Contestation of Aristocratic and Non-Aristocratic Politics in the Political Dynamic in North Maluku

Contestation of aristocratic and non-aristocratic politics in the political dynamic in North Maluku

I.R.A. Arsad Department of Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia

ABSTRACT: The local political dynamics in North Maluku is influenced by the people’s political ideology and culture. In each era in Indonesia, the contestation of aristocratic and non-aristocratic group has shown the political contestation of the federation system versus the unitary system in the local government when the Republic of Indonesia was established, and the contestation on the establishment of North Maluku Province between special status and non-special status in the reformation era. The contestation was influenced by the egalitarian political culture on the political ideology of both aristocratic and non aristocratic political groups. In this article, the aristocrats still take part in both local and national political activi- ties since they are benefited by the egalitarian political ideology in the local political culture and the patron-client relationship. This study has shown that in North Maluku, political ideology still influences political behavior, although Firman Noor (2014, p. 63) states that political ideology has been replaced by pragmatism in Indonesia, because it is influenced by the local political culture and the patron-client relationship.

1 INTRODUCTION

Political contestation between aristocratic and non-aristocratic politics has long been in line with the transformation of a political system in Indonesia, which is the process of unification of the native states into the new state of the Republic of Indonesia after the dissolution of the Federal Republic of Indonesia. Meanwhile, the variant of the association between aristocratic and non-aristocratic politics in different countries may result from the different process of unification in political transformation in those countries. In England, the state’s political transformation (unification) of the native state of monarchy to the new state proceeded gradually after the integration of the kingdoms to result in the currently known United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. William M. Downs (in Ishiyama & Breunings 2013, p. 284–285) describes that the process of unification of the Great Britain and Northern Ireland has proceeded for centuries. In the Republic of Italy, the unification process was resulted by the role of the totalitarian regime of Musolini through a referendum to determine the form of a republic, so that monarchic states, such as Sicily, Sardinia, and others have to be subject to the result of the referendum encoded in the state constitution (Strong 1958, p. 80). In France, the process of unification was resulted by a social revolution that replaced the absolute monarch and bourgeois local rulers with the republic state (Skocpol, 1991, p. 21). In China, the dynasty of Manchu was defeated by a social revolution triggered by the establishment of the people’s congress by Chiang Kai Sek who led the nationalist power and Mao Tse Tung who led the communist power in 1945. Later, in 1949, the communist power took control of the congress and established the People’s Republic. In India and Pakistan, the states’ political transformations occurred through the unification of the native states that resulted in a new province as part of the federal union states (Strong, 1958, p. 295–303).

