Making Post-Violence Reconciliation Succeed
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Northern Ireland Peace Initiative
Northern Ireland Peace Initiative JOURNEY TO BELFAST AND LONDON Report and Policy Recommendations by William J. Flynn and George D. Schwab February 1999 Contents • Acknowledgment • Foreword • Policy Recommendations • From Hate to Hope • Conclusion ACKNOWLEDGMENT At the invitation of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a National Committee on American Foreign Policy mission consisting of William J. Flynn, chairman, and George D. Schwab, president, spent a week (November 2-7, 1998) in Belfast discussing the peace process in Northern Ireland and in London where we also discussed U.S. and British global security interests with leading statesmen, politicians, diplomats, and academics. The meetings took place at Stormont Estate, 10 Downing Street, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the House of Commons, think tanks, and the American embassy in London, among other sites. Before embarking, Dr. Schwab was briefed at the State Department by James I. Gadsden, deputy assistant secretary of state for European and Canadian affairs; James M. Lyons, special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; Katharine E. Koch, special assistant, office of the special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; and Patricia Nelson-Douvelis, Ireland desk officer. Although this report and the policy recommendations it contains focus on Northern Ireland, the material gathered on U.S. and British national security interests will be incorporated in relevant NCAFP publications, including those forthcoming on NATO and the Middle East. The sensitivity of some of the issues discussed led a number of people to request that they not be quoted by name or identified in other ways. -
“A Peace of Sorts”: a Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn Mcnamara
“A Peace of Sorts”: A Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn McNamara A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy, Australian National University, March 2017 Declaration ii Acknowledgements I would first like to thank Professor Nicholas Brown who agreed to supervise me back in October 2014. Your generosity, insight, patience and hard work have made this thesis what it is. I would also like to thank Dr Ben Mercer, your helpful and perceptive insights not only contributed enormously to my thesis, but helped fund my research by hiring and mentoring me as a tutor. Thank you to Emeritus Professor Elizabeth Malcolm whose knowledge and experience thoroughly enhanced this thesis. I could not have asked for a better panel. I would also like to thank the academic and administrative staff of the ANU’s School of History for their encouragement and support, in Monday afternoon tea, seminars throughout my candidature and especially useful feedback during my Thesis Proposal and Pre-Submission Presentations. I would like to thank the McClay Library at Queen’s University Belfast for allowing me access to their collections and the generous staff of the Linen Hall Library, Belfast City Library and Belfast’s Newspaper Library for all their help. Also thanks to my local libraries, the NLA and the ANU’s Chifley and Menzies libraries. A big thank you to Niamh Baker of the BBC Archives in Belfast for allowing me access to the collection. I would also like to acknowledge Bertie Ahern, Seán Neeson and John Lindsay for their insightful interviews and conversations that added a personal dimension to this thesis. -
Dealing with the Past in Northern Ireland
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 26, Issue 4 2002 Article 9 Dealing With the Past in Northern Ireland Christine Bell∗ ∗ Copyright c 2002 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Dealing With the Past in Northern Ireland Christine Bell Abstract This Article “audits” Northern Ireland’s discrete mechanisms for dealing with the past, with a view to exploring the wider transitional justice debates. An assessment of what has been done so far is vital to considering what the goals of addressing the past might be, what future developments are useful or required, and what kind of mechanisms might successfully be employed in achieving those goals. DEALING WITH THE PAST IN NORTHERN IRELAND Christine Bell* INTRODUCTION The term "transitional justice" has increasingly been used to consider how governments in countries emerging from deeply rooted conflict address the legacy of past human rights viola- tions.' While the term has a pedigree dating back to the Nuremburg Tribunals, three contemporary factors have reinvig- orated interest.2 The first factor is the prevalence of negotiated agreements as the preferred way of resolving internal conflicts. Premised on some degree of compromise between those who were engaged militarily in the conflict, these compromises affect whether and how the past is dealt with. As Huyse notes, the wid- est scope for prosecutions arises in the case of an overthrow or "victory" where virtually no political limits on retributive punish- * Professor Bell is the Chair in Public International Law, Transitional Justice Insti- tute, School of Law, University of Ulster, and a former member of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission. -
