.. EFHNOLOGICAL REPORT ON THE WASCOAND TENINO INDIANS

RELATIVE TO SOCIO-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION AND LAND-USE

. Re:

. The Confederated Tribes of the Warm Springs Reservation of Oregon

The United States of America

Before the Indian Claims Commission

No. 198

. ; Submitted by:

Robert J. Suphan “a Introduction - Sources

The Natural Area

The Culture Area Subsistence Socio-political Organization Ownership of Subsistence Areas - Boundaries Map

The Wasco Dalles Wasco Hood River Indians Caseade Indians Waseo Subsistence Areas The Tenino The- Tenino proper The-Wyam or Lower Deschutes The-Tygh or Upper Deschutes The John Bay Northern Paiute Aboriginal History - Tenino Subsistence Areas

Informants

Sources Consulted

INTRODUCTION - SOURCES

This ethnological report upon several related aspects, namely the

socio-political organization and land-use patterns, of several aboriginal

groups of central Oregon is based upon both library research and field work

conducted by the writer at the Warm Springs Indian Reservation and the

Umatilla Indian Reservation in Oregon.

In this study the Indian groups which entered into the Wasco

Treaty of June 25, 1855 will be considered. In conformity with general

ethnological and popular usage those groups which are identified in the

treaty as "the Ta-ih or Upper De Chutes band of Walla-Wallas ," the "Wyam

or Lower De Chutes band of Walla-Walles ," “the Tenino band of Walla Wallas,"

and "the Dock-spus or John Day's River band of Walla-Wallas," will be ‘re-

ferred to collectively hereafter as either the Warm Springs Sahaptins or

the Tenino. Likewise "the Dalles band of Wascoes," "the Dog River band

of the Wascoes," and "the Ki-gal-twal-la band of the Wascoes" will be

designated simply Wasco.

The geographical range of this study focuses on eastern Oregon,

encompassing primarily the Columbia River valley from the Cascades east- ward to a point above the mouth of the John Day River (Sherman County),

and upon the drainage of that river as well as that of Deschutes. While

not all the Indian peoples within eastern Oregon are expressly dealt with

in this report, a satisfactory treatment of those with whom we are specif-

ically concerned necessitates some knowledge of their neighbor's culture 4.

and habitat in order to achieve a proper perspective. While true of any

such study, it is all the more applicable here due to the nature of the

subsistence quest among eastern Oregon Indians, the emphasis upon trade >

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the prevalence of intermarriage, and the native point of view regarding

ownership and use of land areas; all of these factors worked to produce a

great and continual interaction among the several Indian peoples in ab-

original days. Hence in addition to research on the parties to the treaty, thethe neighboring Cayuse , Umatilla, Walla Walla, Northern Paiute, and the

Sebanting of Mesiington Biate have also been considered in the prepara-

a = oo emai? teed wath tion of this paper.- aA mee Me

Data utilized in this report includes the narratives and jour-

nals of numerous explorers, fur traders, missionaries, and pioneers.

Such provide the foundation for any historical survey of this nature,

for despite the endless variations on tribal or village names encountered

in these sources, they can generally be reconciled sufficiently to pro-

duce a coherent picture of aboriginal life. There is, however, one short-

coming common to nearly all these accounts as they apply to our present

region, one that cannot be accounted for and which is not due to any

inherent fault of those writers; it is, rather, due to the peculiar

nature of the exploration and settlement of Oregon, which in turn de-

pended upon the topographicak and climatic conditions of that territory.

Thus from the time of Lewis and Clark until well after the reservation

period started the Columbia River served as a highway for those bound westward for the fertile valley of the Willamette and the coast, or for

those fur traders going eastward to the Snake and Okanogan rivers. These

travelers clung to the main river course shunning the arid country which borders it on both sides from the Cascade range to the Snake River. The

country of rich farm land and the more productive trapping territories

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the prevalence of intermarriage, and the native point of view regarding

ownership and use of land areas; all of these factors worked to produce a

great and continual interaction among the several Indian peoples in ab- a original days. Hence in addition to research on the parties to the treaty,

thethe neighboring ( Cayuse , Umatilla, Walle Walla, Northerna ees _and the

tion of ‘this paper.

Data utilized in this report includes the narratives and jour-

nals of numerous explorers, fur traders, missionaries, and pioneers.

Such provide the foundation for any historical survey of this nature,

for despite the endless variations on tribal or village names encountered

in these sources, they can generally be reconciled sufficiently to pro-

duce a coherent picture of aboriginal life. There is, however, one short- coming common to nearly all these accounts as they apply to our present region, one that cannot be accounted for and which is not due to any

inherent fault of those writers; it is, rather, due to the peculiar

nature of the exploration and settlement of Oregon, which in turn de-

pended upon the topographica% and climatic conditions of that territory.

Thus from the time of Lewis and Clark until well after the reservation

. period started the Columbia River served as a highway for those bound

westward for the fertile valley of the Willamette and the coast, or for

those fur traders going eastward to the Snake and Okanogan rivers. These

travelers clung to the min river course shuming the arid country which

borders it on both sides from the Cascade range to the Snake River. The

country of rich farm land and the more productive trapping territories = lay at either extreme of the Oregon territory, its arid central plateau holding little attraction, As a result, while we have full accounts of experiences along the Columbia valley with numerous references to the native peoples at the cascades, the Dalles, and Celilo falls, there is but little historical material concerning native occupation and use of the country lying south of the Columbia and east ofthe Cascade Moun- tains. Fortunately there are exceptions which do help us form some picture, however thin, of aboriginal life in this sector, First in tine are the journals of Peter Skene Ogden, fur trader for Hudsons Bay a a af Company, who trapped through the valleys of the Deschutes and John

Day rivers as well as the Harney lake country and the western tribu- taries of the Snake River in 1825-29; John Work, also of Hudsons Bay

Company, covered much of the same territory in the years 1831-33 and has left his journals; in addition Nathanial J. Wyeth's account of his expedition along the Deschutes in 1834-35, Fremont's narrative of his explorations along the Deschutes en route to California in 1843, and the report of Lieut, Abbottof the Pacific railroad survey of his journey (1855) down the Deschutes from Klamath country, all provide valuable data in an area so little visited during those decades, In all of these narratives references to Indians are few, comments on their activities fewer; yet since they are the sole accounts of this sector prior to the establishment of the reservation they mst serve continually in this reconstruction, In addition to the historical sources ethnographic and linguistic studies conducted by Curtis, Jacobs, Mooney, Murdock, Ray, Sapir, Spier, Teit, and others have been consulted both to obtain a

els

general orientation in the region and in a search for specific data con-

cerning the Tenino and Wasco. Although no complete ethnography has been published on either the Tenino or Wasco, Spier and Sapir (1930) have pro-

vided us with a full account of the Wishram, a people cognate to the

Wasco and living opposite them on the Washington shore of the Columbia, which by extension is invaluable in appraising Wasco culture; for the

Tenino, Murdock's short article (1938) has been of great aid, while Ray's

articles concerning the Plateau region as a whole contain many references

to particular aspects of Tenino culture. :

The writer's field work, in which Wasco, Tenino, Northern Paiute,

Umatilla, and Cayuse Indians were interviewed, was undertaken to verify _

datapela obtained cat by previous workers in the area and tc augment and clarify our knowledge of aboriginal land use of areas lying south of the

Columbia along the Deschutes, John Day, Crooked, and Metolius rivers.

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THE NATURAL AREA

Eastward of the Cascade range which, by serving as a barrier to the moisture-laden winds from the Pacific, divides the state of dregon into an eastern dry and a western humid section, lies a basaltic plateau of arid or semi-arid condition. This plateau is a portion of the great- er physiographic province known as the Columbia Plateau which extends on the north to the junction of the Columbia and Okanogan rivers in Wash~ ington, and east and southeast so as to include most of the Snake River drainage, the Owyhee River, and the Harney-Malheur lake district; to the southwest its extremity is probably about the head of the Deschutes

River, although its entire southern front adjoining the Great Basin province is ill-defined.

This vast lava plateau is furrowed by the canyons of such rivers as the Columbia, Deschutes, John Day, Crooked, and Umatilla, as well as those of smaller tributaries. Such canyons frequently run hundreds of feet in depth, the Metolius for example flowing through a gorge 800-2000 feet deep. Above the plateau, whose average altitude is in the neighborhood of 3500 feet rise ‘numerous isolated buttes of vary- ing altitudes, while in northeastern Oregon the Blue and Wallowa moun- tains attain heights of some 9,000-10,000 feet. The Mutton Mountains 2 along the northern boundary of the Warm Springs reservation risef to over 2000 feet.

Given a scanty precipitation, as little as eight or nine inches annually in some places and averaging perhaps twenty inches overall, much of eastern Oregon is basically a steppe or desert country. The Columbia «Be

valley from Mosier, Oregon eastward to the Blue Mountains near Milton-

Freewater and southward so as to include the Deschutes River valley to its junction with Crooked River, the entire Crooked River valley, as well as the John Day River to about the town of Mt. Vernon has been put in an

Upper Sonoran life zone by Bailey. Included are the sites of the pres- ent towns of Tygh Valley, Wamic, and Wapinitia just west of the Deschutes

River. Characteristic flora of this zone are sagebrush ("sagebrush desert," "high desert," the Ecological Society calls the region), bitter- brush, bunch grass with junipers on the dry slopes and plateau surfaces, while in canyons and along river courses a few oaks, willows, wild cur- rants, and hackberries are found. Greasewood, salt bushes, wooly sage, serviceberry, prairie clover, and sunflower are also diagnostic of this zone. Among the smaller animals native to the Upper Sonoran zone are the black-tailed jack rabbit, ground squirrels, antelope squirrels, the kangaroo rat, the desert fox, and spotted skunk. Of the larger mammals

Bailey's observations are: ,

American Antelope: "all of the open sagebrush country of e. Oregon." Ogden found them near Tygh valley (Elliott, 1909, p. 339) and on the North Fork of the John Day (Ibid., p. 350).

Rimrock Sheep: "Originally . . . inhabited every canyon, cliff, and lava butte as well as many of the rough lava beds of Oregon." They are said to once: have been plentiful in Deschutes canyon and in tHe Mutton Moun- tains.

Rocky Mountain Mule Deer: "practically the whole of eastern Oregon, including the dry eastern slope of the Cascade Mountains .. ." These were animals of the open country and especially of steep slopes; they relied more on flight than cover for protection.

Yellow Tailed Deer: all of eastern Oregon, having been found on the Deschutes, Metolius, and John Day rivers. -T-

Rimming this desert-like zone is the Semi-arid Transition Zone which takes in the eastern slope of the Cascades from 1000 - 3000 feet, down to include the sites of the present towns of Friend, Simnasho, and

Sisters, the Deschutes valley above the junction with Crooked River, the country lying between the arid Crooked and John Day river valleys, and the land east of Condon-Fossil and south of a line running through

Heppner-Cayuse-Milton. Along the Columbia it stretched west from Mosier to Cascade Locks and beyond. Here yellow pine forests, birch, willows, bearberry, and barberry are found, while the fauna includes Rocky Moun- tain Elk (in Blue Mountains), Rocky Mountain Mule Deer, chipmunks, and several species of squirrels.

At higher elevations (3000 to 8000 feet), principally in the

Cascade, Blue, and Wallowa mountains, the Canadian and Hudsonian zones are typified by forests of pine, fir, spruce, cedar, maple, oak and larch together with an underbrush of cranberry, blueberry, heather, and rhododendron. Animal life in these two zones consists of many of those previously mentioned as well as the marten and lynx.

Before concluding this section on the natural setting or these Indian cultures it might be well to mention some of the salient geographical features of the Columbia River valley which will of neces- sity enter into the data and discussion further along in this report, and to indicate the several names by which some of them have been mown.

After making its great bend to the west in the neighborhood of the

Snake and Walla Walla river junctions, the Columbia proceeds to the sea passing alternately s4arough steep canyon walls and high barren hills.

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Along this stretch are several islands as well as many rapids. Few

streams enter from the south, the Umatilla, Willow Creek, the John Day,

and the Deschutes being those of principal importance to both aboriginal

and modern life. At about three miles below the entrance of the Des-

chutes, the first of several important rapids or falls within this area

that figured so prominently as Indian fishery centers occurs. Today

this is known as Celilo falls, where the village of that name now stands;

the Great Falls, the Falls, the Chutes are other names that have been

applied to it at one time or another. Just below these falls the Ten

Mile Rapids are reached which has also been kmown as the Short Narrows 2

Tittle Dalles, and Short Delles. Beyond, as the river takes a short

turn to the southwest, the Five Mile Rapids more popularly known as

“the Dalles" and also as the Long Narrows, Great Dalles » and Grand

Dalles, are found at Big Eddy, Oregon, with the present town of The

Dalles immediately below. Another thirty miles downstream Hood River

(Dog River, Riber Labiech) enters the Columbia from the south and the

White Salmon River from the north, while twenty miles west of these

junctions were located the cascades of the Columbia where Bonneville

Dam now stands; another fishing spot of paramount importance to the

Indians, the cascades were also known as the Falls or the Shoots. Below the cascades the Columbia flows serenely to the sea, its course of no further concern to this paper.

