Herennius Philo and the Dilemma of Lexicography
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Theokritos' 'Idyll 7': Evidence for the Value of the Cult of Demeter to Kos Naomi R. Kaloudis (University of Missouri, Columbia)
Theokritos' 'Idyll 7': Evidence for the Value of the Cult of Demeter to Kos Naomi R. Kaloudis (University of Missouri, Columbia) My paper will focus on the period around Kos’ synoikism in 366 BCE and Demeter’s importance to its inhabitants at this time. Reasons for her status on Kos are many: her position as a healing goddess, the constant concern for a fruitful crop, and the uneasy climate around the period of Kos’ synoikism. Mausolos’ recent synoikism of Caria created much anxiety for the Koans and possibly caused Kos to move its capital from the western part of the island to the eastern. I propose that the Koans looked to the cult of Demeter for stability and protection during this time of unrest. The Thesmophoria was important on Kos and is attested to in both archaeological and literary evidence. Her priestesses had much affluence in the community and this is witnessed in both honorary and dedicatory sculpture and inscriptions starting in the Late Classical period. One inscription in particular set up by the priestess Aischron associates Demeter’s mystery cult to her role in safeguarding her worshippers. Likewise, the Hellenistic poet Theokritos recorded a journey taken by suppliants of Demeter to celebrate her harvest festival in Idyll 7. This idyll continues a tradition of Demeter worship that was first documented by Philitas in his poem Demeter; and they both highlight many aspects of her Koan cult with a focus on her medicinal and agricultural aspects. In summary, the protection, security, and healing aspects that surround Demeter’s mystery cult compelled the Koans to seek her aid as documented by the priestesses and poets. -
Mihi Blanditias Dixit: the Puella As Poet in Amores 3.7 in Amores 3.7, Ovid
Mihi blanditias dixit: the Puella as Poet in Amores 3.7 In Amores 3.7, Ovid describes the lover-poet in a difficult position: he has been unable to achieve an erection while trying sleep with a beautiful puella. The poem describes her repeated attempts to excite him and their mutual frustration at her lack of success, until she finally scolds him and walks away. I argue that Ovid describes the unnamed puella as a failed elegist in this poem, and that her failure is part of a broader pattern of disengagement from elegy in the third book of the Amores. Amores 3.7 has received relatively little scholarly attention, as only four articles focus on this poem. Baeza Angulo compares Amores 3.7 with other ancient literature on impotence (1989), Mauger-Plichon examines the poem alongside parts of the Satyrica and Maximianus 5 (1999), and Holzberg argues that Ovid almost breaches the propriety of elegiac diction in Amores 3.7 (2009). I build on Sharrock’s 1995 article, which presents a metapoetic reading of the poem: that Ovid blurs the line between sex and poetry in Amores 3.7, allowing the reader to interpret the lover-poet’s impotence not just as literal, but also as poetic. I focus on the puella’s role as a poet, rather than on the amator, and therefore also engage with Wyke’s (e.g. 1987) and James’ (2003) discussions of the elegiac mistress as a poetic fiction, as well as Keith’s examination of elegiac language used to describe Corinna in Amores 1.5 (1994). -
Macedonian Kings, Egyptian Pharaohs the Ptolemaic Family In
Department of World Cultures University of Helsinki Helsinki Macedonian Kings, Egyptian Pharaohs The Ptolemaic Family in the Encomiastic Poems of Callimachus Iiro Laukola ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be publicly discussed, by due permission of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Helsinki in auditorium XV, University Main Building, on the 23rd of September, 2016 at 12 o’clock. Helsinki 2016 © Iiro Laukola 2016 ISBN 978-951-51-2383-1 (paperback.) ISBN 978-951-51-2384-8 (PDF) Unigrafia Helsinki 2016 Abstract The interaction between Greek and Egyptian cultural concepts has been an intense yet controversial topic in studies about Ptolemaic Egypt. The present study partakes in this discussion with an analysis of the encomiastic poems of Callimachus of Cyrene (c. 305 – c. 240 BC). The success of the Ptolemaic Dynasty is crystallized in the juxtaposing of the different roles of a Greek