115 In Indonesia, social revolution also occurred, but it was not as radical as that in France and China. Although Kahin described that Indonesian revolution driven by Indonesia’s intellectuals has successfully resulted in the transformation of the nation’s character during the period of 1945–1950,1 the process of unification was partially resulted by the emergence of the new nationalism awareness among the aristocrats, as reflected in the debates concerning the form of the state in the conferences of Malino, Denpasar, and the Round Table.2 The unification process in Indonesia reached the end after the transfer of power from the aristocratic-monarchic rulers to the government of the Republic of Indonesia.3 Political transformation in a state has described the role of aristocratic groups in the newly established state. However, due to the influence of the common establishment of the nation state after World War II, aristocratic politics had to face the fierce challenges from the nationalistic group with their likely orientation to the state ideology of republic, which is particularly true in Indonesia. In North Maluku, the political role of the aristocratic group in local and national politics has been very dynamic. Earlier at the initial moment of Indonesia’s independence, the aristocratic group played a significant role in local and national politics. However, at the same time they had to get involved in the political contestation with the non-aristocratic republican group. The political role of the aristocratic group ended when North Maluku had to comply with the Unitary State concept after the dissolution of the United Republic of Indonesia. The non-aristocratic group had always won the prolonged contestation of local and national politics until the New Order. When the New Order collapsed, the contestation went on in line with the political transparency and the resurgence of the traditional aristocratic rulers in North Maluku. The contestation was apparent in the establishment of the Province of North Maluku during the period of 1998–1999. The strive of the aristocratic group in mak- ing North Maluku a special region in the decentralization system in Indonesia was part of political efforts since the establishment of the Province of North Maluku up to now. The repeated political contestation reveals the existence of strong ideology and political interest adopted by the two political groups in North Maluku. The aristocratic group has been more likely to strive for the political values focusing on the balanced position between the local and central government through the system of federalism. As a result, they required to establish Provincial-level special territory. This ideology is in line with the commonly adopted democratic culture and ideology in the local political culture of North Maluku’s Moloku Kie Raha. The system comprising four kingdoms has influenced the political ideology of the aristocratic group. On the other hand, the non-aristocratic political group resisted the system of feudalism in the local politics. This idea is influenced by the democratic political culture adopted in the constitutional monarchy system in the political culture of North Maluku. After the reformation in Indonesia, the non-aristocratic political group has consistently resisted the special local governmental system for the Province of North Maluku. The contestation between the two groups is resulted from the influence of the contesting federalism and the Unitarian ideology after the independence of the Republic of Indonesia, and the democratic versus feudalistic ideology after the reform era in North Maluku. Considering the contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups in the local politics of North Maluku, this study would like to answer the questions of the dominant factors underlying the contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups in local politics in North Maluku. In addition, this study would also like to identify the process of contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups in different Indonesian political eras in North Maluku and the aristocratic political role in the local

1. George McTurnan Kahin, Nasionalisme dan Revolusi Indonesia, (Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2013), pp. 657–658. 2. See Ida Agung Anak Agung, Dari Negara Indonesia Timur ke Republik Indonesia Serikat, (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1985), and Leirissa, Kekuatan Ketiga dalam Perjuangan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, (Jakarta: Pustaka Sejarah, 2006). 3. Ibid.

116 political dynamics in North Maluku Province, particularly in the election. Considering the questions of the study, this paper would like to argue that the political ideology in Indonesia, in spite of the abandonment as stated by Firman Noor, plays a significant role in the political behavior of the contesting aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups due to the existence of the egalitarian political culture and the patron-client relation.

1.1 Theoretical analysis and methodology A number of political concepts concerning the contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic politics in North Maluku can be described with the theory of political culture and political ideology concept that have accordingly encouraged the political behavior of the citizens. Political culture and local political culture are concerned with the political attitude and behavior of the citizen, which accordingly lead to the political life. The contestation of aristocratic and non-aristocratic politics can be conceptually and the- oretically explained in the political ideology that has driven the citizens’ political behavior. Political culture and local political culture describe the citizens’ political behavior in a particular community. It consists of a set of values or norms adopted in political life. A number of political scholars define political culture as the citizens’ orientation or a set of mindset in politics and governance (Almond in Mas’oed & MacAndrews, 1997, p. 41; Ranney, 1993, p. 65). A political culture is part of culture that is generally defined as a set of knowledge that constitutes social behavior features that specifically characterize individual behaviors (Plano et al., 1985, p. 53–54). Meanwhile, an ideology is a set of beliefs influenced by political culture and later influences the establishment of mindset and behavior of a group of people, political parties, and states in the analysis of particular political phenomena, and leads the followers to an expected ideal condition.4 Political behavior refers to a set of behavior of a number of political actors, either based on culture, ideology, norms, or political interest in a particular political system. The political phenomena of the role of traditional rulers in the nationally acknowledged local politics are found in neo-patrimonial states or sultanates. This form of the authoritar- ian system has been defined by J.J. Linz in Anna Batta in her paper on Statism (see Batta in Ishiyama & Breuning, 2013, p. 153). Meanwhile, according to M. Bratton & N. van de Walle, in neopatrimonial state, the right for power is reserved for an individual instead of an institu- tion, and benefits are exchanged to loyalty to the political parties (see Batta in Ishiyama & Breuning 2013, p. 154). In the case of local politics in North Maluku, the Sultans are the patrons and the people are the clients. Although the relationship between the patron and the clients is based on economic interest, it also derives from the obedience originating from the traditional Islamic teaching, the local knowledge of Christian community and the native ethnic of Halmahera Island. This resembles the patron-client relationship of the local political culture in Java as defined by Benedict R.O.G. Anderson (in Budiardjo, 1991, p. 51–52). The relationship of patron and client in North Maluku has beneficially favored the candidates in the general election.