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THE CULTURE AREA

The Indians with whom we are here concerned belong to two

linguistic stocks, the Wasco to the Chinook and the Tenino to the

Sahaptin. A corresponding and conterminous cultural dichotomy is con-

ventionally found in ethnological literature which classes the Wasco

as representative of the Northwest-coast culture area, the Tenino as members of the Plateau area (umaiimm, WMH). of the two the linguistic

frontier seems by all odds the more valid, while the point of juncture

for both is given as in the Dalles-Celilo sector. Lewis and Clark in

1805 were the first of many to so locate this language boundary, their

entry reading:

We took a Vocabulary of the Languages of these two chiefs which are very different notwithstanding they are situated within six miles of each other. Those at the great falls /Celilo/ call themselves E-nee-shur /Sahaptins/ and are understood on the river above: Those at the Great Narrows /Five Mile Rapids, the Dalles/ call themselves E-che-lute and is under~ stood below. (Thwaites, 1905, 3, p. 16h.)

That this sector was the point at which the Chinook and Sahaptin peoples adjoined each other on the Columbia has been verified time and again by

all who have had acquaintance with the Indians of the Dalles-Celilo re-

gion.

The culture area boundaries as traditionally drawn between the

Wasco and Tenino are, however, apparently more schematic than real. Both of these peoples were peripheral to the foci of their respective culture areas; as a result both show an absence or attenuation of sone traits and complexes generally held to be diagnostic of either Northwest-coast or Plateau cultures. Moreover, the probability of a common cultural history

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the sharing of a common environment, plus much interaction occasioned

by intermarriage, trade, and the native concept of land se,, have

all tended to bring about a marked correspondence in some material

traits and institutions. Such similarities appear to have been

especially marked in those aspects of culture with which we are

here specifically concerned - subsistence patterns, land-use,

concepts of ownership as applied to the land, and the socio-political Ke a ave|

organization. For the purposes of this paper both these _peoples eT):anny

may be regarded as constituting but_one cultural type. fet ipo

Subsistence

Although fish, roots, berries, nuts, and game were all

represented in the diet of these central Oregon people it was the

bountiful supply of salmon that provided their staple food; the

annual runs of the several species of salmon which ascend the Columbia

and its tributaries determined the economic round of these Indians. 1o October when the jet: _ Wt The heaviest run of salmon occurredid from May

chinook, blueback and silver salmon migrate up the Columbia to

spawn in its headwaters and tributaries. In addition either steel-

head trout, lamprey eels, dog salmon, sturgeon, suckers, chubs, or

smelt provided fishing in every month of the year. Depending upon

the species sought and the nature of the fishing site used a wide

variety of dams, weirs, seines, traps, spears, and hooks were employed.

Roots, berries, and nuts provided a significant portion of

the diet as well. Of the roots, camas and kouse were undoubtedly the

most important; the former was gathered in the moist upland meadows and prairies primarily in the spring of the year, while kouse was found

« 9,=

along open hill sides in dry rocky soil during April and May: These - as

well as other roots such as lupine, wild onions, and wild carrots - were

either eaten raw or prepared in various manners. Among the numerous ber-

ries to be found along the mountain slopes and river courses in fall

huckleberries, blackberries, chokecherries, and cranberries were perhaps

among the most prevalent. Hazel nuts and acorns, as well as a moss used

as a condiment, were also gathered in the forests in fall.

Hunting seems to have been of lesser importance to these Indians (Spier and Sapir, p. 180; informants) for although they did hunt game for

food, hides, bone, and horn, a large portion of these supplies were ob- tained in trade. Elk, several species of deer, antelope, mountain sheep, and bear were among the larger animals taken by bow and arrow, spears, and clubs; when hunting in groups surrounds and natural enclosures might be used. For smaller animals deadfalls, pitfalls, and nets were em- ployed, while birds such as ducks and grouse were taken by nets and snares.

The yearly economic cycle of the Wasco and Tenino found them during the late spring and summer months congregated along the Columbia at their fishing stations. In fall family groups went up on the moun- tain slopes in search of nuts and berries; while the women gathered these products the men hunted. After spending the winter in their villages along the Columbia valley, they again journeyed to the upldnds in early spring in search of roots and game, returning in time for the salmon runs. Obviously this sketch of the economic round is something of an idealized picture, for not all families followed this cycle in each and -b-

every year; according to informants there were always some who elected to remain at the winter village, and these, together with the older people who no longer traveled, assured continual occupancy of these villages.

In addition to the natural resources of their environment, other products were added to their economy through trade for the Dalles-

Celilo region situated as it was on a natural avenue of commmication at the border of two natural and cultural areas, and possessing what was probably the most productive fisheries of the Oregon-Washington terri- tory, served as a rendezvous for many diverse people. From the east came buffalo robes, horses, and meat; the Klamath to the south brought elk skins and beads, the Wenatchee and Klikitat of Washington brought goat hair robes, slaves, meat, nuts and berries, while the coastal

Indians came upstream to trade oysters, wappato » and trade goods obtained from the whites (Spier and Sapir, 1930, p. 227; Curtis, 8, p. 93). The importance of the Dalles-Celilo region as a fishing and trading center, with its attendant gambling, is well pictured in the following excerpts.

Clark's description of the "Skillute" (Wishram Chinook) village at Spedis ?

Washington, located across the river from the Wasco villages illustrates not only these points but also the degree to which Plateau Sahaptin dress had been adopted by these people conventionally considered as of the Northwest-coast: 7

The Inhabitents of this village ware the robe of Elk Goat &c and most of the men ware Legins and Mockersons and shirts highly ‘ornamented with Porcu- pine quills and beeds. . . all of these articles they precure from the nations who visit + them for the

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purpose of exchanging those articles for their pounded fish of which they prepare great quantities. This is the great mart of all this country. ten different tribes who reside on the Taptate /Yakima/ and Catteract /Klickitat/ River visit these peoples for the purposeof purchasing their fish, and the Indians on the Columbia and Lewis's /Snake/ river quite to the Chopunnish Nation [Nez Perce/_visit - them for the purpose of tradeing horses buffalow robes forbgeds, and such articles as they have not. The Skillutes precure most of their cloth knives axes & beeds from the Indians from the North oB#% them who trade with white people who come into the inlets to the North at no great distance from the Tapteet. their horses of which I saw great numbers, they precure from the Indians who reside on the - banks of the Columbia above, and what fiew they take from the Towarnihiooksor Snake Indians. (Thwaites, 1905, 4, p. 287.)

Alexander Ross, writing in 1811, has this to say of the same

sector:

The articles of traffic brought to this place by the Indians of the interior are generally horses, buffalo-robes, and native tobacco, which they ex- change with the natives of the sea coast and other tribes for higua beads and other trinkets ... Now all these articles generally change hands through gambling, which alone draws-so_many vagabonds. to- gether at this place; because they are always sure to live well here, whereas no other place on the Columbia could support so many people together. The long narrows, therefore is the great emporium or mart of the Columbia, and the general theatre of gambling and roguery. (1840, p. 118.)

Socio-Political Organization

Both the Wasco and Tenino Indians inhabited several permanent

or semi-permanent villages, those of the Wasco being of cedar plank

houses while the Tenino dwelt in mat covered lodges. Each such village _,,- had its Own chief (Ray, 1942; informants). ‘Inhabitants of these villages = ak=

were for the most part members of extended families - the majority re-

lated by marriage - together with some slaves. Among ‘the Wasco a _

Northwest-coastcaste stratification seems to have prevailed, although

its basis in wealth was not as pronounced as among other Northwest-coast

Indians; thus Spier writing of the cognate Wishram tells us that the hereditary class of chiefs was not identical with the rich - that a chief

need not be a wealthy man nor was a wealthy man necessarily a chief

(Spier and Sapir, p. 211), a point confirmed by informants in the field.

motified toto the extent that the new chief might be selected from a group

of eligibles in the male line, for should the eldest son, the normal heir,

fail to demonstrate such desirable characteristics as an ability to ar-

bitrate successfully, a generous nature, and generally sound judgment,

he might be passed over in favor of a younger son, a brother, or a grand-

son. Should a lineage fail to produce a chief "A man of parts, well

versed in the arts of his people, of accomodating disposition, well pro- vided with property . . . is chosen." (Spier and Sapir, p. 211.)

Among the Tenino_sociel stratificationwas lacking nor was suc-

cession to chieftainshipne hereditary (Ray, 1942; informants) although a chief's son apparently was in a better position to attain the role than were others simply by virtue of his close identification with his father.

Qualifications of a chief were said to have been those of sound judgment, skill in arbitration, truthfulness, generosity and kindness to fellow villagers. Wealth was not a formal prerequisite although there seems to have been a feeling that one "who could help his people in bad times" in a material sense would be the more likely candidate.

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In pre-white times the extent of the powers of both Wasco and | ae ier apenas | Tenino village chiefs de nded & solely upon the respect and influence he

could muster. His office was purelypanera an advisory and eejudicial Looe one (Curtis,

8, p- 87; Ray, 1942; informants) it being impossible for him to dictate

to his followers in any manner, even during times of warfare. In his

capacity the chief would judge and effect peaceful settlements of inter- }

village disputes, guide the economic routine of his village, and advise poche

in matters of warfare. a eel ard OT 2 4 uv Cont oe After white. oc tthe position nearestof chief was strengthenedOO res and»,Chace _.) |

his powers enlarged due to the demands of governmental officials for

leaders with whom to treat. Such Indians, as well as others who had

formed advantageous connections with whites, rose to a new prominence |

due to their contact with and greater understanding of the intrusive white culture. Therefore, actually or presumably, in a position to counsel their followers well in dealing with the whites, they were ac- corded a stronger allegiance than was typical of pre-white days. Quite x eee i possibly Spier's data alleging dictatorial powers among Wishram chiefs

reflects this period rather than the condition of native societies prior

to the contact; certainly it is at odds with all other historical and

ethnological material which portrays the chief's authority among all sur-

~rounding peoples as decidedly limited and based solely upon prestige.

Turning now to the question of higher levels of integration -

EE that is, unities of greater scope than the individual village - some

observations are in order. Popular as well as ethnographic accounts of |

primitive people invariably make use of the term "tribe"; indeed not to 16 = do so seems a bit awkward. Yet there are valid objections to the indis- criminate use of this typological concept, for unless one defines precisely what sort of social unit is referred to assumptions may be made about its application that violate the facts of the matter:

"tribe" has been used in many contexts. Thus for example linguistic stocks, dialect groups, single villages, and people inhabiting a particular geographic area have all been designated as a "tribe."

Aside from the fact that such typological categories must then be continually redefined to accord with the socio-political systems to which they are applied, use of the term "tribe" is particularly unfortunate in the discussion of the Wasco and Tenino inasmuch as this concept carries the connotation of a political body composed of several bands or villages united by some form of| overall government - a tribal chief or a council of chiefs. Such a connotation has_no application to the aboriginal socio-political pattern of either the /— we

? / Northwest-coast people nor among many inhabitants of the Plateau; - rather, a pattern of local village autonomy was the rule. Verne Ray's studies which encompass Sahaptin and Salishan groups of the Columbia Plateau as well as the lower Columbia River

Chinooks ney: particular heed to this aspect of culture. In his

"The Historical Position of the Lower Chinook in the Native Culture of the Northwest" Ray postulates an old underlying stratum of culture extending from Alaska to California and westward from the Rockies in which "the widlage was the basic political uit with very few local exceptions." In another publication, again writing of both the

Northwest-coast and Plateau culture areas, he quotes Spier with approval as follows:

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Political separatism was carried to a high ‘degree throughout the Pacific slope, the local com- -mounities being almost without on autonomous, ~or at most’ grouped for~common action within a quite restricted district. (1936)

~ Phat the Tenino with whom we are-here~ concerned did yot-con~

stitute one of these exceptionsis indicated by Ray elsewhere: (1939),

for rather—than having-a tribal structure~they~conform "tothe ‘general western-political atomtsm";-agsim-in-hiscutture element™list for the

Plateau (1942) tribel-orgamization-and-tribal-chiefs are recorded“as

absent ,-with~the-village~chiefhead-of-an-autonomous-village. ‘Murdock

confirms~this; writing-of the~"originally imfepentent~-though: always friendly" Tenino villages -(p. 396). ~Informants- inthe field likewise concurred in- uniformly asserting that~ each local uit: or-village was independent~of the other; "thatno-paramount—tribal-chief-or other in- ere stitution existed which ‘bound these ee ‘together in a

political unit.

As for the Northwest-coast people, among whom-the Wasco are generally: reckoned,-not-orty’Ray but all other ethnologists familiar with the-area’ have-emphasized this’ overriding principle of political separatism. Kroeber (1916, p. 30) lists as one-of the distinguishing characteristics of the Nerthwest-coast -"the- organization of ltfe-on a local rather thane tribel basis"; this-is-a-region wherein * * * there does not appear to have-beena group that.could -be-designated-as a political mit, other than what it is usual to call the village; that is,' { the settlementom the: spot. These-villages may often. ' have been ‘ina state-of neutrality toward:each other, or even linked by peaceful trade,~imtermarriage, and a \ participation in each other's ceremonies and festivals; - 18 -

but they-were” linked like nations of the civilized world, whose~intercourse; ‘however intimate; friendly, and long~enturing,is always-as it-were ima condition of suspense; ‘hecausebuilt on- nothing more than the occasions of ‘the-moment, the states being irreconcili- able units. (p. 33).

