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The Role of People-To-People Programs in the Current Israeli-Palestinian
The Power of Possibility: The Role of People-to-People Programs in the Current Israeli- Palestinian Reality Forum Israel Shira Herzog and Avivit Hai ECF economic cooperation foundation © 2005 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Israel Office P.O.Box 12235 Herzliya 46733, Israel Editor: Hermann Bünz Layout: Jaffa Cohen Printing: Ra'ayon All rights reserved. Editorial The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is a non-profit organisation with ideological roots in the German and international labour movement. Out of a profound commitment to social justice and peaceful coexistence both within societies and between nations, the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung office in Israel contributes to - Strengthening German-Israeli relations - Facilitating the peace process and regional co-operation - Improving labour relations - Working for gender equality and women's empowerment - Democracy education for youth - Policy consulting and information Together with its partners, the Israel office of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung regularly holds public forums and workshops which address the above-mentioned topics. Authoritative representatives from the political, social, economic, and academic worlds are invited to take part in these encounters. Lectures and addresses given at these events, as well as conference summaries, are reproduced in this series of brochures, entitled "Israel Forum". The series is also intended for the presentation of policy analyses and research results which constitute the backdrop to such public forums. www.fes.org.il Opening Note The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and the Economic Cooperation Foundation (ECF) are pleased to support this publication, "The Power of Possibility – the Role of People-to-People in the Current Israeli-Palestinian Reality." The last few months have seen dramatic changes in the Israeli-Palestinian relationship. -
Jewish Law and Current Legal Problems
JEWISH LAW AND CURRENT LEGAL PROBLEMS JEWISH LAW AND CURRENT LEGAL PROBLEMS EDITED BY NAHUM RAKOVER The Library of Jewish Law The Library of Jewish Law Ministry of Justice The Jewish Legal Heritage Society Foundation for the Advancement of Jewish Law PROCEEDINGS of the First International Seminar on The Sources Of Contemporary Law: The Bible and Talmud and Their Contribution to Modern Legal Systems Jerusalem. August 1983 © The Library of Jewish Law The Jewish Lcg<1l Heritage Society P.O.Box 7483 Jerusalem 91074 1984 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 9 GREETINGS OF THE MINISTER OF JUSTICE, Moshe Nissim II LEGAL THEORY Haim H. Cohn THE LESSON OF JEWISH LAW FOR 15 LEGAL CHANGE Meyer S. Feldblum THE EMERGENCE OF THE HALAKHIC 29 LEGAL SYSTEM Classical and Modern Perceptions Norman Solomon EXTENSIVE AND RESTRICTIVE 37 INTERPRETATION LAW IN CHANGING SOCIETIES Yedidya Cohen THE KIBBUTZ AS A LEGAL ENTITY 55 Reuben Ahroni THE LEVIRATE AND HUMAN RIGHTS 67 JUDICIAL PROCESS Haim Shine COMPROMISE 77 5 POLITICAL THEORY Emanuel Rackman THE CHURCH FATHERS AND HEBREW 85 POLITICAL THOUGHT LAW AND RELIGION John Wade THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGION UPON LAW 97 Bernard J. Meis/in THE TEN COMMANDMENTS IN AMERICAN 109 LAW PENAL LAW Ya'akov Bazak MAIMONIDES' VIEWS ON CRIME AND 121 PUNISHMENT Yehuda Gershuni EXTRADITION 127 Nahum Rakover COERCION IN CONJUGAL RELATIONS 137 SELF-INCRIMINATION Isaac Braz THE PRIVILEGE AGAINST SELF 161 INCRIMINATION IN ANGLO-AMERICAN LAW The Influence of Jewish Law Arnold Enker SELF-INCRIMINATION 169 Malvina Halberstam THE RATIONALE FOR EXCLUDING 177 INCRIMINATING STATEMENTS U.S. Law Compared to Ancient Jewish Law Stanley Levin DUE PROCESS IN RABBINICAL AND 191 ISRAELI LAW Abuse and Subversion 6 MEDICAL ETHICS David A. -
Command and Control | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Command and Control by David Makovsky, Olivia Holt-Ivry May 23, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Olivia Holt-Ivry Articles & Testimony his week, the world's major powers resumed negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program. Should they fail, T the specter of a possible Israeli strike looms large, seeming to grow more likely as Tehran's nuclear program advances. In recent weeks, however, the conventional wisdom has shifted to favor the view that Israel is not on the cusp of a strike against Iran. This has been driven in part by public comments from former Israeli security officials -- notably former Mossad head Meir Dagan and former Shin Bet head Yuval Diskin -- questioning the wisdom of such an attack. An Israeli strike is not feasible, the thinking goes, so long as its security community remains divided -- and the thinly veiled threats of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak are therefore mere bluster. Don't be so sure. Dagan and Diskin's views aren't likely to tell us much about the likelihood of a strike on Iran one way or the other. For starters, they're former officials -- given the sensitivity of this issue, and the recent media misinterpretation of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Benny Gantz's remarks earlier this month, no other current members of the security establishment are likely to go public with their views. -
