commerce and industry in the bill as a substitute for a more far-reaching Twin Cities. The Alliance argument asserted measure authored by Donnefly himself. that Iowa's more balanced geographical Hompe was an Alliance party stalwart, and growth was attributable to the distance- a prominent member of the anti-Donnelly tariff provision in that state's railroad faction. His sponsorship of the bill did little code.-^ to improve the already strained relations The Currier bfll commanded strong sup between him and Donnelly. Enmity be port in the House. As might have been ex tween the two men was further aggravated pected. Twin City legislators, for the most by their differences over usury legislation. part, opposed it, but compensating support The result was an open feud, which was was forthcoming from many rural Repub kept alive for many months through the ex licans. It was, however, insufficient to tip change of fiery personal missives in the the scales in the bill's favor. Although the Great West and other reform papers.-'' measure was recommended for passage by Meanwhfle, with a good deal less emo a substantial majority, when it came up tion, consideration of raflroad legislation had been initiated in the House. There Al ^° On the Senate's action, see the Pioneer Press, Feb ruary 15, 1891; Great West, February 20, 1891. For a liance hopes were embodied in a compre sample of Donnelly's polemics, see Great West, March hensive bfll introduced by Representative 4, 1892. For Hompe's, see Vgeblad (Fergus Falls), Feb F. M. Currier of Blue Earth County. Es- ruary 18, 1892. ''' The full text of the Currier bill as originally intro sentiafly, it was similar to the sidetracked duced is carried in the Pioneer Press of January 20, Donnelly bill. Its most controversial provi 1891. For a statement of the Alliance point of view on sion called for a mandatory "distance tar the distance tariff, see Donnelly's "Address to the Farmers of Minnesota," in Great West, October 18, iff," outlawing preferential rates on goods 1889.

THE House chamber in the second Capitol for final consideration party lines were a When the Keyes bill, as the secret ballot complete shambles, and it lost by a vote of measure was called, came up for considera 56 to 48.=« tion, a deep split developed between Demo The legislature had not, however, said cratic and Alliance legislators. The issue its last word on railroad legislation. Oppo was not whether a secret baflot should be nents as well as supporters of the Currier adopted; virtually everybody wanted that. bill were deeply concerned about the chaotic But the Democrats objected strenuouslj' to state in which the authority of the rail a provision in the Keyes bill which made road and warehouse commission had been it mandatory for the elector to place a left by the United States Supreme Court's check by the name of every candidate for decision in the case of the Milwaukee and whom he was voting. Instead, Democratic St. Paul Railroad Company vs. Minnesota. spokesmen wanted a ballot which would Early in 1890 the court had declared un permit the voter, were he so minded, to in constitutional the 1887 legislature's grant dicate in a box at the top that he wished to of rate-making power to the commission, vote for all the candidates of a given party. because the Minnesota law failed to provide Democrats argued that the ballot pre for judicial review of the commission's ex scribed by the Keyes bill discriminated ercise of this power. The court ruled that against the foreign born and placed their the 1887 law deprived the railroads of right to vote under the control of Repub rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth lican employers. This reasoning made no Amendment.-'' impression on either Republican or Alliance Provisions designed to correct the omis legislators, whose solid front was formi sion and to restore the commission's au dable enough to push the bill through both thority were included in both the Currier houses.'''^ and Hompe bills. The latter was passed by Combine sponsorship of other reform both houses in the closing days of the ses measures was, in general, ineffective. When sion and was subsequently signed by the unsolicited Republican support was forth governor. It probably gave the railroad and coming, a bill had a chance; when its fate warehouse commission as much authority depended primarily upon combine solidar as the Supreme Court decision permitted. ity and leadership, it was usuafly consigned The Hompe bill was a significant piece of to oblivion. Although a Congressional re legislation, but a general determination to apportionment law, made necessary by the preserve past reforms rather than effective growth of population recorded in the census combine leadership was responsible for its of 1890, was enacted more or less as a mat passage.'" ter of course, the list of measures that failed is impressive. No important labor legisla ANOTHER important enactment of the tion was passed. An attempted compromise 1891 legislature was the Australian ballot on the single tax, which would have left law. That it passed in spite of the combine each community free to adopt it for its was so obvious that Democratic-Alliance own financial needs, failed miserably. A spokesmen could claim no credit for it. later generation may doubt the wisdom of such a measure, but a friendly disposi "^ Pioneer Press, April 4, 1891. tion toward it by the Alliance would have =°134 U.S. 418-466 (1890). contributed greatly to amity within the ™ For its provisions, see Minnesota, General Laws, combine's reform wing. A proposed con 1891. p. 178-185. On its passage, see the Journal. April 9, 14, 1891. stitutional amendment which broadened '^ See General Laws, 1891, p. 23-66. Reports on pas the state's authority to regulate elevators sage of the bill and Democratic objections to it may and warehouses failed to clear its first hur be found in the Pioneer Press and the Globe for April dle when it lost in the Senate by one vote. 17, 1891.