Unfortumrtelyneither the publications of Curtisnor Spier onthe Wishram

comment-explicitiyon this point; Spier;“however; does write of-several = -.

chiefs among the Wishram;and; in a later-paper”im whichhe undoubtedly

had these~peopie~ in-mind; ‘says of westerm Washington that “the villages

appear to~have~been largely autonomous’ in a political sense” (1936).

Wasco informurts~confirmed this picture of local village autonomy in ab- original days.

Despite the fact that there’ seems no~room’ for doubt concerning”

the "political atomism'- prevalent through the entire region in which these

cultures-were-located' all literature; both historical and-ethnological, is

replete with generic’ terms-encompassingthe inhabitants of several villages .

The very~ethnologists who call attentionto political autonomyas a-re-

gional phenomens~employ-such generic terms; In recognitionof the diffi-

culty of justifyingthe use-of such all=inclusive-terms with -the pattern

of political separatism Ray asks: Why, in the light-of these facts pertaining to village or band ‘autonomy, are-names such as Sekani, Sanpoil, and Tenino used? If the people—themselves had no such-common-names-and no~ common organiza’ why-are~they introduced Into the discussion, apparently in self-contradiction? ‘The-answeris partly historical, partly theoretical. Early settlers;-traders; mission- = aries, end- government officials carried with them-from the east’ the notion that all Indiangroups’were- of neces- sity organized along tribal lines. Upon learning-a village name- froma native the whites immediately and indiscriminately applied it to all the Indians of the ‘vicinity. (1939, pp. 8-9) safaar foe

-19-

Yet, “significant mits of larger compass than the village” aid exist on

the Plateau. ‘These; however)" are-ethnic ‘or social or linguistic units;

never potitical; having their-basis in-common- habitat, commor culture,

one langusge;ant-“blootties. Therefore; concludes Rays

In consideration’ of these facts group names are not only reasonably justifiedbut necessary as’ an indicationof soetal-grouping’. . . Wedo-n0 violence-in giving names to: units: thet are nameless from the-native point’ of view; we fall into error only if we interpret these as political groups. (1939, BP. 10; emphasis ours)

~ Making-a simtlar point’ concerning the difficulties pf political

classification inthis area Leslie Spter has written: a

It seems unnecessary-to”become involved in the- definition of a tribe: In western Washington-the villages appear~to have~been largely autonomous ina political-sense~bat differentiatedt-only- slightly im culture. Local groups ofthis kind heve~ been marshalled by disleet~both bythe natives ami~by-ethnographers; who: forthwith refer~to~ the dsiect-groups’as~tribes. Further; present day informantshave great difficulty im answering” the apparentiy-simple~ question; to-what-tribe or tribelet do they~betong. This’ is~because”the majority combine in their immediate’ancestry affiliation with a momber of local groups. That-this is not-at all a recent-phenomena- is evidencedby the early accounts; whi ‘displayed-tn- stated imtermarriage with other peoples, especially-in-the-aristcocratic classes. “The- upshot- is that some of -us~have solved the dtiema by describing-these peoples in somewhat~arbitrary groups: groups having some degree of-commmity of speech; contiguous: territory ;-and name -commonty used-as's tribal designation.” (1936; p. 5) ~~ Emphoyment~of- generic terminology” hasthen~ become standard pro- codure throughout the greater Pacific Northwest despite: ‘the’ fact thet: at

tends te-mask-the actual politicel-organization-in-these-cultures. In

view of this preeedent: generic terms-will ‘be-comtinued-iar this paper as

well. For-the Sahaptins- about: ‘the- John-Day-and Deschutes “rivers the collective Tenino or Warm Springs is well established in ethnological - 20-

literature indicative of the social unity, the "esprit de corps"

that prevailed among these Indians. The several Chinook "bands"

considered here are not conventionally grouped as Wasco, that term

traditionally being resérved for those centering at and about the

Dalles. However, the writer has here included the peoples from the.

Hood River and Cascades districts under Wasco inasmuch = pega an as informants in the field continually so gro them, including all in the designation "galasqo" or Wasco, Xet it is the opinion of the writer that these

es Chinook did not look Cascades,Hood River, and Da aor actor upon themselves 7 centrae NC as.one ethnic group distinct from the Wishram in Washington, the

Chinooks downstream from the Cascades, and the Sahaptins on their

the use of these generic terms would not only cause us to lose

sight of these social units but would confront us with the impossible alternative of dealing with particular village units. Of these we know very little, save for their sites, for we do not read or hear that the inhabitants of villages A and B did thus and so, but ' rather that the peoples of the Wishram or Wasco or Tenino villages acted in a certain manner. The task then is to ascertain which politically autonomous villages are conventionally understood to have

been Wasco or Tenino, to learn their location, and to discover the extent and nature of their land-use.

On' the other hand the use of "tribe" will be avoided here, for although it conventionally implies a political unit - and is to that extent applicable to the individual village - it also carries a connotation of unity among ‘several local groups, a condttion which ail etinologiote _/ agree é was foreign to our area. The sole a neta units within the area on a os%, Ge

peas -21- RF en “ellie,” larger seale than the village: are ‘the "somewhat arbitrary" groups desig- Te nated Wishram; Wasco; Terino, etc. » and-these fail to fill the condition of political-existence necessary forthe designation “tribe.”

Ownershipof Subsistence-Areas - Boundaries:

Another expression of the atomistic’ tendencyof these cyltures” is foundin-their~concept of -ownership-with respect to-subsistenceareas:

We will first~consider’fishing~sites: --such as advantageously placet rocks, stagings~built’ out~ over the water; weirs, and dams’ ~-which tended to~ cluster about~the-village sites-although- others at some-dis- | tance might~be owned-as-well. “Concerningthe Wishram; “and hence~undoubt- edly applicable-to the Wasco as well. y two pertinent statements may be quoted: the tendFis Chi“stations tant wereheldoe in the family, and his adult sons. If the-members~ofa household be~ I came too-numerousto-use~one~ station they might pur- | chase rightsim-another. A half interest in a sta- tion might thus: be-seeured for a season by the payment | of two buffalo robes; or a widow without family might | dispose of her fishing station for a few trinkets and @ certain number of fish yearly - enough to support her . « «; tribes coming to the river-at fishing season, ‘and desiring to catch any considerable quantity i of fish, paid for the privilege. (Curtis, 8, p. 95) ! a Fishing stations were highly prized and passed: by inheritance into the-possession of a group of relatives in each generation . . . No one else was allowed to | fish at a particular station without permission of its owners. .Six to ten related old men might own a station in common at which their families fished. Any one among them might preempt the best place at the station tempo- rarily. Each station had its overseer who was usually | a chief or head man. (Spier and Sapir, p. 175)

we BB ve

Wasco informants- concurred ‘in stating that’ such fishing sites

were owned-and-inheritet-in-the-mie line;however, all also stressedan

obligation on-the-part” an Se ofthe owner to-gramt~use-Seieeeenirnamrtarniceen of-the: stationei eee to’ all

fellow viliagers-upon their-asking-permission. In-effect it-was the-

village thet utilized these sites. During times of the~great’salmor runs other-membersof their-ethmic-group-- as-well as dtverse “peoples

such asthe :Wishram or Tenino-- were’ Likewise permitted their use;

especially when-merriege ties comected them. ~Commemtingupon the im=-

plicationsof thistype of ownership along the Northwest-coast Drucker

writes:

Characteristically, a man is said to have ‘owned' an economically important tract. This ‘ownership’ was expressed by his 'giving-permission,' as natives usually put it, to his fellows to exploit the locality each season. At the same time fellow- members of his local group - his relatives - had an inalienable right to exploit the tract. ‘he present™ writer time and again has heard statements from in- formants from northwest California to Tlingit country to the effect that-a certain-mn-‘owned" a particular Place, for-example, a fishing site; and-that-his per~- mission was required before~the-members- of his society could use it. Nevertheless no instance was ever ‘heard of an ‘owner’ refusing’to- give the necessary permission. Such a thing is inconceivable to the-natives ... Actually individual ownership in these cases does not mean exclusive right of use, but a sort’ of stewardship, the right to direct the exploitation of the economic tract by the local group. The latter it was who held exclusive right. (Drucker, p. 59)-

Informationfrom Tenino informants-gives-us much the same pic- eT, TD ee regarding fishing stations among those-people, that of. sites person- ally owned and handed down from father to son; again, they in effect

Pertained to the-entire village inasmuch as all villagers were entitled to their use. From time to time other friendly people such as the Umatilla

- 23-

or Cayuse might exploit them as well. Reflecting the strength of the

village claim to such fishing sites Ray's data indicate an absence of

: individeal title’to the station and a-tendency-to~ consider that ‘the site

"belongs" -to~the-vitlage~as-a whole (1942; 1939, p. 16).

With respect to-other~subsistence areas, those-used for root NE digging, -berry-picking; and-hunting, @ different attitude prevailed. i

While any such spots withinthe immediate vicinity of a village were .

considered-to belong to that village;~those farther away werecontre

free and open to all friendly peoples ‘caring “tovexpiott Abani Neither ao

individuals, local -groups; norethnic- groups’ claimed such land, but rather

“611 might utilize them as natural conditions dictated. All informants, - both Waseo and Tenino, were in complete and emphatic agreement on this

point.

In view of this attitude toward the ownership and use of these

areas away from the village, it is not surprisingto learn that a concept Atl—~mai of boundary and trespass was entirely lacking in these eultures, save (per- ® re A NL RC NE —_ew haps with regard to the village site itself. From statements of informants, eee > which categorically denied any aboriginal concept of trespass or the ex-

istence of boundaries, as well as from our study of actual land-use, -the- ariter must disagree with Verne Ray's publications (1936; 1939) which allege that boundaries did exist and which attemptto portray them on i

maps, While it was certainly true that "the hurting territory of one

group might be- quite: open to use by cnother ve: ghunot agree: that one theless the bounds were "highly specific" (1936, p. 119). On the contrary, ' all our dots poant to the conclusion that neither formal nor functional pve fe Hf -3 es existed in native times. aden bya plate, Set gi » X~ 7 bay a I = eesti & Meee,

-~ oh-

At this juncture it-may also be-said that boundaries as-expressed

in the treaties mde-with the Indians’ should in“no way” be considered”to

reflect-existingboundartes’ or to-imply-their-existence’at all. The in-

terest of the agentsof the: United States was to acquire title to all the

land; the-simpiest-and-most~expeditious way to-accomplishthis was-to

divide the-countryin question” into block areas and to treat with the:the ne, various: “Endiens~for-each” such area, regardiess of whether or not~they ex-

erted any’real claim to’ it. “fhat-this was-the-method-andview of the

agents can-be-seen-from Joel Palmer's~report on the Wasco treaty, wherein

he notes: thatthe eastern~boundaryof this purchase may’ conflict with

that of the Cayuse-alongupper Willow Creek andthe Blue Mts; he- continues:

This however can be no objection to the ratifica- _ LS Ex tion of-the treaty as the boundaries of the Indians ere-not-very well defined, and the entire ountr is included in the purchase to the Western¢boundary f XX the Snake: Courtry= ener

It is again shown in-his~instructions to R. R.“Fhompson, Indian Agent,

in a letter written before negotiations leading to the Wasco treaty

began:

You will proceed-without’delay to the Dalles of the Columbia and collect all the Indians in- habiting-the-coumtry between Willow Creek and the Caseade falls, and between the Columbia’ River and the 44th parallel of North Latitude...

Here Palmer has outlined the boundaries that appear in the Wasco Treaty of 1855-even- before-the- Indians are consulted. It is clear that the- ~ ‘ boundaries as-expressed in the treaty are them those desired by and pre- go determined by Palmer, and not reflective of the land actually used by the

Indians concerned as determinedin council. YODA Lm ov Rabetl at — Ge FOL E heim, kar thnn * Aptirkycs "pha bon. oop

-25 -

in the feregoing-sectionwith reference to socio-political patterns and

land-use: Cardo! ite 1. fhe largest political unit amongthe Tenino *Uiklogs and Wasco was the “village. “Tenino and Wasco refer to eS CL social or ethnic Eroupiigs, not to political mits. 9 “~*~ 2. The powers of the chiefs were advisory and Ia tu > judicial. Each-village had its own chief; there were — 44 ply no paramount chiefs.

3. The lergest dand-using smiv/ece the village. While intividuals weré-said-to” own the fishing spots it was the-village as a unit which exploited them. 4, Land away-fromthe village site was unclaimed.”

