MASARYK UNIVERSITY BRNO

FACULTY OF EDUCATION

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

History and development of Rave Culture in the United Kingdom

Bachelor thesis

Brno 2018

Supervisor: Mgr. Zdeněk Janík, M.A., Ph.D. Author: Pavel Bednář

Prohlášení

Prohlašuji, že jsem bakalářskou práci vypracoval samostatně, s využitím pouze citovaných literárních pramenů, dalších informací a zdrojů v souladu s Disciplinárním řádem pro studenty Pedagogické fakulty Masarykovy univerzity a se zákonem č. 121/2000 Sb., o právu autorském, o právech souvisejících s právem autorským a o změně některých zákonů (autorský zákon), ve znění pozdějších předpisů.

Brno, 30. března 2018 …………………………….

Pavel Bednář

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Acknowledgment

I would like to thank my supervisor, Mgr. Zdeněk Janík, M.A., Ph.D. for his supervision.

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Abstract

The aim of this Bachelor Thesis is to investigate the phenomenon of rave culture, which originated in the 1980s in the US and later established itself as a part of the UK youth cultures. With the use of comparative and contrastive methods, the thesis focuses on the subcultural aspects and on describing the history of the movement.

The thesis is composed of following chapters: Introduction; Cultures, subcultures and youth cultures; Into the world of rave; The origins of rave music; New wave of rave; Post-rave era; Drugs in the rave culture; The effects and dangers of MDMA use; and Conclusion.

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Keywords: culture, subculture, rave, history, acid house, techno, youth, drug use, MDMA

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Table of contents

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 8

2 CULTURES, SUBCULTURES AND YOUTH CULTURES ...... 9

2.1 ESTABLISHING THE DEFINITION OF CULTURE ...... 9 2.2 ESTABLISHING THE DEFINITION OF SUBCULTURE ...... 10 2.3 ASPECTS OF SUBCULTURE ...... 10 2.4 YOUTH SUBCULTURES AND THEIR DEVELOPMENT IN POST-WAR BRITAIN ...... 12

3 INTO THE WORLD OF RAVE ...... 15

3.1 RAVE SUBCULTURE AS A PART OF BRITISH YOUTH CULTURES ...... 15 3.2 RAVE FASHION, MUSIC AND SYMBOLS...... 15 3.3 SEXUALITY AND GENDER AT RAVES ...... 17

4 THE ORIGINS OF RAVE MUSIC ...... 19

4.1 US ORIGINS OF TECHNO, HOUSE AND GARAGE ...... 19 4.2 BRINGING ACID HOUSE TO THE UK ...... 21 4.3 PRESS ATTENTION AND TRANSFORMATION OF THE SCENE ...... 24

5 NEW WAVE OF RAVE...... 27

5.1 HARDCORE ESCALATES THE SCENE ...... 27 5.2 CRUSTY RAVERS AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE ACT ...... 29

6 POST-RAVE ERA ...... 32

6.1 BRAIN DANCE AND AMBIENT ...... 32 6.2 HARDCORE GOES HAPPY ...... 33 6.3 KICK, SNARE ...... 34 6.4 POST-RAVE EXPERIMENTALISM ...... 35

7 DRUGS IN THE RAVE CULTURE ...... 37

7.1 DRUG USAGE AT RAVES ...... 37 7.2 HISTORY OF MDMA ...... 37

8 THE EFFECTS AND DANGERS OF MDMA USE ...... 40

8.1 MDMA EFFECTS ...... 40 8.2 RISKS OF TAKING MDMA ...... 42

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8.3 HARM REDUCTION ...... 45

9 CONCLUSION ...... 47

10 LIST OF REFERENCES ...... 49

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1 Introduction

Rave culture was the last from the series of youth cultures that emerged in post-WWII Britain. The rave movement attracted many young people from different cultural and social backgrounds through its open-access approach, and therefore had impact on many lives in the British society.

The aim of this thesis is to establish rave subculture in the context of British youth cultures and analyze its aspects, history, and development. The first chapter will focus on establishing the definitions of culture, subculture and on discussing the previous youth cultures and their aspects.

The next part will focus defining rave subculture as a part of British youth cultures and on the aspects of this subculture: its symbols, fashion, and music, in order to describe the nature and the ideology of this particular movement. Additionally, the topic of gender in sexuality in the context or rave subculture will be discussed.

The following three chapters will analyze the history of rave subculture, from its inception until the transformation to the mainstream club scene and to the emergence of the post-rave subgenres. The chapter number three focuses on the US origins of house music, the establishment of UK acid house scene, the impact the mass media had on the subculture and on its subsequent transformation. The next chapter will describe the new era of rave, ending with the introduction of the Criminal and Justice Act. Additionally, the following chapter will examine the post-rave subgenres that emerged in the post-rave era.

The last two chapters will be focused on the drug use in the subculture. Firstly, the use of drugs and particularly MDMA will be discussed in the context of the subculture. Furthermore, the next chapter will depict the effects and dangers of MDMA use.

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2 Cultures, subcultures and youth cultures

2.1 Establishing the definition of culture

Raymond (1976) wrote that culture belongs among the two or three most complicated words in the English language, partly because of its complex development throughout the history of various European languages, but particularly because of its current use in several different intellectual disciplines and in various specific systems of thought. The Latin root of the word culture is colere, which has a wide spectrum of meanings, including cultivating, inhabiting, worshipping and protecting (Raymond, 1976).

Furthermore, Raymond (1976) listed three main active usages of the word that go beyond physical reference such as germ culture, sugar-beet culture. Firstly as an independent and abstract noun that represents the general process of intellectual, spiritual and aesthetic progress. Secondly as an independent noun that can be used to describe a specific way of life of people, period, group or humanity. Lastly, he recognizes culture as an independent and abstract noun used to describe the methods of intellectual and, mainly, artistic activity, which is nowadays its most common use. As Raymond stated: “culture is music, literature, painting and sculpture, theatre and film” (1976, p. 90).

The idea that culture is nowadays bound to art could be further supported by a citation from Eagleton’s book The Idea of Culture (2000, p. 20), where he claimed that culture “means a body of artistic and intellectual work of agreed value, along with the institutions which produce, disseminate and regulate it.”

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2.2 Establishing the definition of subculture

Although similar to culture, the word subculture can have various meanings; the Oxford English Dictionary (“Subculture”, n.d.) established it as “a cultural group within a larger culture, often having beliefs or interests at variance with those of the larger culture.” Gelder (2007, p. 0, para. 1) identified six essential characteristics through which subcultures can be recognized:

➢ their often negative relation to work (as ‘idle’, ‘parasitical’, hedonistic, criminal, etc.) ➢ their negative or ambivalent relation to class ➢ their association with territory (the ‘street’, the ‘hood’, the club, etc.) rather than property ➢ their movement away from home into non-domestic forms of belonging ➢ their ties to excess and exaggeration (as opposed to restraint and moderation) ➢ their refusal of the banalities of ordinary life and in particular, of massification

2.3 Aspects of subculture

Although Gelder used terms such as parasitical, hedonistic or refusal of ordinary life, which might evoke the image of subcultures as entities that can potentially be dangerous to society, Hebdige (1979) wrote that subcultures can be seen as a threat because of their disposition to criticize the mainstream values. In addition, he argued that subcultures help individuals, often neglected by the societal standards and of the same mind, to acquire their sense of identity. Blair (1993) explained that subcultures are mostly created spontaneously with no planning in advance and their reason for existence is closely related to the escape from everyday mundane life, impersonality and spiritual emptiness.

Hebdige (1979) highlighted the importance of style in subcultures, often used in order to express the difference from dominant societal values. The style of music and fashion often contains certain symbolism which attracts attention, provokes censorship and acts as a fundamental bearer of significance in the

10 subculture. Brake (1985, p. 12) wrote that the style consists of three main elements which act as indicators of membership and also express the level of commitment to the subculture:

➢ Image – the appearance, consisting of costume and accessories such as hair-style and jewelry ➢ Demeanor – made up of expression, gait and posture, what the people wear and the manner in which they wear it ➢ Argot – special vocabulary and its delivery

Božilović (2010, p. 46) noted that subcultures are often formed with respect to all social classes, races, ages, genders, professions and sexuality, which serves the purpose of a symbolic violation of the social order and implies the effort to be distinct from the norm. It is also responsible for the authentic expressive and underground style. Another mentioned subcultural aspect of argot was originally used as a term for a slang of thieves, but currently refers to a secret language used by subcultures. Gelder (2007) referred to Maurer, who had made the argument that underworlds develop secretive language because they are against or outside the societal norms which evokes the exaggerated need of internal organization.