Publications of Members, 1930-1954
THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY PUBLICATIONS OF MEMBERS 1930 • 1954 PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY . 1955 COPYRIGHT 1955, BY THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS, PRINCETON, N.J. CONTENTS FOREWORD 3 BIBLIOGRAPHY 9 DIRECTORY OF INSTITUTE MEMBERS, 1930-1954 205 MEMBERS WITH APPOINTMENTS OF LONG TERM 265 TRUSTEES 269 buH FOREWORD FOREWORD Publication of this bibliography marks the 25th Anniversary of the foundation of the Institute for Advanced Study. The certificate of incorporation of the Institute was signed on the 20th day of May, 1930. The first academic appointments, naming Albert Einstein and Oswald Veblen as Professors at the Institute, were approved two and one- half years later, in initiation of academic work. The Institute for Advanced Study is devoted to the encouragement, support and patronage of learning—of science, in the old, broad, undifferentiated sense of the word. The Institute partakes of the character both of a university and of a research institute j but it also differs in significant ways from both. It is unlike a university, for instance, in its small size—its academic membership at any one time numbers only a little over a hundred. It is unlike a university in that it has no formal curriculum, no scheduled courses of instruction, no commitment that all branches of learning be rep- resented in its faculty and members. It is unlike a research institute in that its purposes are broader, that it supports many separate fields of study, that, with one exception, it maintains no laboratories; and above all in that it welcomes temporary members, whose intellectual development and growth are one of its principal purposes. -
History of the Israeli/ Understand How the “Einstein Letter” Relates to the Palestinian Conflict, We Can Turn to a Trustworthy Jewish Present Situation
The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict continues primarily to advocate on behalf of Israel and to address threats to its continued existence and security. Part 1 A religious variety of Zionism supports Jews upholding Zionism is both an ideology and nationalist movement their Jewish identity defined as adherence to religious among the Jewish people that espouses the re- Judaism, opposes the assimilation of Jews into other establishment and support for a Jewish state in the societies, and has advocated the return of Jews territory defined as the historic Land of Israel (roughly to Israel as a means for Jews to be a majority nation in corresponding to Canaan, the Holy Land, or the region their own state. A variety of Zionism, called cultural of Palestine). Modern Zionism emerged in the late 19th Zionism, founded and represented most prominently century in Central and Eastern Europe as a national revival by Ahad Ha'am, fostered a secular vision of a Jewish movement, both in reaction to newer waves "spiritual center" in Israel. Unlike Herzl, the founder of of antisemitism and as a response to Haskalah, or Jewish political Zionism, Ahad Ha'am strived for Israel to be "a [17] Enlightenment. Soon after this, most leaders of the Jewish state and not merely a state of Jews". movement associated the main goal with creating the Advocates of Zionism view it as a national liberation desired state in Palestine, then an area controlled by movement for the repatriation of a persecuted people the Ottoman Empire. residing as minorities in a variety of nations to their Until 1948, the primary goals of Zionism were the re- ancestral homeland. -
Israel-Palestine Through the Lens of Game Theory
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Economics Department Working Paper Series Economics 2021 Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory Amal Ahmad Department of Economics, University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/econ_workingpaper Part of the Economics Commons Recommended Citation Ahmad, Amal, "Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory" (2021). Economics Department Working Paper Series. 301. https://doi.org/10.7275/21792057 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Economics Department Working Paper Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory Amal Ahmad∗ February 2021 Abstract Why have Israel and the Palestinians failed to implement a \land for peace" solution, along the lines of the Oslo Accords? This paper studies the applica- tion of game theory to this question. I show that existing models of the conflict largely rely on unrealistic assumptions about what the main actors are trying to achieve. Specifically, they assume that Israel is strategically interested in withdrawing from the occupied territories pending resolvable security concerns but that it is obstructed from doing so by violent Palestinians with other objec- tives. I use historical analysis along with bargaining theory to shed doubt on this assumption, and to argue that the persistence of conflict has been aligned with, not contrary to, the interests of the militarily powerful party, Israel. -
Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2015 Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hayek, Vincent El, "Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law" (2015). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 286. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/286 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek In 1993, Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization signed the Oslo Accords,' starting a peace process that was meant to end with a Palestinian State. The Oslo Accords were only the start of numerous agreements, including the 1994 Gaza-Jericho Agreement, which became Annex IV to the Accords, commonly known as the Paris Protocol.2 The Paris Protocol laid out the framework for what was to be the economic relationship between Israel and a Palestinian state. Its writers recognized the importance that stability and growth in the Palestinian economy had for any hope of a lasting peace. 3 As such, they developed a strategy which hinged on four "pillars" for Palestinian economic development: 11] International aid; [2] close Israeli-Palestinian economic relations; [3] foreign and private investment; and [4] access to foreign markets for Palestinian exports.4 When the Paris Protocol was first signed, excitement was high. -
Sociographie De La Doxa Coloniale Israélienne
Université de Montréal Se représenter dominant et victime : sociographie de la doxa coloniale israélienne par Michaël Séguin Département de sociologie Faculté des arts et sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) en sociologie Août 2018 © Michaël Séguin, 2018 Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales Cette thèse intitulée : Se représenter dominant et victime : sociographie de la doxa coloniale israélienne Présentée par : Michaël Séguin a été évaluée par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Deena White, présidente-rapporteuse et représentante du doyen Paul Sabourin, directeur de recherche Yakov Rabkin, codirecteur de recherche Barbara Thériault, membre du jury Rachad Antonius, examinateur externe Résumé Dans un monde majoritairement postcolonial, Israël fait figure d’exception alors même que se perpétue sa domination d’un autre peuple, les Arabes palestiniens. Tandis qu’un nombre grandissant d’auteurs, y compris juifs, traitent de la question israélo-palestinienne comme d’un colonialisme de peuplement, et non plus comme d’un conflit ethnique entre groupes nationaux, se pose la question : comment une telle domination est-elle possible à l’ère des médias de masse ? Plus précisément, pourquoi cette domination est-elle si peu contestée de l’intérieur de la société israélienne alors même qu’elle contredit le discours public de l’État qui tente, par tous les moyens, de se faire accepter comme étant démocratique et éclairé ? Pour y répondre, cette thèse procède à une analyse de la connaissance de sens commun israélienne afin de détecter à la fois le mode de connaissance, issu des relations sociales, privilégié pour faire sens des rapports ethnonationaux, mais aussi la manière dont cette doxa vient légitimer la domination des Palestiniens. -
Peace Initiatives Since the Annapolis Process
Chapter Five Peace Initiatives Since the Annapolis Process The Likud government led by Prime Minister Netanyahu came to power in 2009. In formulating policy toward the Palestinians, the fact that Prime Minister Olmert had proposed a very generous package to the Palestinians on the core issues and had not received a response—neither positive nor negative—influenced the Netanyahu government. The new government felt that this was further proof that the Palestinians did not desire an overall peace treaty, which included recognizing Israel as the Jewish homeland.14 Netanyahu’s government was concerned that Olmert’s proposals would serve as the opening positions in any renewal of the negotiations, proposals that the Likud party and most of the coalition parties did not support. Indeed, the Palestinian side did demand that the starting positions for renewed negotiations should be the Israeli positions presented in Olmert’s proposal, but without viewing them as a single package. This was in contrast to the Palestinian positions on the core issues, which did not deviate from their initial opening positions. Therefore, it was clear that the effort by President Obama to renew the negotiations by means of his special envoy, Senator George Mitchell, was doomed to failure. Mitchell felt that the differences in the positions as presented by the sides in the Annapolis process should be identified so that they could focus on bridging the gaps on the key issues— refugees, Jerusalem, borders and security, two homelands, the future of Gaza, and the end of -
Documentation of Statistics in the “Israel-Palestine Scorecard”