5. In consequence, except for the village site itself and- the immediately adjoining territory, con- cepts of trespass’ and boundarieswere foreign tothe aboriginal cultures of this area. Descriptions or mappings of alleged boundaries reflect a European- derived concept imposed on the native culture. Map Despite the fact that the writer feels that boundaries drawn

on maps do violence to the facts of aboriginal culture in this part of

the world in that they infer exclusive use as well as the existence of a

tribal unit, the map intended to illustrate this text does show just such

boundaries. The justification for this seeming contradiction in viewpoint and practice is that these boundaries of Blyth, Murdock, Stewart- and Ray

were drawn by those ethnologists with the purpose of illustratingthe

total range of settlement’sites’ and subsistence areas of certain Indian

Peoples. Since these authoritiesdo not provide us, except om isolated

occasions, with the precise location of subsistence sites, and since their

conclusions have-real bearing-on this study, we have-been forced to use

them. The writer has attempted to plot in addition, on this same map,

26 - all the-settlement-sites and subsistenceareas-ofthe Indians concerned” as knowm~to tim; botir-to-give-a more precise picture of land-use and-to demonstrate the frequent overlapping that occurred in practice.

-27-

THE WASCO

From the cascades of the Columbia eastward along both banks

to a point on Ten Mile Rapids were numerous villages and fishing camps

whose inhabitants are generally given in ethnologies as Cascades, White

Salmon River, Hood River, Wishram, and Wasco Indians... All, save for

the Cascades Indians, spoke identical or closely similar dialects

of Upper Chinook (Sapir, 1907, p. 533; Curtis, 8, pp. 180-81). Of

these, three - the Cascades, Hood River, and Wasco Indians - provide

the focus of this paper. Since present-day informants did not as a

rule distinguish between these three groups, except with reference

to village sites, but rather speak of them collectively as "galasqo"

or Wasco, we ‘shall follow that usage here; Wasco will then be understood

to refer to these Indians in the aggregate, the Dalles Wasco to that

portion of them living at and about the Dalles of the Columbia. Informants

indicate that justification for this generic use of Wasco is based upon

‘their common “culture, an alleged common dialect, a strong tendency toward

intermarriage among the three groups, common usage of fishing sites along this stretch of the river as well as of other subsistence areas, and the fact that individual residence sites were frequently:-shifted

among these three groups; in short, the Indians along this portion of

the Oregon shore of the ‘Colunbia are said to have considered themselves

as a social unit, "a people". It should be noted, however, that this

usage of Wasco to include the Cascade Indians reflects a latter day

coalescence only, not native alignments prior to about 1830. / In our discussion of the Wasco we will first indicate village sites attributable to each of the three groups - the Cascades, Hood River, and Dalles Wasco; subsistence areas, however, will be indicated for

the groups collectively due to the fact that all such were shared - 28-

in commenameng them. Reflectingthis pattern of land use as well as the

native view-of-ethnic- unity: such sites are’ invariably attributed to the

Wasco in‘ toto,-and-hence~camotbe narrowed down to’ either the Cascades, os

Hood River, or Dalles Wasco Indians.

Dalles Wesco

More’ frequently-known’ simply~as’ ‘the Wasco, these~ Indians lived

"on thes. side-of Columbia r., inthe neighborhood of Fhe Dalles, in Wasco co., Ore."-(Hodge, 2, p. 917). In 1805+06-this section of the

Columbia: was devoid-of settlements; which fact Lewis and Clark attributed

to the warfare~between the peoples ofthe Columbia valley and the Snake (Northern Paiute) Indians of interior Oregon~(Thwaites, 3, 145; 149, 163).

Six years later Robert Stuart of Astor's Pacific Fur Company mentions

the "Cathlascos" as one of three groups having permanent residences be-

tween the-Dalles and Celilo falls (Rollins, 1935a, p. 54), while in 1815-

Mlenantee Ross lists the "Wiss-co-pam” as being inthe vicinity of the Dalles (1855, 1, p. 186); many later bistorical-accounts mention Indians

identifiable-es. the: Dalles Wasco inthe: same~sector.

Unfortunately ethnologies of the area, which tend to give their attentions to the Wishram across the river, add- little to our kmowledge.

Mooney simply-gives them as "Wasko" living about’ The Dalles, indicating ‘that several coguate bands are sometimes included in this term (p. 741),

while Curtis has them on the south bank of the Columbia from-the Dalles to "an undetermined point east of Hood River" (8, p. 180). Spier's study

on the Wishram, who had at least nineteen villages and camps along the

Washington shore from Ten Mile Rapids to just below Klickitat River, i <9 «

merely notes in passing thatthe Dalles Wasco were on the south bank

opposite-the Wishram~end~that-their villages probably extended ‘upstream

as far as’ Celiloandthe mouth of the Deschutes River (Spier and Sapir,

p. 160).

The-total range of Dalles Wasco fishing sites and villages

would then-seem-to fall within-the-area-froma point east”of Hood River

to fen Mile: Repiis; Spier's allegation thatthey had sites’ farther up- stream at: Celilo-antthe Deschutes~being-rejected inasmuch as it conflicts

with all-other-historical and etimological sources which uniformly attri- te bute all villages and camps above Ten Mile Rapids to Sahaptin Indians.

It may be noted with sarerenice to this point that the "Handbook" list

of twenty-one Dalles Wasco village and camp sites (Hodge, 2, pp. 917-

18) indicates only two east of the Dalles; clearly these people centered

their activities along the river from the Dalles westward rather than | upstream. The location of the Dalles Wasco village sites as revealed in published ethnologies and in informants' statements are as follows:

1. Wasqo, opposite to the main Wishram village which was lo-

cated at Spedis (cr, Spearfish), Wash. (Curtin, p. 2k) fn.; Spier and

Sapir, ps 160). “At Big Eddy, Oregon; its name is said to refer to a

spring of everlasting water that once came from the rocks here.

2. Wotsgs, “lone pine," formerly at Seufert, Oregon, at the

approach of the Dalles bridge. The "Handbook's" Watsokus (Hodge, 2, p-

918). :

3. Winkxot, formerly at the mouth of Mill Creek, The Dalles, Oregon. The "Handbook's" Winkwot at The Dalles (Hodge, 2, p. 918).

- 30-

Fishing sites could not be obtained in the field, but their

distribution in relation to the above village sites can be-ascertained

from the: "Handbook" which gives two as above Wasgo, five-between Wasqo

and Wotsgs, and eleven further downstream in the direction of Hood River.

Hood River Indians

The Indians of the Hood River sector’were regarded by Lewis

and Clark as one with those of the White Salmon-River which enters the

Columbia directly opposite; these they called the "Smock-shop Band of

Chil-luck-kit-te-quaw" who "reside on the Columbia on-each side from the Enterence of River Labieche /Hood River/ to the neighborhood of the Great rapids /cascades/ of that river" (Thwaites, 6, p. 115). On their descent

of the river they found two villages on the Oregon shore, one at the mouth of Hood River, the-second in the Ruthton-Sonny area five or six

miles below Hood River (Thwaites, 3, p. 170); the following year on their

return upstream they note a village which they attribute to these Indians at the spot where White Salmon, Washington, now stands (Thwaites, 4, p.

281). Subsequent to the visit of these explorers the Hood River people

come in for small notice, possibly because travelers along the river

passed through this sector rapidly, intent on reaching either the Dalles

or the cascades. In any event, further information concerning these Zz od, 7 Indians must be looked for in ethnological publications and in statements %, made by informants. —_

Like Lewis and Clark, Curtis (8, p. 179) has the Hood River -

Indians, whom he calls Ninuhltidih after their settlement site » extending

from that river westward to the vicinity of the cascades; he does not, = 91,=

however, unite-them with the White Salmon Indians, his Namit. Mooney

refers to the Hood Rivers-as Kwikwulit or Dog River; whtch he considers

as synonomouswith the Cascades Indians; they inhabited~both the Hood

River and Cascades sector (p..741). Spier; as does Curtis; points upthe

dialectic umity between ‘the Hood River and White: Salmon Indteans, although adding: "It is not-known- whether White Salmon-and-Hooé-River-were~one

people or not" (1936). “Informants-today, who-have~any~ opimion-on~the

matter ,-refute the idea of any-unity - social or-otherwise - a view im keeping with the fact thet such social wits sectom-if-ever—span the: lower Columbia-River;-asinthe case of the Dalles Wasco and the Wishram, al- though identical in dialect-and culture the White Salmon River “and Hood

River Indians were probably two ethnic-groups.

Village sites appear to have~besit-buttwo in-number, the~one at White Salmon-as-reported by Lewis ant Clarkprdbably being one of

White Salmon Indians; they were:

1. Ninuhitidih (Curtis) om the flat on-the-west bank of Hood

River frem-its junction with the Columbia to Indian Creek; given as Vy

Gawilaptck on the Gregon shore at—the approach-to the ‘Hood “River brtige 5* one?

it is Lewis and Clark's village of four houses at Hood River. Sa ion

2. A village-of four houses in the Ruthton-Somy, Oregon, zr, y sector (Lewis and Clark).

Cascades: Indians

From the journals of Lewis and Clark we learm of three villages

on the Washington shore-at: and about-the- cascades; ‘these were Y-e-huh just

above the rapids, Clah-clel-lah just below the rapids, and Wah-clel-lah at

- 32-

Beacon Rock a few miles above Skamania, Washington. Togetherthese formed

the explerers’ Sha-ha-la Nation. The economic activities of these Indians apparentily-led~them downstream from the cascades-ratherthan toward Hood

River and-the-Delles, for ina summary statement the journals say of the

Sha-ha-la- ation: . . . reside at the Grand Rapids /cascades/ of the Columbia and extend down in different vil- lages as low as the Multnomah river Willamette River/. (Thwaites, 6; p. 115)

Of one such village, Ne~er-cho-ki-oo-at aboutopposite Vancouver, Washington, on the Oregon shore, Lewis writes:

When we descended: the river im November last there were 24 other- lodges formed of Straw and covered with bark-near this house; these lodges are now distroyedand-the inhabitants as the indians in- form us -have-returned-to the~ great rapids Jeascades/ of this-river-which is their permment-residence .. . they inform-us-thet- their relatives who were with them last fall usually visit them at that season for the ” purpose of hunting deer and Elk and collecting wappatoe and that they had lately returnedto the rapids I pre- sume to-preparefor the fishing season. . . Indians of’ the~rapids frequently visit this valley at . every season of the-year for the purposeof collecting wappatoe: which is abundant and appears never tobe out of season. (Thwaites, 4, March 31,

Again, the inhabitantsof the village Wah-clel-lah are reportedas having my

gone to the falls of the Willamette at Oregon City for fishing (Thwaites, ie See See 4, April 7, 1806).

In subsequent years the Indians resident at the cascades are deSignated by a variety of terms: Cathlayackty, Thlamooyackoack, Cath- leyacheeyachs, Cathlakaheckit, Cathlathlala; identification of one with another, or equation with Lewis and Clark's villages, would at best be quite tenuous. It is evident, however, that one village was above the

- 33- cascades” on the north’shore near Lakewood, Washington, at or near the site ofthe Yehuh village, -while-others' were-on the Oregon shore from about Cascade Locks to opposite Wind River:

Ethnological literature throws little- light on the location of native villagesat the cascades, Curtis' publication being the sole significent-exceptionm. Based on data derived from-an informant born in

1825, the Indians at the cascades are-divided intotwo groups; these and their respective villages were (8, p. 181):

1. Gahlehishachk, those on the north bank of the Columbia at the cascades inhabiting the following villages:

a. Wahlala, "Their Lake,” opposite Cascade Locks, Oregon. b. Skamanyak, "Obstructed," at the middle Be Gapeades. ce. Kibaiagilhum, "Middle Village," a little below Skamanyak. dad. Kaiuchikhlqtih, at the lower cascades. e. Kamigwaihat, "Upper Road," a little below the former.

It is these people, says Curtis who are "commonly called the cascades." é 2. Gahlewaiahih, those on the south bank of the Columbia at the cascades; their principal village was Waiahih at the site of Cascade

Locks, while another permanent village, Swapapani, was a few miles below at Eagle-Creek.

Both of these groups are said to have spoken the same dialect “which differed considerably from that of the villages above them" (Ibid);

Sapir makes the same point (1907, p. 533).

With the epidemic and great decimtion of 1829 native life

along this-stretch of the river was disorganized, leading to new align- ments of the surviving Indians. Of its effect among the Cascades or

Watlala Indians the "Handbook" says:

- 34-

A divisionof the Chinookan family formerly living at the cascades of Columbia r. and, at least in later times, on Dog’(now Hood) r. about halfway between the cascades and the Dalles, in Wasco co., Ore. Early writers mention several tribes at or-near the cascades, but as the population of that regionwas very’ changeable from the fact of its being-a much frequented fishing resort, and as many of the so-called tribes were merely villages, often of small size, jt is now impossible to identify them with certainty. After-the epidemic of 1829, the Watlala seem to-have- been the only remaining tribe, the remnants of the others probably having united unter that name, though they commoniywere called Cascade Indians by the whites. In 185% they-were reported to’ number 80. In 1855 they joined in the Wasco treaty under~the name of 'Ki-gal-twel-le band of Wascoes' and the ‘Dog River band of the Wascoes,' and were removed to the Warm Springs res. in Oregon, where a few still survive.