ǴdzȅǻǽǷȏȄ and of an Egyptian Pharaoh, and this study gives a glimpse of this political and ideological endeavour through the poetry of Callimachus. The contribution of the present work is to situate Callimachus in the core of the Ptolemaic court. Callimachus was a proponent of the Ptolemaic rule. By reappraising the traditional Greek beliefs, he examined the bicultural rule of the Ptolemies in his encomiastic poems. This work critically examines six Callimachean hymns, namely to Zeus, to Apollo, to Artemis, to Delos, to Athena and to Demeter together with the Victory of Berenice, the Lock of Berenice and the Ektheosis of Arsinoe. Characterized by ambiguous imagery, the hymns inspect the ruptures in Greek thought during the Hellenistic age. -
Robert Wallace's Publications
Publications: Books, single author 1. Reconstructing Damon. Music, Wisdom Teaching, and Politics in Perikles’ Athens. forthcoming 2013, Oxford University Press (UK) 2. The Areopagos Council, to 307 B.C., The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore MD, 1989, xvii + 294 pages. Winner of the Gustave O. Arlt Award in the Humanities, awarded by the Council of Graduate Schools, 1988. Reviews : Gnomon 69 (1997) 76-78 W. Schuller; Aevum 66 (1992) 178-180 L. Pignoloni; Rechtshist. Journ. 10 (1991) 8-11 D. Cohen; Amer. Hist. Rev. 96 (1991) 487 R. Garner; Class. World 84 (1991) 416-417 R. Moorton; Journ. Hell. Stud. 110 (1990) 252-253 R. Knox; Class. Rev. 40 (1990) 356-358 D. Lewis; Gr.& R. 37 (1990) 242 P. Rhodes; Amer. Journ. Philol. 111 (1990) 410-414 E. Carawan; New Engl. Class. Newsl. & Journ., May 1990, 35-36 D. Held; History 1989, pp. 129-130 P. Krentz; Choice 26-5503 (June 1989) P. Mitsis. Book, co-authored 3. Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, by Kurt A. Raaflaub, Josiah Ober, and Robert W. Wallace, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles 2007, pp. xi + 242; paperback ed. 2008. Reviews: Bryn Mawr Cl. Rev. (Rhodes), Class. Rev. 58 (2008) 513-14 (Christ), HistLit 5 (2007) 66-68 (Bernett), Sehepunkt 7 (2007) 10 (Welwei), HistLit 5 (2007) 66-68 (Bernett), Gnomon 80 (2008) 704-708 (Walter), HistZeitschr. 285 (2007) 684-686 (Schubert), Eirene 45 (2009) 181-182 (Oliva); Perspectives on Politics 7 (2009) 950-951 (Saxonhouse), Hermathena 186 (2009) 91-95 (Champion) 3a. Le origini della democrazia nell'antica Grecia, Ariele Press, Milan, 2011. -
On the Anatolian Origin of Ancient Greek Σίδη
GRAECO-LATINA BRUNENSIA 19, 2014, 2 KRZYSZTOF TOMASZ WITCZAK (UNIVERSITY OF ŁÓDŹ) MAŁGORZATA ZADKA (UNIVERSITY OF WROCŁAW) ON THE ANATOLIAN ORIGIN OF ANCIENT GREEK ΣΊΔΗ The comparison of Greek words for ‘pomegranate, Punica granatum L.’ (Gk. σίδᾱ, σίδη, σίβδᾱ, σίβδη, ξίμβᾱ f.) with Hittite GIŠšaddu(wa)- ‘a kind of fruit-tree’ indi- cates a possible borrowing of the Greek forms from an Anatolian source. Key words: Greek botanical terminology, pomegranate, borrowings, Anatolian languages. In this article we want to continue the analysis initiated in our article An- cient Greek σίδη as a Borrowing from a Pre-Greek Substratum (WITCZAK – ZADKA 2014: 113–126). The Greek word σίδη f. ‘pomegranate’ is attested in many dialectal forms, which differ a lot from each other what cause some difficulties in determining the possible origin of σίδη. The phonetic struc- ture of the word without a doubt is not of Hellenic origin and it is rather a loan word. It also seems to be related to some Anatolian forms, but this similarity corresponds to a lack of the exact attested words for ‘pomegran- ate’ in Anatolian languages. 1. A Semitic hypothesis No Semitic explanation of Gk. σίδη is possible. The Semitic term for ‘pomegranate’, *rimān-, is perfectly attested in Assyrian armânu, Akka- dian lurmu, Hebrew rimmōn, Arabic rummān ‘id.’1, see also Egyptian (NK) 1 A Semitic name appears in the codex Parisinus Graecus 2419 (26, 18): ποϊρουμάν · ἡ ῥοιά ‘pomegranate’ (DELATTE 1930: 84) < Arabic rummān ‘id.’. This Byzantine 132 KRZYSZTOF TOMASZ WITCZAK, MAŁGORZATA ZADKA rrm.t ‘a kind of fruit’, Coptic erman, herman ‘pomegranate’ (supposedly from Afro-Asiatic *riman- ‘fruit’, esp. -
Hellenistic Poetry Before Callimachus an Enquiry Into Two Lost Generations University of Liverpool, 14-15 June 2016