2 METHOD

To examine these issues, this study employs a quantitative analysis. Methods of data collection include library research and in-depth interviews. Information and documents on local politics in North Maluku before and after the independence of the Republic of Indonesia were collected to describe the contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups in the local political contestation in North Maluku. Meanwhile, the method of in-depth

4. Firman Noor, Perilaku Politik Pragmatis dalam Kehidupan Politik Kontemporer: Kajian atas Menyu- rutnya Peran Ideologi Politik di Era Reformasi, in Jurnal Masyarakat Indonesia, Vol. 40 (1), June 2014, p. 63, accessed from ejournal.lipi.go.id on 30 July 2016, at 19.10 EIT.

117 interview was conducted to collect information from related informants and resource per- sons concerning the aristocratic clan in the local political contestation in North Maluku after the reform era to explain the political role of the aristocratic group in local political contestation in accordance to the results of local legislative election. The two methods have contributed much to the description of the local political behavior in North Maluku, particularly the likelihood of contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups in North Maluku.

3 RESULTS

3.1 Political contestation of aristocratic and non-aristocratic political power in North Maluku until reformation era 3.1.1 The North Maluku statecraft Since 1257, the government of North Maluku has been inseparable from the existence of traditional Sultanates of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan, Jailolo, and Kingdom of Loloda. Based on the treaty of Moti in 1322, excluding the Kingdom of Loloda, the kingdoms in North Maluku established a joint government of lax confederation in North Maluku (de Clercq, 1890; Amal, 2002). The establishment of the joint state was followed by task distribution for individual kingdoms to develop the confederation of the Four North Maluku (Moloku Kie Raha). Each kingdom has its own task to ensure the existence of confederation, territorial security, and territorial expansion (Arsad, 2011). In the confederation model, the existence of each kingdom is reserved and equally respected. Through the interaction with the European states of Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands and England and in attempt to develop the dignity of each kingdom, Ternate kingdom was assigned to expand the territory of the kingdoms to the North and the South, while Tidore was assigned to expand to the West and the East. The two countries developed hegemonic politics in the eastern part of the archipelago, particularly in the development of spice trade with the Netherlands and in early 1800s with the England (Willard & Alwi, 1998). The hegemonic politics of the two kingdoms was developed until the era of Dutch colonialism that conquered the sovereignty of the traditional kingdoms through the short treaties (korte verk- laring) in 1909,5 and through the regulation of modern bureaucracy in the Netherlands East Indies before the entrance of the Japanese in the region during the period of 1942 and 1945.6

3.1.2 Contestation in the old order era At the initial time of Indonesian independence, North Maluku was still under the control of NICA or under the Dutch colonialism. In an attempt to establish the most suitable government form, the aristocrats and non-aristocrats were involved in the conferences of Malino and Denpasar held by the Dutch (Amal & Djafar, 2003). The non-aristocrats, popularly known as the Republicans, consisted of a number of figures such as M.A. Kamaruddin, Chasan Busoiri, Arnold Mononutu, M.S. Djahir, M. Arsyad Hanafi, Abubakar Bachmid, and the youth figure, Abdjan Soleman. Meanwhile, the aristocratic group was represented by the Sultan of Ternate Muhammad Djabir Syah, Sultan of Tidore Zainal Abidin Syah, Salim Adjidjuddin, and Prince M. Nasir (Amal & Djafaar, 2003). The aristocratic political group attempted to develop a state federation system under the Kingdom of the Netherlands as expected by the Dutch General Governor for the Neth- erlands East Indies, van Mook. On the other hand, the non-aristocratic political group was