It would appear~then that the decimation of the population had the effeet of causing these Cascades Indians to reversetheir previous tendency: and to orient’ themselves upstream throughan affiliation with the Hood Rivers. As a result Mooney can equate his “Kwikwulit or Dog

River" with the Cascades (p. 741). In the seme-fashion, and for the same reasons, it my be that the Hood Rivers in turm identified them- selves more closely with the Dalles Wasco. In short; the ‘Indians’ in

Oregon frem-the cascades to the Dalles, ‘people who in-pre-contact +ime~ were subdivided into ethnic and dialectgroups with a common culture, now tended to draw togetherboth physically-and spiritually as-their numbers’ decreased: and their way of life was threatened by white invasion.

With this-amsigamrtion dialect difference would be lessened or disappear, and the tendeney would be to cohsider~themselvesas constituting one people. That such a trend did occur is strongly suggested by the above quotation from the-Handbook; it would accountfor present-day informants' insistenee that but one dialect was spoken along the Oregon shore from the cascades to the Dalles, and that all such Indiens were properly "galasqo." - 35 -

Wasco Subsistence Areas

Wasco fishing sites were~ situated along the Columbia from-at

least the cascades’on the-west to-about Dune om Ten Mile-Rapids: where

they adjoined-those-of Sahaptin-Indians. - One~informant, who claims to

have known several older Wasco-mennow-deceased, states that he-had been

told by them-of Wasco sites-extenting-as far-downstream as the vicinity

of Vancouver, Washington, a steatement~that-is~given credibility by

historical: sources“ which indicate cascade Wasco- hunting and- gathering

roots opposite-on-the Oregon shore (page 30-this-report); Curtis also

bas a village Washuhwal at the present site of Washougal, Washington,

whose inhabitants were "closely related to the Cascades" (8, p. 181).

The-nameand precise location of these accustomed: sites could

not be learned in the field, although all informants concurredin indi-

cating their general range. Such sites, however, were not fished solely

by Wascos, although said to "belong" to them, for as indicated on pages éi-2h of this report native concepts of use, and of hospitalityas well,

did not requireor- permit exclusion of friendly Indians of any-ethnic

affiliation from subsistence spots. Therefore, say informants, Warm Springs Sehaptins /Tenino/, Wishram, and Klikitetmight be found using

the same-or adjoining stations whenever’ conditions of the river required

it. A reference to this practice maybe found in historical sources

for in 1811 David Thompson’of the: Northwest’ Company’ came-to "a Lodge-of Shawpatin Indians" fishing below the-Dalles (‘yrrell, 1916, p. 517), while George Gibbs, writing of Klikitat fishize says:

Their neighborhood to the fisheries of the Cas and the Dalles provided them for the summer. (pe bof) = oth,

- 36-

Klikitat occupation of the Columbia River is brought’ out by Spier's

studies~indicating joint usage of village sites with the White Salmon

River Indians~(Spier-and Sapir; p. 160), a-point which is” summarized

thus in a leter-pubplication:

The Klikitet had some~ fromtage’ onthe river in this locality. ‘They occupied som sites jointly with the-White Saimon, as well as “having several settlements of their own interdigited with these and the most westerm Wishram villages. (1936)

Gibbs called attention to this population mixture at an earlier date “the upper of these bands /Upper Chinook/ are mixed with Kliketats"

(p. 435). Although there is no-reason-to believe~that the Klikitat, or any other Indians, occupied permanent village sites on the Oregon or

Wasco side of the river, these statements concerning joint usage of

White Salmon and Wishram sites indicate well the prevalent non-exclusive native attitude toward land-use, and thereby substantiate informants' statements that others as well as the Wased u sed bites on the Oregon shore.

In addition to the Columbia River, fishing sites were-also located on Wind River, Washington, near its junction with Little Wind

River, and along the lower course of Hood River.

Roots were gathered largely along the flats of the Columbia, the cascades people going downstream for wappato to the sloughs and flats opposite Vancouver, Washington, while the lowlands at the mouth of White Salmon River and Chenoweth Flats just west of The Dalles- were mentioned by informants as principal camas grounds. Keuse and other roots were to be found along the courses of and the hills about Mill, Three Mile, Five

Mile, Eight Mile, and Fifteen Mile creeks south of The Dalles, and also in Mosier River valley. -37-

Berrying and nut gathering, done chiefly in the fall, took them

to the ridges lying south of the Columbia and north of Mt. Hood, just as the Wishram journeyed to the southern slopes of Mt. Adams (Spier and

Sapir, p.- 180). Access was by way of Hood River valley~or up Herman

Creek. There along Waucoma Ridge’ at Rainy Lake, Green Point’ Mountain,

Wahtum Lake, Indian Mountain, and Lost Lake blackberries, huckleberries,

salmonberries, cranberries, and-hazel mts were-gathered. At such times

the men who were along to guard the-women-berry-pickers humted deer,

elk, and bear-over’the same terrain. -In-addition to these sites, all

of which were north of Mt. Hood, a prairie on the south side of that

mountain was-mentioned independently by two Wasco informants; it was

said to be in the vicinity of Government Camp within the courses of

Salmon and Zigzag rivers, where ‘both: Wasco ‘aid Pening: gathered roots andberries. In summation, Wasco subsistence areas were primarily along

the Columbia valley and the northern slopes of Mt. Hood. Southward of

The Dalles-they went inland about as far as Dufur on Fifteen Mile Creek. -

This was-a country exploited jointly with the Tenino Indians from vil-

lages along the Columbia and at Tygh valley. In the "Proceedings,"

however, we find Mark, a Wasco chief, claiming the country a bit further south: My country lies from Dog /Hood/ River to the Tigh. . . We claim the country from-two miles below Dog River to the Mutton Mt. we want the /reservation/ oo commence from the Tigh and up... (Palmer, 55

- 38-

Despite this claim it would-seem more probable thatthe Tygh and Mutton

Mountainsector’ was primarily “Tenino country" in the sense that these Indians -exploitedit-more’ contimally and/g¥stemztically from their vil- lages et. Tygh valley ent Sherar's-Bridge- (Murdock, pS ) than did the

Wascos. - Nonetheless, since the conceptof boundaries and trespass was unknown to both these peeple, since they were on friendly terms, and

since the-Waseo were mobile through use of the horse, they-my indeed

have exploited this far south periodically. Since it is impossible to | construct boundaries in this ares, forsuch did not: exist either formlly

or functionally in these cultures, all that canbe seid is that the oo

Wasco zone-ef exploitation gradually faded out as one proceeds south

from the-Columbia River, and that much of the area exploited in this direction overlapped that utilized bya neighboring ethnic group, the- | Tenino. That the southern limit of Wasco land utilization did‘not ex-

tend as far as the-present Warm Springs Reservation is indicated by

another statement: of Mark's in the "Proceedings":

The place-you have mentioned [present reserva- . tion area/ I have not seen. There is no Indians or whites there yet, and that is the reason I say I kmow nothing about that country. (Palmer; 1855)

Limits of Wasco land use south of the Columbie were then ‘somewhere be-

tween Fifteen Mile Creek and Tygh yalley.

-39-

THE TENINO

The: Tenino or- Warm Springs Sahaptins inhabited villages along

the Oregon shore of the~ Columbia River at Ten Mile Rapids, Celilo Falls,

the Deschutes: River; andthe John Day River. ‘Together with Indtens liv-

ing elong the Columbia valley in what is now the state-of Washington

they were-speakers- of ‘the ‘Penino-or Wyampam-dielect"of Sehaptin, In+

cluded in this dialect ao in addition to the Tenino Indiens, were

the people-of the villages sk'in and we paixt across from Celilo, Oregon

(Ray, 1936, p. 119, map). Mooney (pp. 739-42) considers the dialect to eee have been spoken farther eastward in several villages extending to about:

opposite-the mouth of the Umxtilla River, thus overlappinga section of

the Columbia which Ray would attribute to Umatilla dialect speakers. \ Along the-southern shore of the Columbia, Ray has included the John Day

River within the Umatilla dialect area, while Mooney would assign that

stream to Tenino speakers.

According to George Peter Murdock who worked extensively with

these Tenino Indians in 1934 and 1935, they were:

«+ « »« divided into four sub-tribes or rather pairs of villages - one, with flimsy and temporary build- ings, located on the river and used during the fish- ing season in the warmer months; the other, with substantial permanent dwellings, located several miles distant, usually away from the river, at a spot which provided water, fuel, and shelter from the winds during the colder half of the year. (p. 396)

Always on amicable terms, but "originally independent" (ibid), the four

sub-groups of Fenino were: - ho-

The Tenino proper (Tenino band of Walla Wallas), whose summer village was tinai’m about four miles east of The Dalles (p. 397). Curtin (p. 2h2), Ray (1936, p. 150) and the writer's informants all concur in this

location. Among the historical sources only Lee and Frost appear to

have mentioned this village specifically, which in 1840 they describe

as “a little village of Wallah-wallahs, living near Caclasco" (p. 186),

Wallah-wellah being a name-frequently applied in this era to. any Sahaptin

speakers. Although no other source indicates’ this settlement as such,

there are-freynent- indefinite allusions to several Wyampam, Wallah-

wallah, or-Skin (another generic term;-employed- for Sahaptins near Celilo falls) villages~ clustered: in this area. “ The winter-village-was "six miles inland at taqa xtaqax"

(p. 397) which informmts indicated to~be on Fifteen Mile Creek. Re-

moved fromthe Cohubia, it seems to have gone unrecorded by early

travelers.

The Wyam-or-Lover Deschutes: the summer village was the-well ‘mown waya’m (Murdock, p4 397) which still exists as the-modern-mixed- population fishing-village of Celilo. Both Curtin-(p. 244) end Ray (1936, p. 150) list it as si°lailo. Mooney writes of these people and

their village:

A tribe. speaking the Tenino language and formerly Living about the mouth of the Des Chutes-river’. . . Their chigf villagewas on 7 the ‘Columbia where Celilo now is, and was called na Waiem... (p. 742) - Wayam then, is the village that gave its name to the sub-group, it in tute being derived from the Seheptin name for Celilo Falls (wyam), at which it was situated. "Wyampam," the dialect group clustered on both

= hi banks about the falls is composed of the suffix -pam signifying "people," and that place-name; hence’ Wyampam-may ‘be rendered as "people of Celilo falls." It was used in that sense by many early travelers, such as Ross’ (1849, p. 118) and Hunt (Rollins, 1935b, p. 305). Lewis and Clark's:

Eneeshur are probably equivalent to the Wyampam’group, and the village of eleven lodges which they noted in“1806-on the south bank at the falls appears tobe the first reference to Wyam or Celilo (Thwaites, 4, p. 303). Lee and Frost also noted it as Wiam(p. 176). The Wayam's winter village wes at wanwa’wi "on the left bank of the Besehutes not far from its junction with the Columbia" (Murdock,

Dp. 397). -Never-memtioned by name, there are several apparent references to it and to its inhabitants in the historical sources. Ross, in 1611, writes of "a-very large camp of Indians” on the south bank of the Col- umbia just above the mouth of the Deschutes (1849, p. 122), while Ogden in 1825 "found upwards of 100 Indians" a few miles up the Deschutes (Elliott, 1909, p. 338). Wyeth, in 1834, at just about the same: spot records that he “camped one mile up the river of falls called by the

French 'Revieu des Shutes' . . . There is a small village-of Inds .. ." (Wet, 1899, p. 237). One year later, 1835, Parker noted:

Above the Falls there is a large island /Millers-Island/ on the south side of which there is a commodious bay, near which and upon the river De Shutes, which here unites with the Columbia; there is a village of the Fall Indians of about thirty lodges. (p. 137)

- While these sites might not all correspond precisely to that given by-Murdock it would seem-certain that the group concerned was identical, all being within the same general radius of the lower few

-4e - miles:of the~Desehutes”and the-adjoiming Columbia banks. The Indian Affairs Report-for 1857 states that the "Des Chutes” ‘Indians’ "formerly occupied that section of the country~between the Dalles-and“the Ty-ich river" (p. °G6), thus-subsuming~theTenino proper-in this classification

as well as indicatingthet the Wayam villeges may have extended up the Deschutes-for-quite a few miles.

The Tygh or Upper-Deschutes: “an early nineteenth century offshoot from the Tenino proper, who expeled the Molela fromtheir former territory

and occupied their villages: taix, their winter village at snedern: Tygh Valley, and t/xni, their sumer fishing site-at-Sherar's Bridge on the Deschutes" (Murdock, p. 397). These are~the-two villages’ that Mooney (pp: 741-42) has considered as two separate "tribes," the Taiaq about ygh and White rivers, and the Ti lqini “formerly claiming the country betuge!geen 2 Tash valley and Herpeprinss river, west of the Des Chutes River."