Brake also discussed the difference in perceiving leisure time as done by mass cultures and by subcultures, noting that traditionally, leisure and working time were separated from each other, so that leisure time became “channeled into acceptable by-products of the work ethic” and thus, the subcultural styles of hedonistic enjoyment were seen as “anarchistic attacks on the work disciple” (1985, p. 12).

While the relationship between subcultures and mass culture is mostly founded on the subversion from the dominant norm, there is a threat of acquisition of the subcultural elements for commercial purposes by the mass media which are often at the same time stigmatizing the very same subcultures. Although Blair (1993) wrote that there is nothing wrong with one community learning the cultural forms produced by another, she sees a problem in the repeated stealing of elements from oppressed groups and popularizing them, thus preventing the subcultures from their natural development. Blair (1993, p. 21) further listed music created by the black minority in the United States as an

11 example, with genres such as hip hop, blues, jazz and funk originating from the black community and subsequently finding appeal with a mainstream audience. Another example is punk, which, as presented by Brake (1985, p. 72), began the fashion of wearing garbage bags as a part of clothing, and as the punk subculture became more marketable, this concept was turned into a mass- marketing fashion theme by an English fashion designer Zandra Rhodes.

Hebdige (1979) noted that the media are in most cases attracted by the innovative style of subcultures, which often results in a double response as it is both praised and ridiculed. Afterwards, the picture of subcultures as deviant or anti-social groups is presented by the police and the press. As soon as the subcultures reach a substantial level of familiarity with the general population and the context of style become clear, the subculture can then be incorporated into the mainstream. Hebdige called this development a process of recuperation. He explained: “the fractured order is repaired and the subculture incorporated as a diverting spectacle within the dominant mythology from which it in part emanates” (1979, p. 93). This process is associated with the transformation of specific subcultural elements such as music or dress into mass-produced objects, and with a new approach in portraying the subcultural groups by the police, the press or the government.

2.4 Youth subcultures and their development in post-war Britain

It is generally accepted that adolescents are the ones most affected by educational, occupational and economic changes. Brake wrote about the impact these changes can bring, not only in class terms, but also in generational terms. He further argued that “for these reasons, most subcultures of a distinctly deviant nature have been working class, youthful subcultures” (1985, p. 21). The fact that subcultures come from the youth’s reaction to historical changes can be further supported by Hall and Jeferson’s book about British post-war youth cultures, titled Resistance through Rituals, where they claimed that “there were distinctively new historical features in the 1950’s” (1976, p. 18), adding that emergence of youth cultures in post-war Britain was one of the products of these new features.

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Using Brake’s (1985, p. 23) subdivision of youth subcultures in terms of following the traditions and themes, the subject can be categorized into four main groups:

➢ Respectable youth – the group that does not engage in any teenage culture. Although they might be involved in the fashion, they do not follow the deviant elements of the subcultural lifestyle for which they might be perceived as “the conformists” by the subversive groups. ➢ Delinquent youth – the group that is mostly formed by working-class adolescent youth, often involved in criminal activities and sexual misbehaviour. ➢ Cultural Rebels – usually middle-class with middle-class education, situated on the periphery of the literary-artistic world ➢ Politically militant youth – the group involved in the radical tradition of politics which might be both political parties and mass-movements such as ethnic groups, issues-oriented groups or environmentalists.

The youth subcultures that emerged in the post-war period created a small timeline of subversive movements with various degrees of style and commitment of the members. Brake (1985, p. 73-80) provided essential characteristics of these subcultures:

➢ Teds, also known as “Teddy boys”, were the first prominent post-war movement in Britain. The members of this group were mostly uneducated adolescent males, struggling to find their position in that period of time. They are considered to be the first delinquent youth based subculture in the UK. Their main influential figure was American rock and roll star Elvis Presley and their style of fashion was typical for the combination of upper-class clothing together with drape jackets, velvet collars and pipe trousers. ➢ Mods, is an abbreviation of “modernist”. This subculture’s style was inspired by the “elegant dandyism” of young African-Americans in the United States, with the focus on elegance, effeminacy and laid-back style as its main aspect. The group was known for their; interest in the music of ska, semi-educated background, lower white-collar jobs, and the drug consumption in dance clubs that eventually evolved into discos.

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➢ Rockers, described as the main cultural enemies of the Mods, this subculture appeared at various times in the history. The ideology of Rockers celebrated masculinity, the anti-domestic and anti-authority views, and rejected the middle-class lifestyle. Their main symbol was the motorbike which served as an expression of freedom, mastery and intimidation. ➢ Skinheads came into existence through the hardest and most committed members of the Mods. Wearing industrial boots, jeans rolled up and head shaved to the skull, this movement earned the title of folk devils through their violent and racist mannerisms, which made them targets for neo- Nazi recruitment. Similar to Mods, their music of choice was mostly ska, bluebeat and reggae, however, movements such as Rastafarianism and black pride often banned skinheads from their communities due to their aggressiveness and intolerance. ➢ Glam-rock was a combination of Rocks’ masculinity and Mods’ fashion which emerged as the old dance halls were transformed into clubs and other city leisure centres. David Bowie was among the musicians respected by glam-rockers, as well as Lou Reed or Gary Glitter. ➢ Punks were a movement that celebrated the chaos, the deviant aspects of sexuality and fetishism, but at the same time mocked the very same aspects. Their fashion was composed of old school uniforms, garbage bags, and safety pins. The early punks, who often had their heads shaved, dyed with flamboyant colours and shaped into spikes, resisted the commercial influence through creating own fashion designs and personas. Musically, the style was similar to British rock, however performed by amateur bands which made up for their lack of musical education with their verve and rawness.

One of the main collective aspects of these subcultures was their identification with specific genres of music, which is generally considered an important aspect for most youth cultures, as stated by Thornton: “for a broad spectrum of British youth, music was an integral part of growing up” (1996, p. 19).

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3 Into the world of rave

3.1 Rave subculture as a part of British youth cultures

The rave subculture emerged in Britain in the middle of 1980s, a period in time associated with the political style of British Conservative party politician Margaret Thatcher, also known as Thatcherism. Recognized for its conservative stance on morality a criticized for opposing gay rights movements, Hall called this political style of leadership a hegemonic project, reporting its success “in disorganising the forces of opposition, in breaking up and fragmenting the defensive organisations of the class” (1980, p. 26).

As established in the previous chapter, subcultures emerge in reaction to the mainstream culture and the situation in Britain was not different, as Collin (2009, p. viii) described in his book Altered State: The Story of Ecstasy Culture and Acid House: “it was shaped by time, place, and very specific economic and social conditions: the late eighties in urban Britain, the end of Thatcher years”, adding that the rave movement helped to express the deep-seated desires which Thatcherism rejected at that time. The link between the influence of Thatcherism on working class and the desires being expressed through the rave subculture was further supported by Reynolds: “In the eighties, with mass unemployment and Thatcher's defeat of the unions, the soccer match and the warehouse party offered rare opportunities for the working class to experience a sense of collective identity” (1999, p. 64).

3.2 Rave fashion, music and symbols

Described as the most vibrant, diverse and long-lasting movement Britain youth has ever participated in, the scene was different from previous UK youth cultures for its open access approach, options instead of rules and possibilities that could be used by people for creating their own personal identities which could be adapted into any cultural background or belief system (Collin, 2009, p. vii). Bainbridge (2013) noted that: “acid house was more egalitarian than any of those previous youth cultures. Student or gangster, gay or straight, black or white, young or middle-aged, hippie or football hooligan, car mechanic or chart-topping pop star: acid house did not discriminate”

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(Epilogue, para. 5). Collin (2009) further added that it was the most extraordinary movement invented, fundamentally for its ability to induce altered states of consciousness by the combination of the drug MDMA, famous under the name Ecstasy; and dance music, describing it as “experiences that changed the way we felt, the way we thought, the way we lived” (p. vii) Further aspect of this subculture was its enormousness, Thornton (1996, 15) estimated that the value of UK illegal rave market was £1.8 billion by 1993, comparable to UK club market which was valued at £2 billion.

Ross & Rose (1994, p. 8) pointed out that the rave subculture acted as an open theatre for children imagery, with whistles, pacifiers, oversized clothing and cartoon graphics used as an expression of style and fashion. This usage of style was in contrast to previous British youth groups such as thrash metal or gothic subcultures that used death or suicidal tendencies as the main expressive elements of their fashion. Cerni (2014) described the look of the ravers in his article The Evolution of Rave Fashion as a “dizzying convergence of styles”, noting that the scene’s fashion was influenced by Rastafarianism, the 1970s psychedelic movement and even by the goth subculture.