The Story of BBC News in Northern Ireland
chronicle The Story of BBC News in Northern Ireland GEN72252 BBC BOOKLET ST8 FINAL.indd 2 19/02/2009 19:54 GEN72252 BBC BOOKLET ST8 FINAL.indd 2 19/02/2009 19:54 Issues, Dilemmas The existence of an online accompaniment and Opportunities to this initiative is an indication of how much has changed in recent decades. Our platforms “The future is not just an extension of the past: for communication are now vastly different something new enters in.” and significantly more diverse. We have made the transition from black and white to colour (John Updike: Due Considerations) pictures and from mute film to high definition digital images. Limited local programming on The appointment of the BBC’s first television the Home Service has been succeeded by BBC journalist at Broadcasting House in Belfast was Radio Ulster and Radio Foyle and Ceefax is a significant development in 1955. In those today complemented by a range of interactive days, Northern Ireland was seen as something television services. Satellite connections, mobile of a provincial backwater where not very much telephony and the internet have become happened. Within a relatively short period almost commonplace and citizen journalism (in of time that image and everyday life were to all its different forms) is an increasing part of change in ways which would have far-reaching the BBC’s output. social, political and editorial consequences. Chronicle highlights some of the issues and Throughout the Troubles the BBC’s Belfast dilemmas which have shaped BBC journalism newsroom was a crowded, and sometimes and the audience it serves. -
Parliament and Northern Ireland, 1921-2021
BRIEFING PAPER Number CBP-8884, 21 December 2020 Parliament and Northern By David Torrance Ireland, 1921-2021 Contents: 1. Introduction 2. Historical background 3. Parliament of Northern Ireland 4. Northern Ireland, 1921-39 5. “Matters arising from a state of war”, 1939-45 6. Post-war Northern Ireland, 1945-50 7. Northern Ireland, 1950-66 8. The 1920 Act under pressure, 1966-72 9. Direct Rule, 1972-79 10. Northern Ireland, 1979-99 11. Northern Ireland, 1999-2021 Appendix 1: Government of Ireland Act 1920 timeline Appendix 2: Political leaders in Northern Ireland Appendix 3: Selected bibliography www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Parliament and Northern Ireland, 1921-2021 Contents 1. Introduction 6 2. Historical background 8 2.1 Third Home Rule Bill 8 2.2 Origins of partition 9 2.3 Government of Ireland Act 1914 11 2.4 New proposals 12 2.5 Government of Ireland Bill 14 2.6 An Act to “provide for the better Government of Ireland” 16 Powers 17 Restrictions 19 Financial provisions 19 Refusal to work the Act 20 Sovereignty 20 2.7 The 1920 Act as a “constitution” 21 2.8 Creating the new “state” 21 2.9 Elections to the Northern Parliament 23 2.10 First meetings of Parliament 24 State opening 25 2.11 Parliament of Southern Ireland 26 2.12 Negotiations 27 2.13 Anglo-Irish Treaty 29 2.14 The Irish Free State and “Ulster Month” 31 3. Parliament of Northern Ireland 34 3.1 House of Commons 34 3.2 Senate of Northern Ireland 36 3.3 Governor of Northern Ireland 37 3.4 Privy Council and Great Seal of Northern Ireland 40 3.5 Stormont 41 3.6 Royal Courts of Justice 43 3.7 Northern Ireland Civil Service 44 3.8 Representation at Westminster 46 3.9 Northern Ireland MPs at Westminster 46 3.10 Irish Boundary Commission, 1924-25 47 3.11 Changes to Royal Titles 50 4. -
Consultative Group on the Past 2 REPORT of the Consultative Group on the Past REPORT of the Consultative Group on the Past 3
REPORT OF THE Consultative Group on the Past 2 REPORT OF THE Consultative Group on the Past REPORT OF THE Consultative Group on the Past 3 Presented to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in accordance with the Terms of Reference given to the Consultative Group on the Past on 22 June 2007. 23 January 2009 4 REPORT OF THE Consultative Group on the Past “To look backward for a while is to refresh the eye, to restore it, and to render it more fit for its prime function of looking forward.” Margaret Fairless Barber (b. 1869, d. 1901) CONTENTS Index 6 CONTENTS | REPORT OF THE Consultative Group on the Past CONTENTS | List of Abbreviations 12 Foreword by the Co-Chairs of the Consultative Group on the Past 14 Summary of Main Recommendations 16 Executive Summary 22 SECTION 1 Work of the Group and a Road Map for the Future CHAPTER 1 | The Work of the Group The Consultative Group on the Past 44 Membership of the Consultative Group 44 The Group’s Engagement with Society 45 The Landscape of Initiatives 47 CHAPTER 2 | Developing a Road Map for the Future The Group’s Guiding Principles 49 The Conflict 51 The Past 51 Remembrance for Reconciliation 53 Reconciliation, Truth and Forgiveness 54 Information and Truth 56 The Principle of Justice 57 REPORT OF THE Consultative Group on the Past CONTENTS | 7 SECTION 2 The Legacy of the Conflict CHAPTER 3 | The Conflict and the Impact on Society Overview 60 The Facts and Figures 60 Defining the Impact on Society 62 Understanding Perspectives 65 The Ongoing Conflict: 66 Victims Issues ‘Ulsterisation’ of -