Being off the min ‘artery’ of travel, the Columbia, the traders and explorers Ogden, Wyeth, Fremont, and Abbott.are the sole sources to

throw any light on this country from personal observation. In an ap- parent reference to tjxni at Sherar's Bridge, although the identity of the Indians is not given, Ogden writes in 1826:

Proceeded down river of the Falls to the Falls where we found a camp of 20 families. Finding also a bridge made of slender wood we began crossing, 5 horses were lost thro' the bridge. I am informed the salmon do not ascend beyond those falls. (Elliott, 19/04, p- 205) And while Lee and Frost did not visit the sector themselves-they did know of a village "Til-han-ne" located-twenty-five miles south of the

Dalles inhabited by "Wallah-wallahs"; both name and location suggest

- 43-

thmt {p. 176). As for-the-Tygh-valley village; Wyeth writes of finding “twenty” ledges~there-in 1834 (Wyeth, p. 237), and Fremont in~18h3 camped + + + on -the-stream’/Tygh Creek/ after dark, guided by-the-light of fires, which some naked Indians’ belonging to a-village onthe ‘opposite ’ pide-were kindling for us on the bank. (186, Ps QUT)

Abbott's journal doesnot record any native settlements’ at Tygh valley, bat the-wertingof his: account leaves~no doubt but that this was a cen-

ter of Indian life. ‘The Indian-Affairs Report of 1857, including both

villages-under a single name-asdoes Murdock, says’ that the Ty-ichs

“formerly occupied the Ty-ich valley and the ‘country in its vicinity." (p. 373)

John Day, "whose summer-and winter villages (takepa’c and maxa’xpe.)

were both located onthe: lower John-Day River within @ few miles of the

Columbia" (Murdeck, p. 397). References to-the John Day Indians, or what were--presumably the John Days, are very rare in historical sources,

there being no mention whatever of village sites. David Thompson's

narrative contains two passages that quite probably allude to the

people of the John Day River, the first noting that just above that

stream on the Columbia, "we put ashore at two lodges containing eighty families" (Tyrrell, 1916, p. 494) while later in the same year of 1811 he writes: Early set off /from camp just below John Day R. mouth/ and proceeded twenty six miles /up the Columbia/-; in this distance we passed one hundred and fifty five men, with their families, they were all employed with the Seine, and with success. . . (Tyrrell, 1916, P- 520) i

4h -

Although not’ known to have~ been John: Days at least some probably were

for Ray states that both the Tenino and Umatilla exploited-this sector (1938, p. 385), aview-supported-by-our data obtained in thefield. As for Indian Affairs Reports, only Dennison in 1857 gives their territory, LC / and then merely as "in the mediate vicinity" of John Day River (p. 373). v & Before discussing the history of and subsistence areas used by the inhabitants of these four pairs of villages, a brief note con-

cerning the Indians to the south and ‘southeast should be introduced here. Northern Paiute

The Shoshonean-speaking people of Oregon, who are variously

known as "Snake ” "Shoshoni," and "Digger" in historical sources have

come to-be- known as the Northern Paiute, a term indicating cultural and’

linguistic unity among the Indians of the Great Basin of California, Nevada, Oregon, and Idaho (Blyth, 1938; 0. C. Stewart, 1938, 1ghl; J. H. Steward, 1937; Kroeber, 1925). As indicated in the journals of Ogden, Wyeth, Work, and Fremont and verified through the work of eth-

nologiste- these-Indians- possessed a relatively simple culture of the

Great Basin type. Not to be-confused with the mounted buffalo-hunting

Shoshoneans found farther eastward in Idaho and across the Rockies, the

Northern. Paiute roamed on foot through their arid and barren territory

in small family groups in search of meager-supplies of roots, seeds,

small game, insects, berries, and fish that were available. Paiute

socio-political organization is usually deseribed as being of the band type, although Steward points out that such a concept "comoting true solidarity -among members of @ political or territorial division" was RS

~ 5 -

foreign to the native concept. Rather, with no pattern of group land-

‘ownership, the population fluid, and political control minimal, native

tientification of peoples was crude and” inexact having reference to food-

areas or-geographical features instead of to a definite, unchanging

“population group. For example, the "Wada Eaters” were in actuality not

a@ political unit such as e band but-merely those families who happened-

“to be residing together at any particular time in an-area where seeds

(wads) were the basis of subsistence. At some other time any number of

these families might be found in another subsistence area-and then would

be known as the "Salmon Eaters," etc. Therefore, if these native desig- nations are-essentially of pod-areas or localities rather than of stable

political, social, or cultural divisions it is improper to call them , bands (Steward, 1939, pp. 261-62). eee Aboriginal History - Tenino Subsistence Areas

Two divergent accounts have been advanced, the earliest in

time being Teit's hypothesis (1928)-which has been adopted by Berreman

and Spier. This postulates a pressure north and northwestward by Shosho- neans (Snakes) in the period 1800-30 having the effect-of driving the

Molala west of the Cascades to the Willamette valley from a former- home

on the Deschutes River, and the Sahaptins from a former centrel Oregon home to the Columbia River. These latter peoples then ousted the Salish people whom they found residing along that river, and assumed occupancy

of its shores. Objections to this theory have been raised by Jacobs (1937), Murdock (1938), and Ray (1938) on ethnographic and linguistic

grounds, for neither native traditions nor linguistic distributions in

the historic period substantiate this thesis of a northward Shoshonean

~ 46 - pressure ousting the Sahaptins from a central Oregon home or of Sahaptins

driving out the Salish from the Columbia. Nor does the field work of

Blyth and Stewartamong the Paiute uphold this Teit-Berreman-Spier view.

The second version of aboriginal history, that offered by

Murdock as a result of field work done among the Tenino in 1934-35, my

be divided into three periods. Following the quotations from Murdock

‘regarding each period, we will add such pertinent data from the his- torical sourceffana our informants as may throw light~on Tenino sub-

sistence areas in each such historical period. . A. Prior to 1810-20. At this time the southern neighbors of

the Tenino were the Molala who:

+ » » bad only one winter village, on the site of modern Tygh Valley, and moved every spring to a summer fishing village at Sherar's Bridge on the Deschutes. They dug roots in the vicinity of modern Wapinitia and gathered berries on the eastern slope of Mt. Hood. They sometimes hunted to the south, in the region of Simnasho, but this was really Paiute territory. (pp. 397-98)

The region lying south of the Molala,

+ « + including the berrying grounds around Ollalie Butte and Mt. Jefferson and the entire area of present Warmsprings Reservation, has been Paiute territory, say the Tenino, from time immemorial. In this region the Paiute formerly had at least three winter sites: la’ xwaixt wanaitat or modern Hot Springs, citai“kt or modern Warmsprings, and sikei°’ kwi on Seekseekwa Creek. The rich root-gathering country around Shaniko was also exploited by the Paiute. On the John Day River the Paiute came-in contact with the John Day sub-tribe of the Tenino. The lower middle reaches of this river, Girectly east of the Molala country, seem always to have been used to some extent by the John Day, although they admit that the country properly belonged to the Paiute. (p. 398)

why-

» (Historical sources suggest that at this time the Paiute were indeed some distance south.of the Columbie as Murdock's data-state as well.as.foreshadowing Tenino conflict with the Paiute and their subse- quent expansion’ southward. ' At Celilo Falls-in 1805 Lewis and Clark were told of the Paitite:

«so« they represent the Snake Indians as being verry noumerous, and resideing in a great number of villages:on Towornehiooks River /Deschutes River/ . . . thatthe Snake live on Salmon, and they /Columbia River Indians, including the Tenino/ go to war to their first villages in 12 days... (Thwaites; 3, p. 149) *

Just downriver when camped at Mill Creek at The Dalles they are again told: of war with the Snakes-whose "nearest town is about four days march"

(Thwaites, 3; p. 163) Despite this discrepancy in distence it is obvi- ous that the Paiute were considerably removed from the Columbia valley, which is also indicated by maps of the sector given the explorers by the Indians of the region; such would seem to’ show the Paiute villages at about the junction of the Deschutes and Crooked rivers.

Another account of this warfare also helps to place the Paiute during this period; told by a Wishram Indien born in 1819, the évents are said to have taken Place a few years before that date:

Once when the Shoshoni were more persistant {in yaiding/ than usual, a party of men from Wasko,. Nibhluidih, Waiyam, and Skin, about.six hmdred strong, set out in pursuit of them, They travelled . all night, ascending the Deschutes river into the mountains to Warm Springs... Proceeding along the rim of a deep canyon of one of the tributaries of the Deschutes [probably the Metolius River. Here they . find a Shoshoni-Klamath camp and kill 500 of them/. On the return they saw Shoshoni camps on Warm Springs river . . . and they captured about forty young gifls and women killing others. (Curtis, 8, p. 179)

= 48-

While data from historical sources is naturally scanty at Ante

Period, it does appear to substantiate Murdock's thesis at least to a

degree, for the explorers' journals indicate that the Paiute were well

to the seuth about where Prineville now stands; the Wishram tale has ciahaeaisoned ‘them in considerable numbers a bit farther north and toward the Columbia along Metolius and Warm Springs rivers. In neither source are the Tenino

and their allies-shown as being pushed out of the Columbia valley as

Teit would have it; indeed Lewis end Clark's account suggests that the

initiative may have rested with the Tenino. Of the Molala, however, Aeqsah

there is no mention.

Tenino subsistence areas prior to the decade 1810-20 undoubt-

edly included fishing sites along the Columbia River at their villages of tinai~nu at Ten Mile Rapids, waya“m at Celilo falls, and at the

mouth of the Deschutes and John Dey rivers. These were the fishing

sites said to "belong" to the Tenino Indians, although Umatilla and ——_ PEELE cayuse’ shared Celilo falls. In a like manner the Tenino fished the Columbia éastwara beyond the John Day - as far as Willow Creek, Oregon,

according to Ray (1938, p. 385); data obtained by the writer at the

Umatilla Indian Reservation, however, has the Tenino sharing sites with

the Umtilla and Cayuse still farther upstream at Alderdale, Washington,

on both sides of the river at Castle Rock, Oregon, on Blalock Island,

and at and opposite the mouth of the Umatilla River. A permanent camp

was jointly occupied at Alderdale, Washington. Although these fishing

sites are admittedly postulated upon conditions as found just prior to

the reservation period, there is no reason to suppose that they differed prior to 1810, for both native tradition and the culture of the Tenino

- hg-

evidence long occupation of the Columbia; nor is there any cause to

suggest that the Tenino either expanded or contracted their fishing sites in an eastward direction.

As for areas away from the Columbia valley, it may be inferred —_—___ that hunting, fishing, and gathering led them into the rolling hills and

along the creeks - Five Mile, Eight Mile, Fifteen Mile creeks - lying

south of Celilo and north of Tygh valley; such areas were also exploited

by the Wesco Indians. The "lower middle reaches" of the John Day, al- though "Paiute country" was "used to some-extent" (Murdock, p. 398),

while the slopes of Mt. Hood as far south as about Clear Lake probably

were exploited then as we know them to have been at a later date

(Abbott, pp. 97-8). Whether or not the Tenino jointly exploited any

of the areas which Murdock assigns to the Molala - Sherar's Bridge,

Wapinitia - is unknown.

B. 1610 - 1820. In this period the Molale were driven out

of their villages at Tygh Valley and Sherar's Bridge-by a southern ex-

Pansion of the Tenino proper (inhabitents of tinai nu and taga xtagax).

The Molala fled west over the Cascade Mounteins into the Willamette val-

ley, the Tenino proper then colonizing those villages; this was the

“origin of the “fa-ih or Upper De Chutes band of Walla Wallas."

As a result the Tenino added to their subsistence areas the

important fishery at Sherar's Bridge on the Deschutes, ag well as root-

digging grounds at Wapinitia on Juniper Flat and at Devils Halfacre in Tygh valley; Tygh and Badger creeks and White river were then available for hunting. South of the Mutton Mountains we: the Paiutes. yf

ene

- 50 -

C. Post 1810-1820. Continuing to expand southward, the

Tenino penetrated ever deeper into Paiute country so that:

By the time of the establishment of the Warmsprings Reservation they had expelled the Paiute fromthe berrying grounds near Ollelie Butte and Mt. Jefferson. from the wintering places at Hot Springs, Warmsprings, and sikei~kwi, | : from the root-gathering grounds around Shaniko, . and from the entire John Day Valley almost as far south as the great bend of that river. Hunting | expeditions ranged still deeper into Paiute ter- ritory. (Murdock, p. 399)

Some forty years prior to Murdock, Mooney had summarized historical

trends in this region in similar fashion:

Most of this region, on the south or Oregon side of the Columbia, was formerly held by Sho- shonean tribes of Paiute connection, which have been dispossessed by the Sahaptian tribes and driven farther back to the south ... . The Tenino themselves conquered the present Warmsprings reser- vation from the Snakes. The expulsion was in full progress when Lewis and Clark went down the Columbia in 1805, but had been practically completed when the first treaties were made with these tribes fifty years later. (p. 7h2)

With these summary statements of Murdock and Mooney in mind,

and comparing them with other ethnological studies, the journals of

Ogden, Work, Wyeth, Fremont, and Abbott, and our own field material -

. all we of which pertain to this——— period - the writer has come to the fol- lowing conclusions with respect to Tenino and Paiute land-use in the

area now encompassed by the reservation and south of it:

1. That the Tenino had not entirely expelled the Paiute’ from the

reservation area, but that the Paiute still maintained camps along

Seekseekwa Creek, Metolius River, and perhaps at other spots within

- 51-

the present reservation bounds; that although the Tenino did hunt and gather roots south of Mutton Mountains in what is now reservation area, and even beyond, this was still considered by the Tenino as primarily

Paiute country.