A prominent symbol of the rave culture was the picture of a smiley face on a yellow background which was often printed on pieces of clothing, flyers and ecstasy pills. In his article, A design for life (2009), Savage explained that, originating in the 1960s, the Smiley face was used in various styles and moods, not only as a symbol for the expression of happiness but was also used as a key symbol in Moore’s and Gibbon’s dystopian novel Watchmen or transformed into a subversive symbol by other subcultures, such as the punks. The author, Savage (2009), wrote that the Smiley became well-known after Bomb the Bass released their hit Beat Dis, which had the symbol referencing Moore’s and Gibbon’s novel as a logo on the cover and from there, it was finally acquired by the rave subculture. The Smiley as a symbol of rave was reported positively by the media at first, however not long after that, the face began to be portrayed as an association with criminal activity and drug usage, causing the use of the symbol to quickly subside.

The music, which was in the beginnings of the subculture labelled as Acid House, was created with the use of synthesizers, sequencers and samples, and

16 was usually characterized by deep baseline with drums in tempo around 110-140 beats per minute within a 4/4 pattern (Snoman, 2009, p. 235) . As with all genres of music, Acid House originated from disco and, as Snoman (2009) noted, the creation of house and its success is connected with the rise and fall of disco. Evans (1992) compared the differences between mainstream pop music, almost always structured in the same way, starting with an intro, two verses, a chorus, an instrumental interlude, the final verse and the climax; and rave music, which is created by layering samples from various different time periods and geographic locations on top of each other. This approach in producing music evokes the question of authorship, since it is difficult to pinpoint the author of a song consisting of samples with an anonymous producer. Evans (1992) cited Hartnoll, a member of electronic dance music duo Orbital, who had described that rave music “evolved almost from the early days of people taking a record and getting even a voice-over on a record and spinning the voice-over”. Hartnoll added: “when I used to go to Hip Hop warehouse parties, that's all people used to do, you know - getting their own records made of their favourite bits and pieces and shoving it on and spinning it in. British people picked up on it and sort of mutated it and did their own versions of it” (The Sources of Rave Music, para. 1).

Martin (2004, p. 78) saw raving as “a long period of constant energetic and stylistic dancing exhibited by a large group of people in a hot, crowded facility providing continuous loud House music and accompanying strobe-lit psychedelic light show”,

3.3 Sexuality and gender at raves

Evans (1992) stated that rave parties were also a communal event, based on creating a temporary community in which people fed of each other energy, adding that the rave subculture came into existence at a time when the traditional idea of community had vanished.

McRobbie have used rave as an example in order to explain the change in perceiving women in this particular subculture. While she wrote that in the rave culture, girls are usually highly sexual in dress and appearance; she also noted

17 that “rave dance legitimates pure physical abandon in the company of others without requiring the narrative of sex or romance” (2003, p. 163).

McRobbie (2003) further presented the idea that although women might seem hypersexual, the presence of the pacifier, the whistle or the ice lolly acted as symbols of the pre-sexual, childhood phase. This idea was additionally supported by the view of Evans (1992), who wrote that; firstly, people at raves usually do not observe the appearance or style of dancing of others, and; secondly, that the boys are not in the pursuit of picking up girls and the girls are not passively waiting to be approached as they are too busy enjoying themselves. Thus, in the rave culture, the traditional dominance of male gender is subverted and the distinction between male and female is more blurred than in the normal disco club environment. This specific feature of this particular youth culture, an anti-statement to Brake’s claim that “youth culture has been male dominated and predominantly heterosexual, thus celebrating masculinity and excluding girls to the periphery” (1985, p. 29), started to decline as the subculture began to grow and attracted the attention of the media, which created the image of “club babes” as the favoured cover stars of the music press; thus “the re-sexualisation of the dance floor spelled the end of feminist rave” (Gilbert, 2001).

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4 The origins of rave music

4.1 US origins of techno, house and garage

In his book, Generation Ecstasy: Into the World of Techno and Rave Culture, which is a great source of information regarding the development of the rave scene, Simon Reynolds (1999) listed three genres connected with three cities from the United States in the early 1980s which are considered to have had a major influence on the rave movement that later emerged in the United Kingdom: the Detroit techno, the Chicago house and the New York garage.

Eddie Fowles, a member of Detroit outlet The Belleville Three credited for inventing the musical style of Detroit techno, remarked on social climate in the city at that time, saying that African-American rich kids from the West Side of Detroit were “more into slick clothes and cars” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 15) in the attempt to distance themselves from the infamous ghetto culture. The euro- fashion inspired appearance and style slowly became the norm and this recently formed subculture began expressing itself through clubs and dancing which lead to the emergence of high school social clubs that would organize music parties. In order to further distance themselves from the ghetto blacks, the high school elite began to put the phrase “no jits1 allowed” on the flyers under the assumption that it would make them feel unwanted (Reynolds, 1999). However, Reynolds (1999) reported that this approach was not successful and not long after, guns began to be pulled out at parties and fights started to break out, causing the scene to discontinue by the end of 1986.

Although familiar in the city of origin, the Detroit techno became internationally recognized through the Chicago house scene upon the discovery of British A&R2 scouts, who found that many of popular Chicago records were actually from Detroit (Reynolds, 1999). The Chicago house scene was born out of willingness of the local DJs who tried to keep dance music alive even though not many records were coming out at that time. The experimentation led to the creation of Chicago house music which still used elements from the disco music with the focus on mechanic repetition, synthetic electronic textures and

1 jit being an abbreviation of a Detroit slang for a gangster 2 UK organization responsible for matching artists with songwriters at that time 19 enriching the music with DJ tricks in the form of cut and mix, montage or segue (Reynolds, 1999).

The inception of house music was not only associated with resurrecting a style that was fading away, as Reynolds (1999) explained, it was also connected with accepting social identity and, similar to Detroit, the Chicago scene was founded by a specific group of people. Whereas in the former, the scene was created by straight high school African-Americans, the latter was characteristic for the black gay community that centered itself in the Warehouse – a former three-story high factory transformed into a club. The Warehouse was also credited with naming the genre house (Reynolds, 1999). Jazzy M, a DJ who was the first person to play house on the radio in the United Kingdom described the Chicago house music as a punk version of disco, saying that the records “were weird and under-produced” (Bainbridge, “Building Blocks”, para. 7) but also remarked on the raw quality they had and the energy they evoked.

Although the first house track has been claimed by many artists, Reynolds (1999) wrote that the first vinyl release of a house song is considered to be “On and On” produced by Jesse Saunders and Vince Lawrence in 1983 and shortly after that released. Jazzy M further supported this in Bainbridge’s book The True Story of Acid House (2013), having mentioned it as the first house record that came into his shop and saying that “it pretty much is the first house record” (“Building Blocks”, para. 6). By 1987, the Chicago developed two versions of the house genre: the songful deep house and the trance-inducing “jack tracks”, predecessors of acid tracks, based on machine sounding repetitive groove. Reynolds (1999) compared this split to the tension in gay culture, with uplifting deep house representing pride and unity, while the more hardcore strain of house was more characteristic for the impersonal sexual practices and drug consumption.

It was in the same year when evolution of the more deviant part of the subculture experienced a creative outburst with the exploration of Roland TB 303 Bassline.3 The revelation led to the release of Acid Tracks by Chicago group of electronic musicians DJ Pierre, Spanky and Herb J (Reynolds, 1999). In an

3 a piece of musical equipment used for manipulating individual notes in bass lines, which was potentially able to produce psychedelic bass patterns, described as “riddled with wriggly nuances, smeary glissandi, curlicues, and whorls” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 32). 20 interview with Red Bull Music Academy, DJ Pierre talked about the day the tracks were produced, which he managed through “just twisting knobs and programming things” (2012) while reflecting on the machine that gave them start into the world of acid house. The “Acid Tracks” tape was given to DJ Ron Hardy, who popularized them and they became known as Ron Hardy’s Acid Trax. Although the name might feel as a reference to LSD, the producers tried to distance themselves from condoning drug use, claiming that the name originated from the similarity between acid rock and the Roland 303 sound (Reynolds, p.33).

As the music was getting more popular in Europe, the Chicago scene was slowly dying and the acid house fad was over in 1989. Many DJs returned from Chicago to their homes and even DJ Pierre left the city in order to pioneer the garage sound in New York (Reynolds, 1999). Before garage become a legitimate subgenre of house music, it had originated from New York’s 70s disco underground, typical for drug fueled club nights mostly organized by African- American and Hispanic gay community, and continued to develop in a famous club, the Paradise Garage, after which it was named (Reynolds, 1999, p. 35). Garage, together with techno and acid house, became a specific, distinct genre that was transformed beyond all recognition by the British.