Introduction: a New Departure 1 the Background to the Peace Process
Notes Introduction: a New Departure 1. Analysis of these peace processes is provided in John Darby and James Rae, 'Peace Processes from 1988-1998: Changing Patterns', Ethnic Studies Report, XLII, 1 (January 1999). 2. The renewed UN involvement in peacekeeping is associated with the need to deal with severe violence before proceeding to a settlement, in Bosnia, Kosovo, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo and East Timor. 3. In each area under study a distinguished academic or team monitored the peace process as it evolved or collapsed over a two-year period. All were work ing to an agreed methodology, which made allowances for local differences. The partners participating in the study with John Darby and Roger Mac Ginty were Pierre van der Post du Toit, University of Stellenbosch; Tamar Hermann, Tami Steinmetz Centre, Tel Aviv University and David Newman, Ben Gurion University; Ludger Mees, Universidad del Pais Vasco-Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Bilbao; and Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo. 4. G.K. Chesterton, The Napoleon of Notting Hill (London: The Bodley Head, 1904), p.4. 5. Following the conservative/Conservative convention, unionist will be taken to mean unionism and unionists in general, while Unionist will refer to the largest unionist political party, the Ulster Unionist Party. 6. The front cover of Fortnight magazine (September 1989) shows a picture of a child holding a replica gun accompanied by the headline 'And now for the next thirty years'. 7. Neither a borrower or a lender be for loan oft loses both itself and friend, and borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry William Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act 1, Scene 3, line 75 1 The background to the peace process 1. -
Struggling for Reparations in Northern Ireland
Struggling for Reparations in Northern Ireland Moffett, L. (2020). Struggling for Reparations in Northern Ireland. In Reparations for Victims of Genocide, War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity: Systems in Place and Systems in the Making (Second ed.) Published in: Reparations for Victims of Genocide, War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity: Systems in Place and Systems in the Making Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2019 Brill. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:28. Sep. 2021 Struggling for Reparations in Northern Ireland Luke Moffett* Reparations are considered a key part in remedying gross violations of human rights and finding a political settlement to violent pasts in many transitional societies. -
The Cost of the Troubles Study
Final Report The Cost of the Troubles Study Unit 14 North City Business Centre Duncairn Gardens, Belfast BT 15 2GG April 1999 The Cost of the Troubles Study Final Report Table of contents Section Page Executive Summary Project Structure Board of Directors Advisory Group Funding Political Climate Office Base Staff at the Cost of the Troubles Study Staff Support and Training Projects Dissemination of research findings Outreach Work International Work Evaluation 2 The Cost of the Troubles Study Final Report Executive summary · Background to the Project After the ceasefires from 1994 onwards, a group of people from all sections of the population in Northern Ireland who had direct experience of being bereaved or injured in the Troubles were brought together to discuss their contribution to the new political situation. The widespread determination to have violence permanently ended seemed to be based on the unspoken recognition of the damage done by the violence of the Troubles. This group formed 'The Cost of the Troubles Study', which became a limited company and a recognised charity. In partnership with academic researchers from the university sector, a study of the effects of the Troubles on the population was planned and initiated. The research is conducted in line with participatory action research principles. This means that the management structure involves a range of people with direct experience of the effects of the Troubles. · Board of Directors The Board of Directors was the executive body who ran the project. The Board met roughly on the monthly basis, and the Chairperson regularly called in to the office to keep in touch with the issues on an ongoing basis. -
Garret Fitzgerald Papers Minister for Foreign Affairs, 1973–77 P215 Ucd