In support of this view we may first cite Beatrice Blyth's study of the distribution of Paiute bands, said to reflect conditions inthe period 1840-1850. The Juniper-Deer Eater band of Paiutes were at that time on the east side of the Deschutes inhabiting sites at

Gateway, Bend, and Prineville, while Mt. Jefferson served as a hunting ground (p. 403). The map prepared from Blyth's data (Murdock, p. 396) shows Hot Springs, Warm Springs, and Seekseekwa Creek as included in

"Northern Paiute territory."

The writer's Tenino and Paiute informants substantiated this picture in its main aspects, as may be seen from these paraphrased statements:

The Tenino confined their activities largely to the Columbia River, Tygh valley, and the lakes about Ollalie Butte in the Cascades. Prior to’ being located on the reservation they seldom came into that country for the hostile Paiute were everywhere (Tenino informant). From the southernmost Tenino villages at Tygh valley and Sherar's Bridge the Tenino occasionally went as far as Mt. Jefferson, Three Sisters, the Prineville section, and Ollalie Butte to hunt and gather berries. However the Paiute had camps along Seekseekwa Creek and southward; beyond that creek in Pour. sh 9 @ southerly direction it was really Paiute ? ‘i - with that portion of the reservation ng between Chnrceterem ann the Mutton Mountains and Seekseekwa Creek sporad- ically exploited by both Tenino and Paiute. (Tenino informant) -52-

The Paiute were concentrated in the vicinity of Madras, Prineville, and on Seekseekwa Creek. One Paiute summer camp wes located at the Agency bridge on the east bank of the Deschutes (Rainbow), | while another.was at Ashwood, Oregon (some fifteen miles east of Blyth's camp at Gateway). (Tenino informant)

The Tenino roamed all over the reservation area in search of roots and on the hunt. The Paiute camped regularly along Seekseekwa Creek. (Tenino informant)

Before the reservation the Tygh valley Indians went west to the Cascades, east to Shaniko, and “south to Prineville and Seekseekwa Creek. Paiutes nic were camped on Seekseekwa Creek, there and to vt south being Paiute country. (neni tee Cte tai ce

The Paiute camped all over the reservation and east as far as Shaniko. The reservation area, Prine- ville, and Madras were congidered as Paiute country by the older Bangle Indians now deceased. (Tenino informant) Cette piseg

The Deer Eater band of Paiptes had winter camps at Bend and along the northern side of the Metolius River. They customsrily established summer camps all over the reservation area until the Tenino were brought in after the treaty. Prior to that event the Deer Eaters utilized the country north to Mutton Mountains, west to the Cascades, south throygh Bend and Prineville, and east to Shaniko and the John Day River. Berries were gathered at Mt. Jefferson and Ollalie Butte, while Mt. Jefferson was also a prin- cipal hunting ground. The Paiute took many rabbits at Madras. Their fishing sites were strung along the Deschutes as far as Sherar's Bridge, on the Metolius, and along the John Day upstream from Clarno. The Paiute traded regularly with the Tenino living at Sherar's- Bridge, giving buckskin and roots for sal- mon and horses. The entire reservation was. Paiuteeeuye country. (Deer-Eater Paiute Tatormant) The. Tenino seldom came into the reservation sector before 1855, for it was Paiute to the Mutton Mounteins. The Paiute hunted along John Day River, at Canyon City, at Prineville, over to Mt. Jefferson, and throughout the reservation - 53-

sector. Fishing was done along the Deschutes, Metolius- and John Day rivers. Paiute root grounds were chiefly at Shaniko and out along the John Day in spots extending to Canyon City; this sec- tor was jointly exploited with the Tenino. Al- though properly Paiute country, the Tenino did go south as far as Klameth while hunting. (Paiute informant)

Despite minor conflicts in this testimony there are broad

areas of agreement within these statements as well as with Blyth's

material. Seekseekwa Creek, Bend, Prineville, and Madras are repeat-

edly given -as centers of Paiute population, for here they had their

summer and winter camps. Between the Paiute camps on Seekseekwa Creek

and the southernmost Tenino villages at Tygh valley and Sherar's Bridge

was a zone which both. Paiutes and Tenino regarded as pertaining to the

Paiute inasmuch as they were its primary exploiters 3 at the same time

the Tenino were evidently pushing south into this region and beyond.

The Cascades in the Mt. Jefferson-Ollalie Butte sector also seem to

have been jointly exploited for game and berries.

2. That the sectors lying south of thé Metolius River (southern

boundary of the Warm Springs Reservation) and west of the Deschutes

River were primarily exploited by the Paiute, although the Tenino did

visit them aswell for subsistence purposes; in addition the Nez Perce

and Cayuse from eastern Oregon hunted through here.

In confirmation of this statement we may offer the views of

informants. quoted above which clearly show that the region in question was regarded as Paiute country - that it was these people who made eo Copter primary use of its resources. Blyth's field work is again in accord, | while Wyeth's journal of 1835 records "8 lodges of Snakes" (1899,

- 5h-

ott p. 26) west of the Deschutes River, between it and Squaw Creek. However, ee historical sources do bear, out informants' contentions that the Tenino

did get south to the Metolius River for fishing, to Green Ridge for TT et eee ene deer, to Black Butte for roots, berries, and nuts, and to Three Sisters

for game and berries, Thus Wyeth's journals contain three entries

which may indicate the Tenino to have been on or south of the Metolius; eens as was conmon for the period in which he writes, Wyeth uses Walla Walla

for Sahaptins:

Went out hunting /from camp on Metolius near” Fly Greek/ killed 2 deer and several wolves. this day came to us 5 Walla Walla Inds. who are out hunting *« ethey say that the game comes down from the mts. in the winter on account of the snows which is the ar of its being so plenty at this time. (1899, Pp» 2h0

the Walla Walla Indians are here /west of the Deschutes, at about Geneva Ore./ hunting. They go out on their horses run them and as the deer can ia the Inds. get good shots at them. (1899, pe 2h7

We are encampte /on the Metolius near its junc- tion with the Deschutes/ with about 12 lodges of Walla Wallas they have at this moment a good supply of méat deet which they are drying. I presume they have not often so much on hand as they seem to value ithighly. (1899, p.°2h7)

Some eight years later, 183, Fremont noted "several ingeniously ~

contrived places to catch fish, one about twelve feet in diameter"

(1846, p. 221) on the Metolius; while he does not’ indicate which :

Indians: used these fishing stations, Abbott's journal of his survey trip in 1855 notes that Indians had been fishing on the Metolius and were then traveling north (p. 90) from which it may be inferred that

the Tenino did fish on that river, as some informants alleged.

- 55 =

Referencesto the eastern Oregon Nez Perce and Cayuse in this

Deschutes River section may be found in the accounts of both Ogden and

Fremont. In 1843 Fremont found'a single Nez Perce family camped along

the’ Metolius at the fishing station mci Ea ashe tidal, p. 231); sev- ——— —_—— eral days. later, December 5, 1843, traveling south along the Deschutes

Fremont writes: Tonle

After a few hours' ride, we came upon a fine ia stream in the midst of the forest, which proved to tf be the principal branch of the Fall river, It was occasionally 200 feet wide - sometimes narrowed to 50 feet; the waters very clear and frequently deep. We.ascended along the river, which sometimes presented sheets of foaming cascades , . . and found a good en- campment on the verge of open bottom, which had been an old camping ground of the Cayuse Indians, A great number of deer horns were lying about, indicating game in the neighborhood . . . (pp, 2122)

On the following day, December 6th:

We continued up the stream on undulating forest ground over which there was scattered mich fallen timber, We met here a village of Nez Perce Indians, who appeared to be coming down from the mountains, and had with them fine bands of horses, With them were a few a Indians of the root-digging species. (1846, p. 282

location of these Cayuse and Her Perce3 camp grounds was obvious-

ly along the Deschutes between Bend and the junction with the Little

Deschutes River, for the following day, December 7th, Fremont pitched

camp at 43° 361, 36" north latitude not far south of that river junction,

That Fremont was not in error in identification of these Indians is in-

dicated by the fact that he had spent some time at Whitman's mission near

Walla Walla, Washington, among the Nez Perce and Cayuse, and hence was

presumably acquainted with them; by Work's journals which frequently

«Ba

mentionthe Cayuse just to the east and north along the John Day River;

and Ogden stating that the Nez Perce had trapped beaver along Crooked River near the Deschutes (Elliott, 1909, p. 343). Furthermore, Ogden's journal of 1826 attributes this quotation to the Klamath Indians as

The Nez Perces have made different attempts to reach our village but could not succeed. Even last summer we discovered a war party of Cayouse and Nez Perces in search of us; but they did not find us. (Elliott, 1910a, p. 210) 3. That eastward of the Desclutes River Tenino subsistence areas, other than those along the Columbia, were primarily at the root grounds Or about Shaniko and the lower course_of the Jobn Dey River "“almost-as far south as the great bend of that river" (Murdock, p. 399).

While both Tenino and Paiute informants claimed the Shaniko root~grounds, it would appear that, as Murdock suggests, the Tenino occupied them just prior to the treaty period. On the one hand, they are closer to Tygh valley and Sherar's Bridge than to former Paiute centers at Prineville and Bend; nor does Blyth indicate that any Paiute band utilized this Shaniko area. Again, in the "Proceedings" of the

Wasco council a Tenino asks for this "Kouse Country" with which he is obviously familiar. If the Paiute did occupy these root-grounds at some previous time the Tenino had since driven them out.

As for the John Day River, other than the fact that two

Tenino villages were at its mouth and that the inhabitants of these settlements used the lower valley for hunting about as far as Clarno

(Murdock, p. 396, map) nothing is known of the manner in which the -5T-

Tenino used this portion of the river. That the upper course of the John Day (beyond Clarno) figured but little in Tenino economy seems

evident from examining historical sources, referring to other ethno-

graphical material, and from informants' statements. Thus the journals

of Ogden and Work, both of whom traveled through the John Dey country_ ote»

7 on more than one occasion, mention but once Indians who may possibly be aa

identified as Tenino although frequent notice is taken of "Snakes,"

and the Cayuse as well. |

In 1826 Ogden's party was visited by five Snakes when near Mt. Vernon, Oregon, on the main John Day (Elliott, 1909, p. 350); in A bisey | —_—. 4 1831 John Work encountered a party of them just eastward on that place, Chee

again on the min John Day at about where the town of John Day now stands:

é Continued our route down the river, which still runs'to the westward11 miles, when we stopped near a camp of Snake Indians who have the river barred across for the purpose of catching salmon. . . They are taking ! very few salmon, and are complaining of being hungry themselves. Wo roots can be obtained from them. (Elliott, 1913, p. 311) ) | No hoot this sector along the Middle Fork of the John Day not far PP.

west of the present town of Bates, Oregon, Work reports several families" 4 « wn if of Paiutes fishing and hunting in 1632. (Lewis and Phillips, p. 171): a :

. We found a family of mountain Snakes, three men “- | and their wives and six children, and had a few fresh Ae, > salmon from them and two beaver. They spear the salmon on along the river. .

Passed three more families of Indians, only the women and children were in the huts, the men were off mt hunting. | - 58 - i

Along the south fork eosof the John Day just above Izee, Oregon, ——Ogden “gs noted "Snake huts not long abandoned” in 1826 (Elliott, 1909, p. 349) pa,

while John Work observed signs of these Paiutes on Silvies River in * Sey iS: me 1832 (Maloney, pp. 6-7). Other than these "Snakes," Work mentions "some Caiouse | Indians on (John) Day's river" near the junction of. North Fork_ (Maloney, p. 5) and again near Silvies, Oregon: Proceeded on our journey 2} hours 10 miles 8.S.E. to the S. fork of Day's river where we encamped near a party of Kaiouse (Cayuse) and Walla Walla Indians. . (Maloney, p. 6)

Rather than the South Fork of the John Day, the camp was on Silvies

River_as a tracing of Work's route will show. These "Walla walla" my

be either the Tenino or the Walla Walla Indians of eastern Washington. \

The Crooked River of central Oregon was again-a sector in

which Paiute were found by the early trappers. Ogden, in 1825, found

abandoned Snake huts just north of Prineville, Oregon, and when reach- eenw€,

ing Crooked River at about Prineville writes: "Being on the borders of ae ——— Snake Land" (Elliott, 1909, p. 343). Farther up this river, somewhere

near Post, Oregon, enctlier deserted Paiute camp was discovered (p. 345), | while "an Indian barrier mde last summer for taking salmon" (pp. 346+ 4.7) was on Crooked River just below its junction with the South Fork.