4.2 Bringing acid house to the UK

Reynolds (1999) wrote that the house scene in the United Kingdom initially took some time to develop and to grasp the attention of the partygoers. While it could be found playing in several London gay clubs, the majority of club-goers preferred the sound of rare groove, a popular genre in the UK club scene in the eighties. The first attempt to promote the fresh genres coming from the United States was made by Paul Oakenfold in 1985. Inspired by his first visit to Ibiza, he decided to set up a club under the name Funhouse, which was not really successful as most people disliked the concept of many varying of music being mixed together (Reynolds, 1999, p. 55). Jazzy M talked about the unpopularity of house music in Bainbridge’s book: “house music still wasn’t accepted in London… I had glasses and bottles thrown at me and I was threatened. It was tarnished in some people’s mind as gay music…”

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(“Everything starts with an E”, para. 53) and so the real turning point for house music had to wait until the summer of 1987. That year Oakenfold visited Ibiza again in order to celebrate his birthday with friends, but this time it was different because of the availability of Ecstasy which, as Reynolds noted, helped to “open up dancers’ mind to diverse, uncool effects” (1999, p. 58).

Returning from his second visit Oakenfold brought back both; the music, and a complete subcultural style of fashion, behavior, and slang. As he remembered in his 2018 interview: “what we experienced, what we saw was amazing. We were very lucky to be in the right place at the right time so why don’t we play those tunes and try and recreate in some shape or form that spirit and energy through that music and share it with people who’ve maybe never been in Ibiza or are too young to have been to the likes of Amnesia or didn’t know what was going on” (Oakenfold, 2018). Following his return to London, Paul resurrected the concept of his former club at the London venue The Project, and there he started throwing after-hours parties for selected crowds until the nights got so popular that they were getting raided by the local police (Reynolds, 1999).

Oakenfold also described the shift in the club culture which used to be about drinking, picking up girls and not dancing, before the Ecstasy fueled hype hit the city. Afterwards, the main idea of partygoers and club organizers became to dance as much as possible, or as Oakenfold recalled the motto “if you’re not into dancing then don’t come down” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 58).

The legendary South London club Shoom was operating in a fashion similar to The Project. With members-only access and focus on the music, the crowd consisted of straight working-class boys losing themselves in the bliss- inducing effects of Ecstasy in combination with repetitive bass heavy house music. Reynolds (1999) wrote that initially, the club was started by a working- class couple from Bermondsey, a DJ Danny Rampling and his wife Jenni Rampling, who took care of the club’s membership scheme and newsletter, and who became infamous for her ruthlessness when it came to the club membership. The club’s name was coined from a slang term for rushing, the feeling a person gets during the come-up of an ecstasy pill. Weekly parties began in December of 1987 on every Saturday, and initially took place in the

22 basement of a South London gym called the Fitness Centre. After that, due to the capacity issues, the club had to move to a larger YMCA basement located on Tottenham Court Road which could hold at least three times more people than the former Fitness Centre. Finally, the club moved to Busby’s on Charing Cross Road where it continued operating until it was shut down by Rampling in 1990 (Reynolds, 1999, pp. 60-61).

During Shoom’s rise to fame, another club emerged under the leadership of Paul Oakenfold – Spectrum. Located in the spacious gay club Heaven which could hold up to two thousand people, Spectrum was launched as a Monday- night club which was described by Reynolds (1999, p. 61) as a “Theatre of Madness”. Several months later of the same year in Astoria, London’s West End, Nicky Holloway started the Trip, a club with an even more unhinged atmosphere. Omitting the sunny and laid-back vibe of Ibiza clubs which was typical for Shoom, Trip focused fully on acid-house.

The rise of acid house in the aforementioned clubs, together with ecstasy- induced idealism and free spirit caused many changes for the traditionally reserved British society. Reynolds (1999) wrote about the race and sexuality prejudices being erased by the drug, along with territorial rivals in London finding peace and fights dissipating as people from all social backgrounds could become members of the ecstasy scene. Reynolds (1999) further mentioned the shift in club culture, from liquor to pills and beverages, from which subsequently emanated mass drug culture. In the summer of 1988, the acid house craze grew so rapidly that the time period was named after a specific part of the hippie subculture history, the 1967 Summer of Love, as Bainbridge (2013) wrote “the parallels between the two hedonistic youth movements – the psychedelic drugs, the euphoria and the empathy, and the most evangelical vision of the future – led many commentators to call the acid house movement the Second Summer of Love” (“The Summer Of Love”, para. 23).

Reynolds compared the explosion of energy caused by the emergence of acid house in the summer of 1988 to punk-rock, adding that “all that was missing was the mass media's discovery of the new subculture and the inevitable moral panic over what the kids of today were up to” (1999, p. 66). Eventually, both the interest of the commentators about the scene and the rapid growth of

23 acid house caused the movement to become more visible to the general public and to the press (Reynolds, 1999). This was the part of subcultural evolution, as established in the first chapter, where subcultures reaching substantial familiarity with the general population begin to be targeted by the media and pictured as deviant groups, and similar series of events was about to happen with the acid house movement.

4.3 Press attention and transformation of the scene

Both Reynolds and Bainbridge agreed that acid house was initially reported as another fad the young were celebrating and was expected to quickly dissipate, with no particular negativity channeled towards the movement. While Reynolds wrote about the Sun newspaper reporting the scene as “cool and groovy” (1999, p. 66), and even creating a guide on the argot and offering t- shirts with the Smiley symbol on them; Bainbridge (2013, “Moral Panic”, para. 1) argued that the reports were gentle only because most of the journalists looked at the subculture from the outsider’s point of view.

The approach of the newspapers changed in the autumn of 1988, after twenty-one-years-old Janet Mayes died from consuming two pills of ecstasy. Bainbridge (2013) reminded that it was not the first death from MDMA overdose as there was a fatality reported earlier that year, caused by consuming 18 pills in one go (“Moral Panic”, para. 3); however, the Mayes’ death was the first that caused media to launch anti-drug campaign, declaring symbols of the acid house as evil. The Sun withdrew their Smiley t-shirt offer and transformed the symbol into a frowning face, subverting it into the symbol of “say no to drugs” propaganda (Reynolds, 1999).

However, the press was not successful in discouraging British youth from participating in this new movement, as Mark Moore remarks “it just helped it grow even bigger” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 67). Because of the contra productive media coverage, many young people started exploring the acid house genre and the parties experienced a flood of youngsters and suburbanites, referred to by Reynolds as “the great unwashed and unhip” (1999, p. 68). The presence of aforementioned youngsters divided the acid house community between the Ibiza veterans and the so-called “acid teds”, a derogatory nickname for 24 teenagers, who were perceived by the Ibiza elite as emotionally immature people, indulging in irresponsible drug usage. Paul Oakenfold, the Ibiza veteran who brought acid house to the United Kingdom several years back stated “they ruined it for us. Before, it was responsible people [taking drugs]. It wasn't silly. It got silly when they made it commercial. And that's when it got worrying 'cos you had young kids doing drugs 'cos they were told by the press that was what everyone was doing” (Reynolds, p. 68).

As the crowds of acid house fans increased, so did the demand for events, which caused the inception of warehouse parties that were mostly illegal and therefore having no limit on the opening hours. Although an old concept dating to the late seventies, these nights were suddenly run by gangs who were creating profit by controlling the drug supply at those events, which were usually held in abandoned buildings such as hangars or film studios. Bainbridge (2013) provided further evidence about the polarization of the acid house subculture: “as this second wave of promoters began hosting bigger and more ambitious raves, a division grew between them and the founders of the first wave of clubs” (“Moral Panic”, para. 32), explaining that while the original UK founders of acid house scene were looking down on the opportunism and the desire to make money, the new arrivals saw acid house as something to be shared rather than kept secret and perceived the early faces of the movement as elitist.

Even though the summer of 1989 is considered to be the second installment of the Second Summer of Love, the crowd and the spirit of parties was undoubtedly different. This fact can be backed by Reynolds (1999) observation that: “the spirit underlying this next phase of the acid house revolution was anarcho-capitalist” (p. 74). That year, for some people, was the time when the rave subculture truly began; firstly, as the word “rave” became a commonly used noun, with its verb form “raving” used as a description of the furious dancing exhibited by the partygoers who were under the effects of ecstasy; and secondly, as the police started targeting illegal warehouse events in hopes to discourage people from attending (Reynolds, 1999).