GARRET FITZGERALD PAPERS MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, 1973–77 P215 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 2009 University College Dublin. All Rights Reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Biographical History iv Archival History v CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vi System of Arrangement vii CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access viii Language viii Finding Aid viii DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note viii ALLIED MATERIALS Published and Archival Material viii iii Biographical history Born in 1926, the fourth son of Desmond FitzGerald, a veteran of the 1916 rebellion who served as Minister for External Affairs and Minister for Defence in the first post-independence Irish governments, a poet, philosopher and friend of Ezra Pound, and Mabel FitzGerald [née McConnell] a Belfast Presbyterian who acted for periods as secretary to George Bernard Shaw and George Moore. Educated at Belvedere and UCD where he took a double first in History and French and met his future wife, Joan O’Farrell. He was called to the Bar in 1947 but never practiced, taking up employment at the beginning of that year with Aer Lingus where he was involved centrally in the development of the national airline. He also developed a profile in journalism, writing and lecturing on economic matters in particular. By early 1958 he had left Aer Lingus to pursue a career as an economic journalist, lecturer and consultant, acting at various times over the next fifteen years as inter alia the Financial Times correspondent in Dublin, a lecturer in economics in University College Dublin, a weekly columnist for the Irish Times, representative in Dublin of the BBC and the Economist, and economic consultant to a wide variety of state and private enterprises. -
Fifth Report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life Chairman: Lord Neill of Bladen, QC
72858-COI-1-14 Party Funding 5/10/98 10:46 am Page i Fifth Report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life Chairman: Lord Neill of Bladen, QC Standards in Public Life The Funding of Political Parties in the United Kingdom Volume 1: Report Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister by Command of Her Majesty October 1998 Cm 4057–I £19.70 i 72858-COI-1-14 Party Funding 5/10/98 10:46 am Page ii The Seven Principles of Public Life Selflessness Holders of public office should take decisions solely in terms of the public interest. They should not do so in order to gain financial or other material benefits for themselves, their family, or their friends. Integrity Holders of public office should not place themselves under any financial or other obligation to outside individuals or organisations that might influence them in the performance of their official duties. Objectivity In carrying out public business, including making public appointments, awarding contracts, or recommending individuals for rewards and benefits, holders of public office should make choices on merit. Accountability Holders of public office are accountable for their decisions and actions to the public and must submit themselves to whatever scrutiny is appropriate to their office. Openness Holders of public office should be as open as possible about all the decisions and actions that they take. They should give reasons for their decisions and restrict information only when the wider public interest clearly demands. Honesty Holders of public office have a duty to declare any private interests relating to their public duties and to take steps to resolve any conflicts arising in a way that protects the public interest. -
Commemorating the Troubles in Northern Ireland
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2007, volume 25, pages 476 ^ 495 DOI:10.1068/d70j The legacies of the dead: commemorating the Troubles in Northern Ireland Brian Graham School of Environmental Sciences, University of Ulster, Cromore Road, Coleraine BT52 1SA, Northern Ireland; e-mail: [email protected] Yvonne Whelan School of Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol, University Road, Bristol BS8 1SS, England; e-mail: [email protected] Received 21 April 2005; in revised form 19 September 2005; published online 23 March 2007 Abstract. The Belfast Agreement of 1998, which initiated the so-called Peace Process in Northern Ireland, was fashioned so as to avoid creating mechanisms for addressing the legacy of the past, not least the commemoration of the fatalities of the Troubles which began in 1969. In this paper we explore, first, the role of the past and practices of commemoration in unagreed societies such as Northern Ireland in which consensus appears an unlikely proposition, the focus being on inclusion and exclusion and on the role of the contested nature of a hierarchical victimhood in commemoration. Second, the discussion engages with a succession of interconnected ideas that define the spatiality and landscapes of commemoration and considers the practices and spatialization of commemorating the Troubles within the grounded reality of everyday life and within the pragmatism of politics in Northern Ireland. We argue that processes of remembering and forgetting the dead of the Troubles point, at best, to a democracy shaped by `conflictual consensus', in which the contested heritage of victimhood both constitutes an important resource in ethnonationalist and ethnosectarian politics and undermines the consociational Belfast Agreement and its attempt to elide the burdens of the past.