Ethnographical studies relating to distributions in 1840-50 |

similarly indicate that it was the Paiute and other Indians of eastern |

Oregon who were the primary eepIeLteee elaE the various forks of the John Day and on Crooked River, thereby substantiating the picture derived from historical material. For example, Blyth has a band of Paiute, the

Hunipwi’ tika, along the main and South Fork of the John Day:

-59-

whose winter camp, according to my informants, cen- tered around Canyon City Creek, the town of John Day, and the valley of the John Day River to the west. They hunted as far north as Seneca and Izee, and at least as far west as Dayville. I have no information as to their northern boundary, but it was stated that they wintered on both sides of the John Day River and as far north as Waterman. As to the easternmost extension of their terrain there was disagreements _ Some informants cited a separate band of Elk Eaters (Pa“tihichi“tika) to the east of the Huni“”bui Eaters in the vicinity of Prairie City and Baker. Others, however, stated that these people were part of the Huni“bui Eaters band. In any case, the information would seem to indicate the presence of camps as far east as Baker. (p. 403)

To the west, the Juniper-Deer Eater Paiute were on Crooked River, while

southward was the Wada Eater band who wintered about Harney and Malheur

lakes; their hunting and gathering grounds extended north to about Silvies,

Oregon. In close agreement with this data Omer C. Stewart, having con-

sidered historical sources and conducted field work in 1936 » has a

Hunipuitéka or Walpapi band of Paiute along the John Day and Crooked

rivers; in this area he includes the North Fork of the John Day River as well. To the south of this band were the Wadatoka along Silvies and

Malheur rivers and about Harney and Malheur lakes (1939, pp. 131-33; map). Verne Ray's publications conflict with this picture of Paiute

occupation of the John Day, however, for in one he presents a map show~-

ing the Umatilla Indians along the entire John Day River (1936, p./7)

as of about 1850, while a later publication brings the Umatilla westward

along that River only as far as about Monument, Oregon; the North and

Middle Forks are mapped as Umatilla country while the main course of the

river is given as the southern Umatilla boundary, beyond which were Paiutes (1938, p. 386 map). Ray introduces a time element here, with

- 60- the above-mentioned distribution said to represent conditions in the nineteenth century as a result of a Umatilla expansion southward; prior to that, in the eighteenth century, "Shoshonean peoples had occupied all of the upper drainage of the John Day River" (1938, p. 388; 391-92).

The conflict with Blyth's and Stewart's data is then limited to the nineteenth century scene, the three ethnologists being in agreement as

+o Paiute occupation of the John Day and Crooked rivers prior to 1800.

Turning now to data relative to Tenino use of the John Day country as derived from informants and sources in the field by. the writer, we may begin by pointing out that whereas all informants were able to indicate some Tenino subsistence areas along and west of the

Deschutes River, few evinced any concrete knowledge of the country along the John Day. Rather, informants appeared reluctant to discuss the region, and dealt solely in generalities with the result that one gets the impression that while the Tenino -Indians probably did make use of some areas along that river, such could not have been of paramount im- portance to their economy. A reading of the "Proceedings" of the Wasco council leaves one with the same impression for while the Tenino spokes- men mention the Columbia River fisheries, the fisheries at Sherar's

Bridge, Tygh Valley, Mt. Jefferson, and the "kouse country" as being important to the Tenino way of life, little is said concerning the rest of the land east of the Deschutes; the loss of opportunity to visit this

John Day region apparently concerned them not at all.

At the Umtilla Reservation, however, more concrete lmowledge was obtained from the written records of a survey trip underteken in

1941 by a party of elderly Umatilla, Walla Walla, and Cayuse Indians

~6lew whose purpose was to revisit and make note of subsistence areas used by those Indians in aboriginal days as the party members mew them to be from tales of their parents and grandparents. These sites are pre- cisely located, their resources noted, and the various Indian peoples who exploited them given; the ‘region covered includes part of the

John Day country as well as virtually all of northeastern Oregon, with the Warm Springs or Tenino listed in several areas. These areas can be grouped into six regions; together with the individual sub- sistence areas these are:

A. In Grant County at the head of Malheur River and near the head of the North Fork of the Malheur.

1. Nes-okie-pa, at Cow Camp on the head of Malheur River. This stream was important as a spawning ground for salmon. The Cayuse, Umatilla, Warm Springs, and Columbia Rivers all fished, hunted, and dug roots here. The camp grounds were located over a large area at the headwaters of this stream.

2. Ca-wee-pa-typa, at Summit Prairie on Summit Creek; just east of site number A-1. It was a hunting camp for the Umatilla, Cayuse, Warm Springs and Columbia River Indians.

3. Tow-sha-ye-pa, Crane Meadows on Crane Creek, just south of the preceding site. It was a hunting and root-digging area for the Cayuse, Umatilla, Warm Springs and Columbia River Indians.

l, I-tie-meena-pa, on the South Fork of the John Day near its confluence with Call Creek. Fishing by the Umatilla, Cayuse, Warm Springs, and Columbia Rivers.

B. Along the Middle Fork of the John Day River in Grant County between Bates and Susanville, Oregon. From west to east these sites are:

i. Nook Sinmea-saw-us, on the Middle Fork of the John Day just dowstream from site B-2, The Cayuse, Umatilla and Warm Springs fished and hunted here,

2. Pe-sown-e-a, on Granite Boulder Creek near its confluence with the Middle Fork of the John Day; west of Bates, Oregon. It was a fishing and hunting area for the Cayuse, Umatilla, and Warm Springs.

3. Tem-Sque-pa, on the Middle Fork of the John Day near Bates, Oregon. The Umatilla, Cayuse and Warm Springs fished, hunted, and picked berries here. - 62-

le. We Wa Nite, on the Middle Fork of the John Day near Bates, Oregon. Fishing, hunting, root-digging, berry picking by the Cayuse, Umatilla and Warm Springs, .

C. On the North Fork of Desolation Creek in Grant County between the North and Middle forks of the John Day River. . 1. Tsopp-pa, a fishing, hunting, berrying, and root-digging site on the North Fork of Desolation Creek. It was used by the Umatilla, Cayuse and Warm Springs.

2. Coelk-c-tyge, a hunting, fishing, root-digging, and berrying camp on the North Fork of Desolation Creek, near the Ranger Station. It was used by the Umatilla » Cayuse, Walla Walla, Columbia Rivers, and Warm Springs Indians.

D. Along Beech Creek and at Fox, Oregon, north of Mt. Vernon, in Grant County.

1. A-my-yee, on Smithe and Dunning Creeks at Fox, Oregon. It was a hunting, root-digging, fishing, and berry picking ground for the Umatilla, Cayuse, Walla Walla, Columbia Rivers, and Warm Springs Indians.

2. Pow-wa Sackt, on Beech Creek. A fishing spot for the Umatilla, Cayuse, Warm Springs and Columbia River Indians 3 this is north of Mt. Vernon, Oregon.

E. In the Seneca-Silvies, Oregon, sector in Grant County, along upper Silvies River.

1. Ya-qui-ee, along Silvies River about 5 miles below Seneca, Oregon. It was a hunting and fishing ground for the Cayuse, Umatilla, Warm Springs, and Columbia River Indians.

2. Chuck-she-pa, on Poison Creek about 5 miles east and one mile south of Silvies, Oregon. A hunting ground for the Umatilla, Cayuse, Warm Springs and Columbia River Indians.

F. The various branches of Wall Creek, just west of the confluence of the North and Middle forks of the John Day. The first five sites are in Grant County, the sixth in Morrow County.

1. Shnups-pa, on Wall Creek. The Cayuse, Umatilla, Warm Springs and Columbia River Indians fished, hunted, and gathered roots here. | 2. Neineipa, on Little Wall Creek, ‘The Umatilla, Warm Cayuse, Springs and Columbia River Indians fished, hunted, and dug roots here, It is north of Monument, Oregon.

= Gs

3. Wa-hoe-tanine-spa, near the forks of Wall Creek. A fishing, hunting, and root-digging area for the Umatilla » Cayuse, Warm Springs and Columbia River Indians.

k. Neinei-pa-wachkt, at the forks of little and Big Wall Creeks in the same sector as site F-2, The Umatilla, Cayuse, Warm Springs, and Columbia River Indians fished, hunted, and dug roots here.

5. Pow-wa-chakt, at the confluence of the North and Middle forks of the John Day River, This was an important fishing site for the Umatilla, Cayuse, Warm Springs and Columbia River Indians.

: 6. Soo-la-yakt, a hunting and root-digging ground on Ditch Creek for the Umatilla, Cayuse, Warm Springs, and Columbia Rivers; also fishing and berry picking. It was just north of the Wall Creek sites.

Here then we have a list of twenty sites in the John Day country which the Tenino or Warm Springs, together with other Indians, utilized for economic purposes. There is no indication, however, of the frequency of use, and one is forced to assume in view of the indifference shown the entire John Day region both by present-day

Tenino informants and in the record of the "Proceedings," as well as the fact that no ethnologist has ever described or mapped this area as pertaining to the Tenino, that it must have been quite sporadic. This was a sector of Oregon utilized primarily by Indians other than the Tenino - the Paiute, together with the Umatilla and

Cayuse. In closing, we may quote Wyeth's letter of May 26, 1848, as both authoritative and concise: :

I confine my remarks on the valley lying between the Blue and Cascade Mountains to that part of it which lies between the Columbia and the heads of the small streams that enter it from the south. The Snake, or Digger Indians, inhabit this region near the he oF nae Sane wales in winter living je déer and other mals ven by the snows of the mountains

~ 64-

within their reach; in more genial seasons, on roots and fish, Besides these, the Nezperces, Walla-Wallahs, and Cayouses visit this region. The latter I have met in large camps in the winter, hunting deer, &. (1851, pe 221

Summarizing, we may say that the Tenino primary subsistence zone, the regions which supplied them with most of their fish, roots,

berries, and game, included:

1. The Columbia River from Ten Mile Rapids to about the mouth of the John Day River on the Oregon shore; fishing sites along this stretch were said to "belong" to the Tenino but were shared with the Umatilla and Cayuse.

2. The John Day River valley south to the neighborhood of Clarno.

3. The Deschutes River sector south to about Seekseekwa Creek; the northern portion about Dufur was shared with Wascos. The root- grounds at Shaniko are included here.

4. The Cascade Mountains between Mis. Hood and Jefferson. The Wascos also frequented the meadows of Mt. Hood while the Paiute gathered berries and hunted at Mt. Jefferson.

Beyond this primary zone the Tenino journeyed up the Columbia to fish at sites belonging to the Umatilla; south of Seekseekwa Creek

they penetrated into what they regarded as Paiute country as far as the Metolius River, Green Ridge, Black Butte, and the Three Sisters.

The Cayuse and Nez Perce were through here as well. Perhaps less frequent of all were excursions into the John Day country, a region of Oregon primarily utilized by the Paiute, Umatilla, and Cayuse.

= 65=

EECRPANES,

Name Year of Birth On Agency Role as

Sophie Brunoe 1879 Wasco

Addie Cushingway 1880 Warm Springs

James Cushingway 1883 Warm Springs

Jessie Heath 1879 Warm Springs

Eliza Slim Jim 1878 Upper Chinook

Calvin Johnson 1870 Paiute «

Matilda Stacona 1889 Wasco-Warm Springs

Lilly Patt-Brown Thompson 1877 Warm Springs Fred Tsumpti (Sumpter) 1879 Warm Springs

Jimy Walsey 1882 Warm Springs

Sarah Walsey 1878 ‘Wasco

Louise P. Wilson 1880 Warm Springs

Martha Winishut 1873 Paiute

yo oA

B-1

SOURCES CONSULTED

Abbreviations Used

AA American Anthropologist

AAA-M American Anthropological Association - Memoirs

AES-P American Ethnological Society - Publication

BAE-B Bureau of American Ethnology - Bulletin

BAE-AR Bureau of American Ethnology - Annual Report

CNAE Contributions to North American Ethnology

GSA General Series in Anthropology

JAFL Journal of American Folk-Lore

JRGS Journal of the Royal Geographical Society

OHQ Oregon Historical Society Quarterly

PNQ Pacific Northwest Quarterly

UC-AR University of California - Anthropological Records

UC-PAAE University of California - Publications in American Anthropology and Ethnology

UW-PA University of Washington - Publications in Anthropology

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Allen, A. J. 1850 Ten Years in Oregon

Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs

Applegate, Jesse 1934 Recollections of My Boyhood

eat

failey, Vernon 1936 ‘The Memmals and Life Zones of Oregon," North American Fauma no. 55, U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Biological Survey

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Myth, Beatrice 1938 “Northern Paiute Bands of Oregon,” AA, 40, pp. 402-5

Gouee, B. ed. 1897 "The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry and David Thompson,”New Light onflorthwest, the Barly 3 Historyvols. of the Grater Cox, Rose 1831 Adventures on the Columbia River, 2 vols.

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BUgott, T.C. 1909 "Journal of Peter Skene Ogden: Snake Sepeattion 1825-26," OHQ, 10 pp. 320- 365 ;

19108, "Journal of Peter Skene Ogden: Snake Expedition 1826-27," OHQ, 11, Rp. 2s 222

1910b "Journal of Peter Skene Ogden: Snake Expedition 1827-28," O8Q, 11, pp. 355- 379 Be

1913 "Journal of John Work's Snake Country Expedition of 1830-31," HQ, 14, pp: 280-314

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B-4

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1925 "Handbook of the Indians of California,” BAE-B no. 78

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1901 "Reminiscences of Experiences on ‘the Oregon Trail in 1844," OHQ, 2, pp. 209-254

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B-6

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United States Congress: Senate and House Documents and Reports

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