5. M. Adnan Amal dan Irza Arnyta Djafaar, Maluku Utara: Perjalanan Sejarah 1800–1950, (Ternate: Universitas Khairun, 2003), pp. 88–89. About the short treaties, see A. Dalman, Sejarah Indonesia Abad XIX-Awal Abad XX: Sistem Politik Kolonial dan Adminstrasi Pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda (Yogyakarta: Ombak Press, 2012), p. 83. 6. Syahril Muhammad, Ternate: Sejarah Sosial Ekonomi dan Politik, (Yogyakarta: Ombak Press, 2004).

118 very enthusiastic with the spirit of the nation state of Indonesia and had attempted to make North Maluku as a local government under the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. The debates over the government systems were made in the Denpasar conference on 7–24 December 1946 (Agung, 1985, p. 122). The debates resulted in the establishment of the East- ern Indonesian State, in which North Maluku is a part. The Sultans of Ternate, Tidore, and Bacan were the autonomous rulers of their respective kingdoms. The non-aristocratic political group consistently strived to make North Maluku a part of the local government of the Republic of Indonesia. Accordingly, a demonstration led by a youth figure named Abdjan Soleman was arranged in the visit of the Prime Minister of the Eastern Indonesian State Ida Agung Gde Agung in Ternate on 23 March 1948. The demonstration, held in the form of torch-light rally and a banner, requested the integration of the Eastern Indonesian State to the Republic of Indonesia.7 In response to the development of the Indonesian politics at that time, the Federal State of the Republic of Indonesia was established after an agreement in the Round Table Conference in 1949. North Maluku finally became a part of the Province of Maluku. After the dissolution of the Federal State of Republic of Indonesia in 1950, the government of North Maluku was ruled by the aristocratic board of kingdoms. The resident of North Maluku was the Sultan of Ternate, Muhammad Djabir Syah. Later, there was a propa- ganda by the separatist group to proclaim that the Republic of South Maluku and the Sultan of Ternate, Muhammad Djabir Syah, supported the separatist movement. The government of the Republic of Indonesia then arrested the Sultan of Ternate, Muhammad Djabir Syah, for his support to the separatist movement of the South Maluku Republic. He was exiled to Jakarta (Djafaar, 2005). In Jakarta, the Sultan worked as an employee of the Ministry of Home Affairs. His position as the resident of North Maluku was replaced by the Sultan of Tidore, Zainal Abidin Syah. The Sultan of Tidore, Zainal Abidin Syah, was later appointed as the Governor of West Irian in September 1956, and therefore the residency was assigned to the Sultan of Bacan, Dede Usman Syah. Upon the request of DPRD-GR of North Maluku, the Resident of Ternate brought the North Maluku delegation to Jakarta to reveal the dissolution of the Board of Kings in North Maluku (Muhammad et al., 2015). In 1958, North Maluku covered the territories of the Sultanate of Ternate and the territory of the Sultanate of Bacan was assigned the status of regency, with M.S. Djabir (a non-aristocrat) as the caretaker of the North Maluku Regency. Since then, with the enactment of the Law of 18/1965 concerning the Local Government, the political group of the aristocrats was no longer accommodated in the formal government of North Maluku (see Marbun, 2010, p. 22–23). In the general election of 1955, a number of national and local political parties took part. One of the local political parties, Persatuan Indonesia Raya (PIR), was affiliated to aristocratic interests. The results of the general election were described in a descending order: Masyumi ranked first (39.98%; 117,440 votes), followed by PNI (30,218 votes), Parkindo (18,920 votes), Partai Katolik (18,710 votes) and PSII (11,310 votes) (van Klinken, 2007, p. 184; Muhammad et al., 2005, p. 65). In the general election of 1995 in Ternate, Partai Masyumi remained in the first rank with 51,410 votes, Parkindo 25,594 votes, PIR 17,080 votes, PNI 14,977 votes, PKI 2,729 votes and PSII 571 votes (Muhammad et al., 2015, p. 64–65). The failure of PIR as an aristocrat political party was associated to the detention of the Sultan of Ternate, Muhammad Djabir Syah, by the Government of Jakarta, which might have resulted in the decrease of the number of votes in the traditional territory of the Ternate Sultanate.