Concerned by inadequate safety and fire precautions, off-the-rails drug consumption and by the fact that the events were run by criminal organizations, the police focused on preventing the parties from happening. Regarding the

25 subject, Reynolds noted: “the police strategy was attrition: wear down the spirits of the ravers, make them so sick of the wild goose chases and the bitter disappointment when an event was quashed that they'd return to the guaranteed pleasures of licensed clubs” (1999, p. 78) In the process of unraveling the rave subculture by the police, the attendants began to be disappointed by the probability of events not happening or being parties with inferior sound systems and DJs, and eventually returned back to the club scene, where the subculture continued its underground style, while at the same time being a part of “highly organized leisure time industry” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 79).

On the musical side of things, in the years 1987-1989, British house scene was still dependent on the tracks coming from Chicago, Detroit and New York, which they had three years’ worth of material, therefore “it took UK producers a while to find their own distinctively voice” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 70).

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5 New wave of rave

5.1 Hardcore escalates the scene

As the first wave of British house generation slowly started dying out, in the year 1990, the scene experienced an influx of young ravers. The discontinuation of illegal warehouses shifted the subculture’s environment back to the clubs, which created a commercial rave environment and the culture continued to spread from big cities across the country (Reynolds, 1999). Richard Norris supported the fact in Bainbridge’s (2013) book: “I think the halcyon period had finished by the end of 1990, when it became a bit darker. I think with all dance music scenes you get a few great records and a few great clubs, and then countless copies of those records and clubs, and then it should mutate into something else” (“Coming Down”, para. 5).

And the sounds, indeed, did transform thanks to the British producers, who finally ended the dependence on American records. Although limited to cheap home-studios and do-it-yourself fashion which Reynolds (1999) considered being “reminiscent of punk” (p. 113), the British hardcore subgenre of house started to be visible on mainstream pop charts, attracting even more people towards the hedonistic perks of being ravers.

Reynolds wrote that “throughout the history of dance culture, hardcore designates those scenes where druggy hedonism and underclass desperation combine with a commitment to the physicality of dance and no-nonsense funktionalist approach to making music” (1999, p. 113), adding that the final products of producers were considered to be rather tracks than songs. In the hardcore era, this music subgenre was unique depending on the area of origin and Reynolds (1999, pp. 113-115) listed five different versions of the interpretation, all of them being recognizable for the excessive use of sub-bass:

➢ the Northern UK bleep and bass sound, represented by labels such as Warp or Unique 3 ➢ the hip-house and techno-ragga sounds, the house subgenres influenced by reggae and hip-hop, established as a part of the UK scene by Jamaican sound systems

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➢ the uplifting pop-rave acts, represented by the likes of N-Joi and Shades of Rhythm ➢ the German and Belgian hardcore techno ➢ the hardcore jungle, based on enriching the typical house 4/4 beat with looped breakbeats

Although the harsh hardcore music consisting of complexly sampled breaks and industrial sound was initially seen by the media as something that would pass quickly, this new form of house was getting more popular and the media approach changed once again as the commercialization of rave began (Reynolds, 1999). Snoman supported this fact, writing that “by 1992 the entire rave scene was being absorbed in the commercial media machines” (2009, p. 272). In order to distance themselves from the mass culture, British DJs began experimenting with the speed of the records, gradually increasing the number of beats per minute, leading to records with a tempo of around 180 beats per minute. The sound, whose main elements Reynolds described as “megalomaniacal aggression and high tempo” (1999, p. 125), caused the drug culture to flourish. Reynolds further reported that for the veteran ravers “clubbing now seemed closer to an assault course than a fun night out” and described the “teenage boys with sunken chests, pursed lips, massively dilated pupils and t-shirts tied around their waist” who indulged in consuming dangerous amounts of the drug ecstasy (1999, p. 126).

Reynolds (1999, p. 127) also offered the comparison between the ecstasy- related deaths and medical emergencies which grew in numbers as the subculture was becoming more and more exposed:

He stated: “From 1989 to 1990, there were only two or three deaths linked to MDMA; in the second half of 1991, there were five. During the 1988-90 period, Guy's Hospital in London reported an average of fifteen cases per month of adverse reactions to Ecstasy; by 1991, they were receiving between thirty and forty distressed ravers per month, suffering effects like paranoia, racing heartbeat, and the sometimes fatal condition of heatstroke.”

He aded that the police seizures of MDMA, the main supposed content of ecstasy pills, rose in a fashion similar to the emergencies. While in 1990, the

28 police seized approximately 5,500 kilos of MDMA, the next year the amount was over 66,000 kilos of the drug.

As the hardcore movement was getting bigger and more maddening, some of the labels (e.g. Warp) distanced themselves from this new reality. Meanwhile, the commercially accepted part of house music was also growing. Reynolds reported a circuit of enormous legal raves evolving under the promise of organizers that they would guarantee strict searches and no tolerance drug policy; leading to “the two-hour line, the humiliating body frisk, and the surly bouncer” becoming part and parcel of the rave culture (1999, p. 130).

This further development in the scene led to more hardcore hits being included in the mainstream music charts, produced by the likes of Shades of Rhythm or The Prodigy. The Prodigy was a London techno outlet represented by Liam Howlett, which released a number of hits, with a 1991 single “Charly” being among the first. Reynolds (1999) wrote that the track, which was created with the use of samples from public safety commercial, cartoon cat’s meows and little boy’s voice, resulted in many tunes by other artists with similar juvenile elements; and was subsequently accused of “killing the rave” by the Mixmag magazine.

As of 1992, the subculture would then be categorized into the pop- hardcore movement and the underground high-tempo hardcore techno scene. On the other hand, Reynolds reported the emergence of a third specific group, a “crossover between the rave scene and the squat-dwelling anarcho-hippy- punks” (1999, p. 163) which resulted in the house and techno music being played on free festivals organized by the Crusties4, and the tradition of throwing illegal parties began once again.

5.2 Crusty ravers and the Criminal Justice Act

In the Chapter “Fight for Your Right to Party”, Reynolds (1999) described his personal experience in attending an event under the name Castlemorton, organized by the Spiral Tribe, one of the hippie-rave crossovers. Reynolds depicted “the third world / medieval vibe” (1999, p. 165), together

4 the anarcho-hippies, getting the nickname after their dreadlocks 29 with the bizarre atmosphere caused by the presence of many different types of drugs. Mullin (2014) wrote about the statement of Cyrus, a former member of the Spiral Tribe, who had explained that “The authorities couldn’t understand how this many people could assemble in one place, in pre-internet, pre-mobile days. Add into that the fact that Castlemorton coverage was peppered with shots of police looking, quite frankly, helpless. That loss of control hammered them into cracking down much harder than they might otherwise have done” (Mullin, 2014, para. 9). The five days the party was in process, it received ugly media representation, which presented the music as evil, but the main turn of events happened on the last day when: “thirteen members of the Tribe are arrested and several sound systems are impounded. Police forces across rural Britain start collaborating in Operation Snapshot: the creation of a massive database with names of ringleaders and license numbers of travelers' and ravers' vehicles” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 167).

Although the thirteen arrested members were charged with variety of offences, Guest (2009) wrote that the ensuing court case became one of the longest and most expensive in British legal history. In the end all the thirteen Spiral Tribe members were acquitted, which, according to Guest (2009), only increased the effort of police to stop similar events from happening. Reynolds (1999, p. 173) stated similar view, writing that “the Conservative government devised a package of new laws to ensure that an event of Castlemorton's scale would never be repeated” which the government tried to reach not only through the extension of police forces, but also through the Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill, also known as the Criminal Justice Act (CJA), which was passed in November 1994. CJA’s main target was restricting outdoor raves, which the government tried to categorize as “characterized by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 174). Aditionally, the CJA bill gave policemen the right to disperse any party as small as ten people and the failure to comply could result in three months in prison or a £2,500 fine.

Mullin (2014) further reported the backlash it created in the rave community, which resulted in three mass-protests againt the bill. The first two marches were peaceful; on the other hand, the third London protest against CJA in October resulted in the conflict between the police and the protesters. Mullin

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(2014, para. 9) described how the “police horses were charged through protesters, people were beaten and tear gas was used”. Reynolds (1999) wrote about the rave artistic community voicing their opinion through music, with Retribution realeasing ironically titled “Repetitive Beats” EP, followed by Autechre’s “Anti” EP, whose lead track was intentionally programmed in a way that would bypass the CJA’s part about the emission of a succession of repetitive beats.

Ultimately though, the bill was the last blow for the already fractured free party movement and the subculture moved back to the commercialized clubs; however, there were many producers and labels, which did not consent to the mainstream values and continued to develop experimental and obscure genres derived from the rave culture.