Documentation of Statistics in the “Israel-Palestine Scorecard” 1. Population Displacement The 1967 Palestinian exodus refers to the flight of around 280,000 to 325,000 Palestinians[a] out of the territories taken by Israel during and in the aftermath of the Six-Day War, including the demolition of the Palestinian villages of Imwas, Yalo, and Bayt Nuba, Surit, Beit Awwa, Beit Mirsem, Shuyukh, Al-Jiftlik, Agarith and Huseirat and the "emptying" of the refugee camps of Aqabat Jaber and ʿEin as-Sultan.[b] aBowker, Robert P. G. (2003). Palestinian Refugees: Mythology, Identity, and the Search for Peace. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 1-58826-202-2 bGerson, Allan (1978). Israel, the West Bank and International Law. Routledge. ISBN 0-7146-3091-8 cUN Doc A/8389 of 5 October 1971. Para 57. appearing in the Sunday Times (London) on 11 October 1970 2. Palestinian Land Annexed, Expropriated, or totally controlled by Israel Palestinian Loss of Land: 1967 - 2014 Since the 1993 Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Authority officially controls a geographically non-contiguous territory comprising approximately 11% of the West Bank (known as Area A) which remains subject to Israeli incursions. Area B (approx. 28%) is subject to joint Israeli-Palestinian military and Palestinian civil control. Area C (approx. 61%) is under full Israeli control. According to B'tselem, the vast majority of the Palestinian population lives in areas A and B and less than 1% of area C is designated for use by Palestinians, who are also unable to legally build in their own existing villages in area C due to Israeli authorities' restrictions. -
Progressive Action Guide
Activist Guide Progressive Action for Human Rights, Peace & Reconciliation in Israel and Palestine Prepared as part of TTN’s Boston & New England Initiative for Progressive Academic Engagement with Israel and Palestine The Third Narrative (TTN) is an initiative of Ameinu 424 West 33rd Street, Suite 150 New York, NY 10001 212-366-1194 Table of contents Introduction 2 Menu of Activist Tactics 3 Advocacy & Political Action in the U.S. Direct Action / Volunteering in Israel and Palestine Investment in a Palestinian State 4 Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Education Cultural & Academic Exchange 5 Activist Resources 6 Anti-Occupation Activists: Israel and Palestine Anti-Occupation Activists: North America 8 Coexistence & Dialogue 9 Environmental Initiatives 13 Human Rights 14 Israeli Arab Empowerment and Equality 15 Economic Development Health Initiatives 16 Think Tanks – Public Policy 17 Appendix: Educational Travel in Israel and Palestine 18 1 Introduction If you are pro-Palestinian and pro-Israeli and would like to help promote two states, human rights and social justice in Palestine and Israel, this guide is for you. It is meant primarily for North American progressives in colleges and universities, but we believe people in unions, religious organizations and other groups will also find it useful. Currently, one question that is hotly debated on many campuses is whether or not to support the BDS (boycott, divestment, sanctions) movement targeting Israel. Often, this conversation diverts attention from a wide range of other political options aimed at ending the Israeli occupation, building a viable Palestinian state, protecting human rights and fostering reconciliation between Jews and Arabs. We have prepared this guide to describe and promote those options. -
Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2004 - 2005
Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2004 - 2005 BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency & Refugee Rights i BADIL is a member of the Global Palestine Right of Return Coalition Preface The Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons is published annually by BADIL Resource Center. The Survey provides an overview of one of the largest and longest-standing unresolved refugee and displaced populations in the world today. It is estimated that two out of every five of today’s refugees are Palestinian. The Survey has several objectives: (1) It aims to provide basic information about Palestinian displacement – i.e., the circumstances of displacement, the size and characteristics of the refugee and displaced population, as well as the living conditions of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons; (2) It aims to clarify the framework governing protection and assistance for this displaced population; and (3) It sets out the basic principles for crafting durable solutions for Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons, consistent with international law, relevant United Nations Resolutions and best practice. In short, the Survey endeavors to address the lack of information or misinformation about Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons, and to counter political arguments that suggest that the issue of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons can be resolved outside the realm of international law and practice applicable to all other refugee and displaced populations. The Survey examines the status of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons on a thematic basis. Chapter One provides a short historical background to the root causes of Palestinian mass displacement.