3.1.3 Contestation in the new order era The New Order Era was characterized by the absence of aristocratic politics in local and national politics in Indonesia. With the totalitarian system, the politics of New Order has placed the aristocratic politics as a mere auxiliary for stability of power. When Muhammad

7. M. Adnan Amal and Irza Arnyta Djafaar, Op cit, pp. 198–199.

119 Table 1. Composition of representation among the political parties and the armed forces in the local parliaments of the North Maluku regency in the 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997 general elections.

Representation in general election

Political parties and the armed forces 1982 1987 1992 1997

Partai Persatuan Pembangunan 6 5 7 5 Golongan Karya 24 30 26 30 Partai Demokrasi Indonesia 2 1 3 1 ABRI 6 9 9 9 Total 38 45 45 45

Source: Central Bureau of Statistic, North Maluku in Numbers 1999.9

Djabir Syah passed away in 1975, his son Mudafar was appointed as the Sultan of Ternate with the full support of the government. Van Klinken revealed that the Sultan of Ternate Mudafar Syah held the position in Jakarta and was utilized by the government’s political party, Golongan Karya, in each term of the general election by assigning him the role of the vote getter for Golongan Karya (Golkar) in North Maluku.8 Golkar became the majority vote in each general election. The representation of the North Maluku Regency in the general elections during the New Order is presented in Table 1.9 This era was dominated by the non-aristocratic political group, with the fusion of some political parties and screening system during the New Order to secure the development poli- cies and political stability. The political contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups has been apparent because the role of the aristocratic group is merely seen at the elite level. This is visible in the appointment of the Sultan of Ternate, Mudafar Syah as a member of DPRD (local parliament) of Maluku Province for the period of 1971–1977, the Chairman of Regional Board of Golkar in North Maluku for the period of 1997–1998, and a member of the local representatives of MPR (Supreme People Assembly) for the period of 1998–2002.10

3.1.4 Contestation in the reformation era This era is characterized by the revitalization of the aristocratic politics through the establishment of Partai Demokrasi Kebangsaan. Sultans were elected to become legislative members of DPR-RI (Indonesian House of Representatives) from this political party. This party has also successfully put his two representatives at DPRD (local parliament) of North Maluku Province in the 2004 general election. Van Klinken defined this era as the revitalization of Sultans in their communitarian movement. In North Maluku in 1999, Djafar Syah was reap- pointed as the Sultan of Tidore after the long hiatus since 1968 after the death of Zainal Abidin Syah. Meanwhile, at the initial phase of the Reformation era, the Sultan of Bacan, Gahral Syah, was appointed as the Regent of North Maluku. The Sultan of Tidore, Djafar Syah, was elected as the representative in DPD-RI (Indonesian senate) in the 2004 general election. The contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups was also characterized by the contestation of the governmental form of the North Maluku Province that has been proposed since the end of the New Order era (1998–1999). The aristocratic political group expected to establish the province with a special status, while the non-aristocratic

8. van Klinken, Gerry, Perang Kota Kecil: Kekerasan Komunal dan Demokratisasi di Indonesia, (Jakarta: KITLV-Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 2007), p. 190. 9. Central Bureau of Statistics North Maluku Regency, Maluku Utara dalam Angka 1999, (Ternate, BPS North Maluku Regency, 1999), pp. 30–31. 10. See the article of Inilah Kisah Panjang Gonjang Ganjing Kesultanan Ternate, accessed from www. satumaluku.com on 14 February 2016 at 10.20 EIT.