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6 Post-rave era

6.1 Brain dance and ambient

In reaction to the word rave becoming perceived as something dirty and deviant among the common British population, producers such as Aphex Twin, the Black Dog or Autechre, designed their own distinct sound, known as intelligent techno (Reynolds, 1999). The website Allmusic (n.d.) depicted the sub-genre as “a fusion between the hard-edged dance music heard on the main floor at raves and larger club events, and the more downtempo music of the nearby chill-out rooms“, adding that the intelligent techno, sometimes referred to as IDM5, received a negative publicity even from within the community, as many ravers perceived the complex beat-scattered music with as undanceable and stupid. On the other hand, Reynolds (1999) referred to Mixmaster Morris, one of the intelligent techno producers, who had stated that the genre was “the opposite of stupid hardcore”. Reynolds (1999, p. 185) provided the description of the IDM vibes as “subtle, indefinable shades of mood, ambiguous and evanescent bittersweet feelings”. However, the spectrum of style through which IDM records are produced can range from those reminiscent of breakbeat hardcore6 or to those of the avant-garde approach7 (Reynolds, 1999).

The main record, which is considered to have been a building stone of this sub-genre, was released by the Warp records in 1992, titled Artificial Intelligence (Reynolds, 1999). The album contains a plethora of home listening techno, including a track produced by Dice Man, one of Aphex Twin’s numerous pseudonyms. Aphex Twin, also known as Richard D. James, was the main figure in establishing the ambient sound. Reynolds (1999) pointed out his debut album, Selected Ambient Works 85-92, which was a selection of ambient-techno tracks picked from hundreds of recordings from Aphex’s teenage years; as being reminiscent of the half-awake phase before falling asleep, which was further confirmed by the Aphex Twin himself. Firsly, by his own words “Not sleeping is sort of nice and not-nice at the same time – your mind starts getting scatty, like you’re senile” (Reynolds, 1999, p. 189), and secondly, by his subsequent, more

5 The abbreviation of Intelligent Dance Music, widely criticized by many IDM artists and labels for its condescending name’s tone towards the other genres 6 The Black Dog’s early records 7 Autechre’s style, compared to freestyle graphitti 32 auditory challenging 1994 work Selected Ambient Works Volume II, which, as noted by Reynolds (1999), omitted the techno aspect and focused fully on the beatless ambient texturial sound, which, as Aphex Twin claimed, was created by the use of lucid dreaming and converting the dreamy landscapes into tracks. Reynolds (1999) stated that although many of the Aphex Twin fans were alienated by the record, it had its influence on many artists from different genres, ranging from experimental outfits to post-rockers.

Aphex Twin remained an important music figure to these days, being cited as an influence by the likes of Thom Yorke from Radiohead (Yorke, 2013); having his tracks rearranged by classical music orchestras (Richardson, 2005) and even being offered a collaboration by the world renowned pop-star Madonna which she subsequently declined after Aphex requested her to provide recordings of pig-like squeals for the track (Clash Magazine, 2010).

6.2 Hardcore goes happy

Influenced by the Dutch hardcore techno output, the gabba subgenre of house was described by Reynolds (1999, p. 183) as “a jackhammer beat which pounds as hard as a heart overdosing on adrenaline and steroids”, stating that for the old-school ravers, the gabba is a “funkless, frenetic nightmare, and the ultimate bastardization of techno”

If the IDM community tried to break the essential rules of hardcore house, the gabba subgenre only intensified its most savage aspects: the heavy distorted four-to-four kick, simple rhythm and the extremely fast tempo, reaching up to 250 beats per minute (Reynolds, 1999). Reynolds (1999) furthermore presented the picture of gabba raves, with names such as Nightmare or Dominator, based on creating a sensory overload with the use of intense panic-inducing music and laser shows. The darkness and agressivness typical for the gabba gave an opportunity for the inception of its, even though still labeled as hardcore, anti- thesis in the form of happy hardcore.

When discussing happy hardcore, Reynolds (1999) referred to Paul Elstak, a former gabba DJ, who, to the resentment of his fans, began playing the uplifting hardcore style at gabba events; who had explained that the reason why

33 happy hardcore existed was “that gabba had to mellow at some point” (1999, p. 287). Gilman (1994) described the happy hardcore producers and ravers as “being loyal to the manic pianos, cartoon samples and sped-up vocals”, similar to the style of the aforementioned 1991 Prodigy’s chart-topping hit Charly. Reynolds (1999, p. 291) has furthermore stated that although the subgenre was ignored by the dance press until 1997 and most ravers dismissed it as a “juvenilla for timewarp kids who haven’t realized that the rave dream is over”, the happy hardcore found its devoted fans, mainly from the old-school jungle scene as the subgenres shared the common practice of sampling breakbeats.

6.3 Kick, snare

Even though the drum and bass subgenre evolved from the ragga-jungle scene, it found its distinctive deep, sometimes referred to by as intelligent, sound in 1994. Reynolds (1999) compared the reasons for emergence of this subgenre to be the same as in the intelligent techno community – the generation gap divided the members of what was left from the rave movement between those full of energy and willingness to rave, to those old rave veterans who preferred electronic music that could be enjoyed from the comfort of their homes.

By 1996, two subgenres of drum and bass established themselves on the scene. Firstly, Reynolds (1999) described the intelligent subgenre, whose community he reported as gradually becoming elitist in their search of intelligent music through fusing drum and bass with acid-jazz elements and lengthy-sung vocals in order to further distance themselves the other, supposedly juvenile genres.

Secondly, Reynolds (1999) reported the rise of “dirge-like, death-funk sounding” techstep, pioneered by artists such as Ed Rush and Optical. While its siniter and dark-sounding tones might on paper resemble the dark hardcore era, Reynolds argued that due to the use of the kick and the snare drums the music felt “slower, fatigued, and winded” (1999, p. 352) as the number of beats per minute, although in reality being 160, actually felt like 80 because of the division of the emphasis on two different drum elements. Reynolds (1999) also mentioned the popularity of THC being on of the causes for drum and bass’ 34 success, as ecstasy was not prominent anymore at that time due to police seizures and the tendency of the dealers to cut the drug with amphetamines and other mimicks. The Marijuana’s non-euphoric and almost psychedelic sensory intensification was ideal drug for the techstep’s “tension-but-no-realease” (p. 352) rhythms.

6.4 Post-rave experimentalism

The year 1996 also marked the emergence of the new, post-rave experimental ideas that were partly influenced by the electronic listening music subgenre (Reynolds, 1999). With the focus on omitting one of the most significant house music aspects, the four-to-four steady beat; the producers of this subgenre, such as Mike Paradinas, Luke Vibert or Squarepusher, were known for creating complex rhythms by layering looped breakbeats on top of each other. The style was generally described by Reynolds (1999, p. 359) as “contaminated by an influx of ideas from jungle, trip-hop and other scenes”

The popularity of the kick and snare patterns, derived from jungle and drum&bass, forced the pioneers of intelligent techno, such as the aforementioned Aphex Twin, to experiment with the complexity of breaks and the sub-genre became known as drill&bass. Although similar by the names and by the use of polyrhythmic breakbeats, the latter differed from the former in the speed of the records, which according to Reynolds (1999, p. 360) “would clear any dancefloor instantly”, further comparing drill&bass to the Dada absurdism.

Reynolds (1999, p. 360) argued that the post-rave experimental producers were in a way parasitic on the rave subculture: “hijacking their ideas and giving them an avant-garde twist”. He further presented the view that compared to the jungle subgenre; the post-rave electronica has not got anything more to offer than the old-fashioned virtuosity, which thrived on making dance music undanceable in a fashion similar to progressive-rock.

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There was one more aspect that the post-rave experimental genres and parties omitted: the drug usage, which was next to the music the most prominent element of the rave subculture. Raynolds (1999, p. 360) stated that in the post-rave experimental clubs, which were called freestyle sallons, there was “no drug factor, just beer and an occasional, discreet joint”.

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7 Drugs in the rave culture

7.1 Drug usage at raves

Psychoactive substances are often seen as an inherent part of music- based youth cultures which allows the users to have deeper and more intense connection to the music. One of the reasons why the police interfered with the rave movement was the widespread availability of illicit substances such as MDMA, LSD, Ketamine and Marijuana and dangers associated with using them that caused the raves to be targeted by police and subsequently being portrayed as unhealthy by the mainstream media. “The populist pro-government newspapers would of course launch a propaganda campaign against what it would call evil dance party organisers. The pro-government press would conduct a hysterical smear campaign, describing the party organisers as criminals.” (Saunders, 1993a, para. 3)

Reynolds described the initial confusion of the press, as the genre was called acid house, acid being a street name for LSD; causing the media to be unsure which drug were they reporting (Reynolds, 1999). Richard Norris (2013) in Bainbridge’s book supported this, reporting that “despite the fact that the music was called acid house, it was quite rare for people to take huge amounts of acid.” While other drugs were present in the culture, the most prominent was MDMA, which, as Reynolds stated, caused the producers to develop “drug- determined repertoire of effects, textures, and riffs that are expressly designed to trigger the tingly rushes that traverse the ecstatic body” (1999, p. 85).