September 1957 309 A bill, introduced by Donnelly, to tax the with those of the Middle West, and when mortgage holder's equity in real estate fell even Washington, D. C, seemed fairly re by the wayside. Another measure author mote, evaluating the performance of a re izing school districts to furnish free text cently adjourned legislature was a more books to pupils died in committee. And so popular journalistic enterprise than it is in it went."- the 1950s. Usually the verdicts were not Republican orators subsequently made couched in pure black or white terms, and much of the fiscal "excesses" of the 1891 partisanship was only one of several fac legislature. Their case rested on an in tors influencing judgment. Occasionally — crease in the state tax rate from 1.7 to 2.2 as in 1893, 1895, and 1901 —the white pre mills; on a bfll for legislative "sundries" dominated to the point where superlatives which exceeded that of the 1889 session by were employed. some fifteen thousand doflars; and on a Superlatives were used in 1891, too, substantial increase in total appropriations. though not for the purpose of pointing up In rebuttal, combine spokesmen pointed the legislature's virtues. To the New Ulm out that Republican sponsored amend Review of April 15, 1891, the session's leg ments, offered in the certain knowledge acy was "nothing but a bifl of expense for that they would command the few required salaries and postage stamps." In its issue combine votes for passage, were at least of April 24, the Martin County Sentinel, partly responsible for the increased level Senator Frank Day's paper, called the ses of spending. There was an element of jus sion the most extravagant in the history of tice in the complaint, but it was the com the state and attributed its meager accom bine which had to bear the responsibility. plishments to Republican influence. The Expenditures and taxes had been raised at Moorhead News was quoted by the Senti a time when the combine controlled the nel of May 8 as lamenting the extent to legislature; and to hard-pressed farmers, ex which every taxpayer had been penalized tremely sensitive to every increase in finan by the legislator's "inexperience and ex cial burdens, this apparent extravagance travagance." was the vital point."" Partisanship heavfly influenced these Thus the record of the legislature of 1891 judgments, but it is significant that Demo- was not impressive. At the beginning of the cratic-Afliance organs either defended the session expectations had run high. The end session in terms too apologetic to be con of a generation of Republican legislative vincing or joined the chorus of denuncia domination was believed by many to herald tion. The St. Peter Herald, then edited by a new era which would effect a wholesale the youthful John A. Johnson, in the issue redress of grievances. Yet out of all the re of May 1 blamed the Republicans for the form measures thrown into the legislative increased tax rate and the high level of ap hoppers, only two important ones survived: propriations. In an editorial, the St. Paul a railroad bfll which fell far short of Afli Globe of Aprfl 20 comforted its readers ance expectations and promises; and an with the thought that a legislature was Austrahan ballot law which the Democrats not to be judged solely by the laws it had stoutly opposed. Over against this rec enacted. The paper maintained that legis ord were afl the measures that had failed, lative deliberations had educational value. and an increased financial burden. Most gafling of all was the legislature's failure to •'" These measures are discussed in the Pioneer Press, enact an interest and usury law. February 20, 1891; Globe, March 14, April 20, 1891; Journal, April 1, 1891. IN THE DAYS before the problems of "^ The Republican point of view is expressed in the Journal, April 20, 1891; Sentinel, May 5, 1891. For the Middle East competed for attention the rebuttal, see the Globe, April 20, 1891.