120 political group expected otherwise (Muhammad et al., 2015; van Klinken, 2007, p. 188). The non-aristocratic group worried that with a special status, the Sultan would become the Gov- ernor. Supported by the national government Law of 46/1999, the province was established without any special status. This examination has shown that the contestation between the aristocratic and non- aristocratic groups derives from the ideology. At the initial phase of the government of the Republic of Indonesia, the ideological contestation between federalism and unitarianism had influenced the political dynamics in North Maluku (Amal & Djafaar, 2003). The aristocratic group, with the political culture of confederation in the government’s history, strived to establish a federal state as they considered it the best form for Indonesia. Equality and autonomy at the local government have characterized the political interests of the aristocratic group in North Maluku. On the other hand, the nationalist group, with the spirit of a new nation state, preferred the unitary state. This was due to the fact that after the Independence Day and World War II, the Indonesian national politics was influenced by the emergence of the nation state, which was popular among Indonesia’s new generation of intellectuals (Kahin, 2013, p. 657–658). The political contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic group was enhanced at the end of the New Order era and the initial phase of the Reformation era through the transparency in Indonesian politics, particularly in the development process of the North Maluku province. The idea of establishing the province with a special status was challenged by the non-aristocratic group. The non-aristocratic group preferred the more equal democratic system of the local government, while the aristocratic group preferred a special status in the Indonesian local governments. The dispute ended when the Province of North Maluku was established without any special status under the presidency of B.J. Habibie.

3.2 The role of aristocratic politics in local politics in North Maluku under the 2014 general election The aristocratic politics in North Maluku in the reformation era has participated in the political mechanism in Indonesia. Family members of the aristocratic groups strived to become members of political parties. Alternatively, they expected to be requested by the political parties to become representatives of local parliaments. Several members of aristocratic families who dispersed in several regencies/cities in North Maluku were then elected as representatives at the regency or province level. Based on the results of the 2014 general election, the members of aristocratic families of the Sultanate of Ternate, Sultanate of Tidore and Sultanate of Bacan who were elected as the members of local parliaments are described in Table 2. The aforementioned Table 2 reveals that the two regencies had no representatives from the aristocratic clan in the local legislative. They were the West Halmahera and the East Halmahera regencies. In the West Halmahera regency, there was such an aristocratic clan like Kaicil. In general, all descendants of the Sultan have the clan name Dano (Djoko et al., 2001). However, due to the long hiatus of the Sultanate of Jailolo since the 19th century, the aristocratic clan in the West Halmahera had stopped using the aristocratic clan. This is also the case for the East Halmahera regency whose territory is far from the center of the traditional government of the Sultanate of Tidore. Therefore, the people there no longer use the aristocratic clan. In other words, both regencies have representatives of aristocratic clan in the local parliament. It is understandable since the West Halmahera Regency is the center of the Sultanate of Jailolo which was revitalized in the reformation era with the appointment of the Sultan of Jailolo (Abdullah Syah). The representation of the aristocratic clan in local parliament shows their participations in the local development and governance through their legislative func- tion in creating a well-organized society. After the reformation, the election of the legislative members has been based on the pragmatic behavior instead of ideology (Noor, 2014, p. 63). Mujani and Lidlle even revealed that their election was influenced by factors such as figures and close relationship to particular political parties (in Aspinall & Mietzner, 2010, p. 75–99). In the 2009 general election, Mujani and Liddle said that the election was influenced by mass 121 Table 2. Representation of the aristocratic clan in the local legislatives of North Maluku in the 2014 general election.