7.2 History of MDMA

MDMA was first synthetized by a German company Merck that patented the substance (Reynolds, 1999, p. 81). Saunders (1993) stated that the chemical was not marketed at the time and did not come out at the spotlight until Alex Shulgin, an American biochemist, resynthesized the drug and provided some of it to his old friend, who was about to retire from his career of psychotherapy. Instead of retiring, he developed a complex network through which he introduced other therapists to the substance. Those therapists appreciated the newly resynthesized drug and considered it a valuable new tool. Afraid of

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MDMA becoming popular as a street drug, the circle of researchers agreed to do as much informal research as possible without bringing the drug to public attention (Saunders, 1993).

Saunders (1993) wrote that although the drug has shown potential as a therapeutic drug, it was never marketed by any big drug companies. Firstly, because the drug was already patented and secondly before a drug is made available to the public, long and expensive trials are to be made with a conclusion that the safety risks are outweighed by medical benefits.

The years of 1977-1985 were considered as a “golden age” of Ecstasy. It was used in psychotherapy by experimental therapists, some of whom claimed that a five hour Adam8 session was as good as 5 months of therapy (Saunders, 1993).

In 1985, the drug got into the mass media spotlight as a small group of people tried to sue the US Drug Enforcement Agency in order to prevent them from making the drug illegal. However, due to an impure designer drug from China, which caused a form of severe brain damage similar to Parkinson’s Disease, US government passed a law allowing the DEA to “put an emergency ban on any drug it thought might be a danger to the public.” (Saunders, 1993b, para. 11) This law saw its first application on July 1st, 1985 and was used to ban MDMA, consequently putting it in the most restrictive category Schedule 1, meaning that the drug has no accepted medical use and has a high potential for abuse.

The ban, however, did not prevent the popularity of drug to be spreading worldwide. The only consequences were debatable purity, as the drug was now being marketed by the criminal network, and the inability of professional therapists to use this substance in their psychotherapies (Saunders, 1993).

MDMA became favored by the European population in the mid-eighties, where it arrived from the party island Ibiza. From there, it moved to both large outdoor and warehouse parties. The first reference to MDMA to reach a broad audience in the UK came in an article in a magazine called 'The Face'. This reported on the use of the drug by a small group of people working in the media,

8 one of the MDMA nicknames 38 pop music and fashion industries, who were flying to the United States and importing small amounts of the drug for their personal consumption. (Nasmyth, 1985)

In the winter of 1991-1992, the demand had outstripped the supply, mainly due to massive police seizures, which created a response from dealers who would sell any tablet as Ecstasy in order to make profits. Saunders (1993) wrote that in that time, many people turned to other drugs, such as LSD, which were active in the microgram range, making them difficult to be adulterated.

The British use of the drug was somewhat different to the American way. While in the United States the drug users would mainly use MDMA at home, in the United Kingdom, Ecstasy was almost always used as a dance drug. As a result of that, the proportion of users in Britain was much higher than in America, as well as the number of casualties (Saunders, 1993).

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8 The effects and dangers of MDMA use

8.1 MDMA effects

3, 4-methylenedioxy-methamphetamine, also known as MDMA, Adam, Ecstasy and Molly is a synthetic drug with both stimulant and hallucinogen properties (National Institute on Drug Abuse [NIDA], 2016). The ordinary dose is considered to be 80-160 milligrams if taken orally, with therapists and monks using lesser doses for meditational and therapeutic purposes. Response to the drug is not strictly proportional to body weight. MDMA is most commonly known to be swallowed in the form of capsules and pills, or snorted, but is also possible to be administrated by injecting and smoking (Erowid, 1994).

The website Erowid (1994) reported that when taken orally, the effects begin to be noticeable 30 - 45 minutes after consuming, while smoking, snorting or injecting the drug produces much quicker and more intense onset at the cost of shorter duration and more potential damage. The main effects of MDMA appear approximately one hour after taking the dose, normally last about two hours before starting to slowly decline in intensity. Four to six hours after ingesting the dose, the primary effects of the drug are usually completely diminished. Some MDMA users are known to use secondary doses in order to prolong the desired feelings; conversely, this often leads to amplification or induction of unwanted side effects while providing no benefits.

If taken in a controlled environment with a positive mindset, the drug can produce desirable effects such as extreme euphoria, increased empathy and enhanced bodily and touch sensations (NIDA, 2016). Alexander Shulgin (Shulgin & Shulgin, 1991, p. 109), the man responsible for resynthesizing MDMA, described his first dose of MDMA in the following way: “I feel absolutely clean inside, and there is nothing but pure euphoria. I have never felt so great, or believed this to be possible.”

MDMA causes increased activity of dopamine, responsible for the euphoria rush and increased energy, norepinephrine, which elevates heart rate and blood pressure and serotonin, the “love” chemical that is the source emotional closeness and empathy (NIDA, 2016)

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Conversely, the use of MDMA can lead to acute neutral and adverse side effects, some of which include: nausea, dry mouth, muscle cramping, teeth clenching, restless legs and anxiety (Roll Safe, 2017a).

The Dance Safe (n.d.) website noted that some people report symptoms of depression following the use of MDMA. While the depression is normally not severe and does not last as much as two days, regular users report feeling depressed for a long period of time. These feelings, which in some individuals can display themselves as soon as the drug primary effects start to fade away, can include the inability to focus, irritability, lack of motivation and memory disruption. Common ways to reduce the depression and adverse effects that manifest themselves after the drug wanes off are to take lesser doses less often, eat well, get enough sleep and avoid mixing MDMA with other drugs and alcohol (DanceSafe, n.d.) Most users who used the drug many times report diminishing returns of the drug, meaning that the main effects of MDMA are not as strong or present at all. This decline can be explained either by the loss of novelty or by lasting changes made by exposing the brain to the chemical and is not yet known whether it has any negative, positive or neutral impact on human health (Erowid, 1994).

The organization MAPS released a study which states: “overall, adverse effects of MDMA are modest and generally have not been associated with serious discomfort in healthy volunteers or in people with PTSD.” (Roll Safe, 2017a) and that “common reactions reported in clinical trials are transient and diminish as drug effects wane during the MDMA session and over the next 24 hours. Once the drug leaves the body, 3 to 4 days post-treatment, most reactions diminish” (Roll Safe, 2017a). This also strongly suggests that the adverse effects are very closely related to proper dosage, controlled environment as well as to irregular and spaced out usage.

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8.2 Risks of taking MDMA

Although the website Roll Safe (2017a) clearly stated that taking drugs is never entirely safe, it offers advice on taking MDMA in a manner that decreases the probability of health complications. The first short-term risk of taking MDMA is administering imposer, fake or adulterated drugs, sometimes labeled as bath salts. This can lead to taking more since the users are not feeling the desired primary effects which might cause extremely amplified side effect such as paranoia, panic attacks, and hallucinations, possibly resulting in hospitalization or even death (Roll Safe, 2017a).

According to the study conducted by Emily Tanner-Smith (2006) which examined the content of over 1200 pills sold as ecstasy, anonymously submitted between 1999 and 2005; 39% of the tablets were comprised of MDMA only, 46% only contained substances other than MDMA and 15% were mixtures of MDMA and other substances. The author concluded that the drug users are exposing themselves to drug-induced anxiety and psychotic disorders by consuming pills or tablets with content other than MDMA only. The author also suggested examining health issues connected with using these imposer substances and stressed the importance of impurity of supposed Ecstasy pills.

Another short-term risk of consuming MDMA is overheating as ecstasy can disrupt the function of the brain to regulate temperature which can result in hyperthermia. This can be especially dangerous if the people under the influence of MDMA are engaging in exhausting physical activities such as dancing (Roll Safe, 2017b). MDMA is also possible to induce serotonin syndrome which according to the study Serotonin Syndrome (Gayle, Volpi- Abadie, A. M. Kaye & A. D. Kaye, 2014) can be a life-threatening state that might occur after ingesting unreasonably high amounts of serotonergic drugs or result from combining drugs with complex and different mechanisms of function.