310 MINNESOTA History SENATE chamber used by the Minnesota legislature in 1891 and they provided outlets for tensions served such a mandate in 1892, the late which might otherwise build up to the legislative session notwithstanding. Alli point of explosion. From this perspective, ancemen, it pointed out, had constituted argued the Globe, the legislature of 1891 less than a third of the 1891 legislature's was a success. In an editorial of Aprfl 24, membership. The document also affirmed the Great West, speaking for the combine's that "in nearly every instance" Alliance other extreme, took quite a different line. legislators had "voted on the side of re The paper was "thankful indeed" that trenchment, reform and good government"; there were so few Alliancemen in the 1891 and that an increase in the demands of legislature, for "if the aroma of that body state institutions was responsible for the were to attach to the Alliance party, there hike in taxes and appropriations. The inde would be no more Alliance party in Min pendent existence of the Alliance party was nesota, forever." also proclaimed; experience in the late ses The Alliance legislators, for their part, sion proved "that in the great battle for declined responsibility for the session's fail reform we can depend on no political party ings. The Globe of April 22 published a but our own." manifesto, signed by twenty-nine legisla The extent to which the manifesto dis tors and written in Donnelly's unmistak couraged identification of the Alliance party able prose, which bravely proclaimed: "We with the legislature of 1891 obviously can are defeated but not disheartened. . . . We not be determined. To those who wanted call upon the farmers and mechanics and to believe, doubtless it was convincing. afl the hosts of labor to . . . prepare for Others who remembered that the Afliance a great campaign in 1892, for the redemp party had been part of the legislature's tion of the state from the grasp of the dominant majority may have been more classes who now plunder and oppress it." impressed by a comment appearing in the No pains were spared to demonstrate in Sentinel of Aprfl 24: "the late session proves the manifesto that the Alliance party de that reformers do not always reform."

September 1957 311 MINNESOTA partisan politics of the 1890s the White House, the Republican party were profoundly affected by the reputation could absolve itself of blame for the inten which the 1891 legislature, with the aid of sification of economic distress following its critics, established for itself. Third-party the panic of 1893. Minnesota Republicans activity was not, of course, abandoned. On also demonstrated a capacity to read elec the contrary, it entered a more ambitious tion returns, as their selection of Knute phase in 1891-92, when the Minnesota Nelson to run for governor in 1892 and the branch of the national People's party as impressive record of the 1893 legislature sumed the assets and liabilities of the Alli seem to prove. At the same time, the Peo ance party, which met its final demise in ple's party continued to be plagued with the summer of 1892. factionalism, and it was unable to dispel But the People's party was unable to a widespread suspicion that its leadership meet the expectations created by the elec was unsound. Republican journalists were tion of 1890. In the 1892 race for governor, happy to emphasize Populist "untrustwor- Donnelly polled twenty thousand fewer thiness," and fears generated by such events votes than Owen had two years before. The as the Pullman strike of 1894 increased same election cut third-party representa public responsiveness to the accusation. tion in the state House of Representatives There can be no question, however, that in half, and only one third-party Congress the reputation of the legislature of 1891 man was elected with a margin of fewer lent plausibility to the thesis of Populist than a hundred votes in an area which "radicalism" and Democratic "irresponsi Owen and his ticket had swept in the pre bility." With a zeal not entirely justified vious election. Democratic fortunes also de by the facts. Republican campaigners of clined in 1892 despite Grover Cleveland's the 1890s pointed to the 1891 session as decisive national victory. Daniel Lawler's proof that political "soundness" was a race for governor was creditable enough, monopoly of the Grand Old Party. The al but his party lost a fourth of its legislative leged incompetence, extravagance, and seats and captured only two of the seven general ineffectiveness of the only non-Re Congressional districts."* publican legislature within immediate mem Subsequent elections confirmed these ory became a political myth, comparable in a trends despite deepening depression and limited way to the "Hoover depression," greater economic distress. Up to 1900 there "Truman's war," or the "terrible Eightieth were but two breaks in the pattern of Re Congress." And a myth which commands publican gains. In 1894 Owen, running as belief is a more effective determinant of a Populist, polled a respectable vote in his political behavior than a realitj' which is race for governor; and John Lind, running ambiguous."'' as a "People's Democrat" nearly captured "* Election results discussed here and below appear the office in 1896 and did so in 1898. Both in Legislative Manual, 1893, p. 462-467, 474-479; 1895, exceptions are readily explained. Owen was p. 462, 571-585. considerably stronger than his party, and ^ See a Republican manifesto for the campaign of he profited from the political weakness of 1892 in the News, October 29, 1892; an editorial in the Journal, October 25, 1898; and William H. Eustis' ac his Democratic opponent, George L. Becker, ceptance speech in the same paper, October 4, 1898. whose bid was not taken seriously by many THE PHOTOGRAPH on page 299 is from the collec Democrats. Lind also had a large personal tions of the Marshall County Historical Society. Car following, and his opponents did not com toons reproduced on pages 300 and 306 appeared in issues ot the Minneapolis Journal for February 24 and mand the fufl support of their parties. 5, 1891, respectively. They were the work of Charles L. Obviously the drift back to Republican Bartholomew, better known as "Bart," a leading car ism cannot be attributed solely to the leg toonist of the period. The cartoon on page 305 is from the St. Paul Globe of January 8, 1891. Other photos in islature of 1891. Because Cleveland was in these pages are from the society's picture files.

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