Number of representatives Local legislatives Figures Political parties in DPRD

Ternate City Azizah Fabanyo PAN 30 Sudin Dero PDI Perjuangan Tidore Archipelago City Ahmad Laiman PDI Perjuangan 25 Ridwan Moh. Yamin P. Demokrat A Karim Togubu P. Hati Nurani Rakyat North Halmahera Regency Fahmi Djuba PPP 25 West Halmahera Regency – – 25 East Halmahera Regency – – 20 Central Halmahera Regency Asrul Alting PDI Perjuangan 20 Zulkifli Alting P. Hanura Rusmini Sadaralam PDI Perjuangan South Halmahera Regency Anwar Abusama P. Keadilan Sejahtera 25 Muhammad Abusama P. Golkar Arsad Sadik Sangaji P. Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia Sula Archipelago Regency Ihsan Umaternate P. Golkar 25 Helman Umanahu P. Demokrat Jufri Umasugi PDI Perjuangan Julfi Umasangaji P. Demokrat Morotai Island Regency M. Rasmin Fabanyo P. Keadilan Sejahtera 20 M. Ali Sangaji P. Golkar North Maluku Province Rais Sahan Marsaoly P. Nasdem 45 Fahri K. Sangaji P. Demokrat Umar Alting P. Hanura Syahril I. Marsaoli P. Bulan Bintang

Source: KPU (General Election Commission) of the North Maluku Province.

media and the candidate’s capability. Furthermore, Ufen said that the behavior of voters in Indonesia is also influenced by money politics and commercialization of candidates by political parties.11 Concerning the candidates’ profiles and capabilities that have made the aristocratic clan members get elected in the 2014 general election in North Maluku, Mochtar Umamit explained that in the culture of the Sula Island, the aristocratic clans have their own figures.12 With such charismatic figure and good capability, members of the aristocratic clan may be elected into the local legislative at another region. Therefore, the candidates’ profiles from the aristocratic group in North Maluku are closely related to the local political culture. Aris- tocratic family members in a particular region are more likely to become the patron in the society, and therefore, they are more likely to be elected as parliament members. The people from the kingdom characterized by their patron-client relationship have a great influence on the candidates’ capability and electability among the aristocratic clan members. However, the number of the aristocratic clan members elected in the local parliament in the 2014 general election was relatively minor. This is due to the fact that the people of North

11. Andreas Ufen, Electoral Campaigning in Indonesia: The Professionalization and Commercialization after 1998, in Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 29, 4, 11–37, accessed from www.Current- SoutheastAsianAffairs.org on 30 June 2016, at 18.15 EIT. 12. Interview with Mochtar Umamit, member of aristocratic clan from Sula Islands, part of aristocratic clan of Ternate Sultanate, on 24 August 2016.

122 Maluku are influenced by a number of ideologies such as reformistic Islam (egalitarian) and traditional Islam (van Klinken, 2007, p. 194). In addition, ethnics and religions also influence the general election in North Maluku (Ahmad, 2012). Therefore, aristocratic politics still has adequate opportunity in the local politics of North Maluku, since both ideology and local political culture characterized by patron-client relationship facilitate the election of aristocratic clan members in each general election in North Maluku.

4 CONCLUSION

Contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups in local politics in North Maluku is influenced by egalitarian ideology and local political culture. Egalitarian ideology has resulted in the polarization of political ideology in preference for the establishment of either the federal state as proposed by the aristocratic group, or the Unitarian state as proposed by the non-aristocratic group during the initial phase of Indonesia’s independence. Democracy that reflects political equality and freedom has been adopted by the non-aristocratic group, while federal political culture in the statecraft of kingdoms in North Maluku has influenced the aristocrats’ political behavior. Contestation between the aristocratic and non-aristocratic groups after the reformation era has opened up political transparency in Indonesia, that is the establishment of the North Maluku Province, either with or without special status. The aristocratic group prefers the province with special status, while the non-aristocratic group prefers the province without special status. In the end, the province was established without special status. The aristocratic members are likely to be elected in the local politics of North Maluku and national politics of Indonesia, because in the local political culture characterized by patron-client relationship, aristocratic figures have been put as the patrons in the society, and therefore are more likely to be elected either in local or national representatives in each general election. This study has shown that political ideology still influences the North Maluku political behavior, although Firman Noor (2014, p. 63) stated that political ideology has been replaced by pragmatism in Indonesia, because it is influenced by the local political culture and the patron-client relationship.

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