A further potentially dangerous aspect of indulging in the consumption of MDMA is keeping the body hydrated while at the same time avoiding overhydrating. Since MDMA is documented to increase the production of saliva,

42 making the impression of thirst, hyponatraemia9 can occur after drinking too much water. Hyponatraemia has resulted in fatalities and is the most prominent in women, probably due to a lower ratio of body mass to body water (Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs [ACMD], 2008).

As previously mentioned, MDMA is known to have a harmful interaction with other drugs. Large proportions of individuals who use MDMA have previously, or are concurrently, often in the same night, using other drugs, particularly alcohol, nicotine/tobacco, cannabis or amphetamine (ACMD, 2008). The Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs referred to Dargan, who had stated that accidents and emergencies associated with MDMA were often related to taking more drugs at the same time10 (ACMD, 2008). Similar results were provided by an official study by the US Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, referred to by TheDEA website (n. d.), which found that out of 76 MDMA related deaths, only 9 were caused by MDMA itself. The interactions between MDMA and selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors antidepressants (SSRIs) were also observed, giving the conclusion that SSRI antidepressants reduce the desirable effects of MDMA and vice versa, which can lead to overdosing (Erowid, 1994). Some people take SSRIs after the MDMA effect wean off in order to combat the mild depression which can follow in the next days after MDMA use (ACMD, 2008) Especially dangerous is the combination of MDMA and MAO Inhibitors11 that is known to be fatal as the interaction of those drugs has a likelihood of inducing the serotonin syndrome (DanceSafe, n.d.). Other drugs that have unsafe interaction with MDMA, according to the chart published by website Tripsitme (2016), are DXM and Tramadol. Combining the drug with other stimulants such as caffeine or cocaine also requires practicing increased caution, as well as does drinking alcohol under the influence of MDMA.

The long-term effects MDMA has on the brain are still a subject of discussion. While the ACMD (2008) stated that early studies of MDMA found that the chemical, if administered at high doses, damages serotonin neurons in rats, a more actual study on primates with appropriate doses found no damage

9 overhydrating 10 80% with alcohol, 24% cocaine and 21% ketamine 11 Anti-depressants often prescribed for anxiety 43 at all. There have been expressed concerns that chronic MDMA use is linked to clinical depression, however, most studies found that it is not the case if the users are not already prepositioned to it (ACMD, 2008). A number of studies, including Kelly (2000), focused on the illicit users, have shown that regular MDMA use is connected with worse scores on cognitive tests, although that might be also explained by unhealthy lifestyle, nutrition deprivation and lack of sleep. On the other hand, Holland (2001) argued that controlled clinical studies in healthy volunteers have found no evidence of cognitive changes.

Although it was said that “disinhibition and impulsive, violent or risky behaviours are not commonly seen under the influence of MDMA, unlike with cocaine, amphetamines, heroin and alcohol” (ACMD, 2008, p. 28) MDMA alters the judgment of users, possibly resulting in an unsafe sexual activity. Furthermore, the cited review reported that MDMA was implicated in only 0.65% of serious sexual assault offenses, which is 3 times less than cocaine and 4 times less than heroin.

According to the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (2008), there is little evidence to support the fact that MDMA causes physical dependence; however, psychological addiction is possible since some users develop compulsive dosing habit which can be responsible for evoking a bad state of mind during the withdrawal. Even though the drug does not cause physical addiction, a small portion - 1% of all treatment seekers according to National Drug Treatment Monitoring System, referred to by AMCD (2008) - of MDMA users decide to seek medical help in order to stop their usage.

Lastly, one of the main issues is the connectivity of MDMA to criminal organizations due to its Class A drug status which might possess a range of risks that are generally associated with illicit businesses (AMCD, 2008).

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8.3 Harm reduction

In order to avoid adverse side effects as well as potential health complications, many users are known to be actively practicing harm reduction approach which minimalizes the dangers associated with using MDMA.

Most importantly, people with physical and mental health problems, including epilepsy, heart problems, depression and panic attacks, should not consume the drug as it increases the risk of health complications (Roll Safe, 2017b). Additionally, it is not recommended to consume MDMA in combination with other drugs and medications.

As stated in the previous chapter, MDMA tablets are often adulterated with other substances or do not contain MDMA at all, therefore the users often risk by consuming unknown substance which can pose great health risks. Because of that, the KFx website (2014) urges users to ascertain the content of their MDMA pills or powder with test-kits or with the help of websites such as pillsreport.com where the data about individual pills are can be accessed. Similarly, the Roll Safe (2017b) website also advised against using at all if there is no certainty of pure MDMA.

In addition, it is recommended to be aware of set and setting in which the drug consumption takes place. Finding a suitable environment that allows the users to take breaks and to be able to cool down is crucial in for not getting too hot. Additional but no less important recommendation is to drink 250 milliliters of non-alcoholic beverage per hour while under the influence of MDMA, or 500 milliliters per hour if dancing in a hot environment in order to prevent overheating (Roll Safe, 2017b). Furthermore, only trusted company should be present, ideally with at least one sober person. While MDMA is generally not a drug that induces bad trips or anxiety, a healthy mindset of the users is important as the drug is known to bring inner struggles to the surface (Roll Safe, 2017b).

The dosage is another important factor that influences the harm potential of the drug. The authors of a study focused on linking the pharmacological content of ecstasy tablets to the subjective experiences of drug users (Brunt, Koeter, Niesink & Brink) stated that the curve for desirable effects shows that the probability of experiencing desirable effects increases until 81–100 mg 45

MDMA, then it slowly decreases with high doses of MDMA showing increasingly lower probabilities of experiencing desirable effects. In contrast, the probability of experiencing adverse effects increases rapidly with MDMA doses exceeding 120 mg. Seizures of ecstasy tablets have found that the MDMA content can vary greatly, with tablets containing over 300 milligrams of MDMA having been reported (Winstock, 2016).

In view of these facts, the website Roll Safe (2017b) encouraged the people intending to consume MDMA to use milligram scale to measure their MDMA dose if administered as a powder; or, if consumed as a pill with an unknown amount of pure MDMA, to start with half of the tablet or less. Taking additional doses12 of MDMA after the main dose is common among the users; however, it is not recommended (Roll Safe, 2017b).

12 Known also as boosters 46

9 Conclusion

The rave subculture emerged in Britain in the second half of the 1980s, a time connected with a conservative government, which ultimately provided the reasons for the subculture’s existence. Initially pioneered by the US producers in the cities on New York, Chicago and Detroit; the music got to the UK through the party island Ibiza and began to be played by several DJs and appreciated by selected crowds.

However, the ultimate experience gained by the combination of house music and the drug MDMA began attracting more people and exposed the subculture to the mass media spotlight. After an incident involving an ecstasy- related death, the rave movement received ugly media representation. Conversely, this lead to an influx of young ravers who with their reckless drug consumption further escalated the already damaged image of the subculture, and disrupted the community between the house veterans and the new era ravers.

The emergence of the generation gap in the subculture shaped its development, almost always panning between the ideas of sophisticated rave music, represented by the original community; and between the approaches of making the music sound as intense as possible. The situation in the UK escalated in the second half on the year 1994, when the Criminal Justice Act was introduced, allowing the policemen to intervene and stop any gathering as small as ten people, with the focus on preventing events characterized by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats from happening. The year 1994 is generally considered as the end of the rave era. Although the idea of the subculture continued in commercialized clubs, the main elements were substantially different from the ideals of the original acid house figures, such as Paul Oakenfold, Jazzy M or Danny Rampling.

The development of the rave subculture was very similar to the model of subcultural evolution, proposed by authors such as Hebdige. The reaction of the police towards the rave movement was almost textbook-like; the image of the subculture as deviant group was created and the subculture was shortly after that incorporated into the mainstream.

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Gathering the information about the effects and dangers of MDMA showed that the potential damage by the drug can be exacerbated by ignoring the harm reduction approach. Therefore if used by uninformed users in the wrong environment without sufficient safety precautions, the drug can possess much bigger risk than if done responsibly. The former was the case as the culture began to be more visible and individuals attracted to the forbidden fruit started to participate in it.

Although the media can be partially blamed for the rave’s demise, it is important to note that the subculture was from the very beginnings closely connected to the hedonistic lifestyle. Therefore it is in my opinion that the subculture was predestined to be targeted at some point.

Eventually, the legacy remained in two forms:

Firstly, the artistic work from that time which continued to influence many modern artists, resulting in a plethora of home-listening post-rave music that could be appreciated even by the veterans.

Secondly, the club scene, even though to a certain degree commercialized and incorporated into the mainstream electronic dance music culture, still provides the escape from reality in the form of dancing, sensory overload by the visual effects, and meeting like-minded people which, if only for a limited time, is capable of creating something shared, something that provides the partygoers with a sense of community.

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