Hellenistic Poetry Before Callimachus An Enquiry Into Two Lost Generations University of Liverpool, 14-15 June 2016 Ewen Bowie (Oxford) Pauline LeVen (Yale) School of the Arts Library Benjamin Cartlidge (Oxford) Enrico Magnelli (Florence) 19 Abercromby Square Martine Cuypers (TCD) Thomas Nelson (Cambridge) Marco Fantuzzi (Macerata) Maria Noussia (Thessaloniki) L69 7ZG Liverpool Lucia Floridi (Milan) S. Douglas Olson (Freiburg) Marco Perale Annette Harder (Groningen) Peter Parsons (Oxford) [email protected] Richard Hunter (Cambridge) Marco Perale (Liverpool) Guendalina Taietti Gregory Hutchinson (Oxford) K. Spanoudakis (Rethymno) [email protected] Jan Kwapisz (Warsaw) Guenda Taietti (Liverpool) Jan Kwapisz Rebecca Lämmle (Basel) Agnieszka Toma (Wrocław) [email protected] Hellenistic Poetry before Callimachus An international conference at the University of Liverpool 14-15 June 2016 You who walk past my tomb, know that I am son and father of Callimachus of Cyrene. You must know both: the one led his country’s forces once, the other sang beyond the reach of envy. Callimachus, Epigram 21 Pf., tr. F.J. Nisetich Callimachus’ epitaph for the tomb of his father is notorious for how perplexingly little it says about the deceased. We are told neither his name nor profession, whereas the name that resounds loud and clear is that of the author of the epigram. This is a measure of how Callimachus outshone his father. The Greeks may have found delight in being defeated by their children (cf. Pl. Mx. 247a), yet we are less impressed. Even for the sake of Callimachus himself, would it not be rewarding to know who his father was? The epigram illustrates the broader problem we have with the poet’s closest literary ancestors. -
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Miguel Valério University of Barcelona; [email protected] ̔ΌЁΙΓΖΒΘΚ and word-initial lambdacism in Anatolian Greek The lexical pair formed by Mycenaean da-pu(2)-ri-to- and later Greek ΦΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ presents a contrast between Linear B d and alphabetical Φ in a position where one would expect to find a similar sound represented. This orthographic inconsistency has been taken as a synchronic fluctuation between /d/ and /l/, both optimal adaptations of what is assumed to be a non- Greek (Minoan) sound in da-pu(2)-ri-to-. In turn, it has been proposed that this “special” and wholly theoretical sound, which according to some suggestions was a coronal fricative, was behind the Linear A d series. Here it is argued that there is actually no evidence that /d/ and /l/ alternated synchronically in Mycenaean Greek, and that therefore the /l-/ of ΦΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ is more likely the result of a later shift. Starting from this premise, it is hypothesized that ΦΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ derives from a form closer to Mycenaean da-pu(2)-ri-to-, an unattested *ΟΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ, that underwent a shift /d-/ > /l-/ in Southern or Western Anatolia. The pro- posed motivation is the influence of some local Anatolian language that prohibited /d/ word- initially. The same development is considered for ΦηίΧ and ΦϲάΥΩΫ, which Hesychius glossed as Pergaean (Pamphylian) forms of standard Greek ΟηίΧ ‘sweet bay’ and ΟϲάΥΩΫ ‘discus, quoit’, and possibly also for the Cimmerian personal name Dugdammê/̥ВΞΟΜ÷ΤΫ. Of course, this hypothesis has implications for our perception of the Linear A d series and certain open questions that concern the Aegean-Cypriot syllabaries. -
ELEGY 397 ( ); K. Strecker, “Leoninische Hexameter Und
ELEGY 397 (); K. Strecker, “Leoninische Hexameter und speare, Two Gentlemen of Verona) can be recommended Pentameter in . Jahrhundert,” Neues Archiv für ältere to a would-be seducer. T is composite understanding deutsche Geschichtskunde (); C. M. Bowra, Early of the genre, however, is never fully worked out and Greek Elegists, d ed. (); P. F r i e d l ä n d e r , Epigram- gradually fades. mata: Greek Inscriptions in Verse from the Beginnings to T e most important cl. models for the later devel. of the Persian Wars ( ); M. Platnauer, Latin Elegiac Verse elegy are *pastoral: the lament for Daphnis (who died (); L. P. Wilkinson, Golden Latin Artistry ( ); of love) by T eocritus, the elegy for Adonis attributed T. G. Rosenmeyer, “Elegiac and Elegos,” California to Bion, the elegy on Bion attributed to Moschus, and Studies in Classical Antiquity (); D. Ross, Style another lament for Daphnis in the fi fth *eclogue of and Tradition in Catullus ( ); M. L. West, Studies in Virgil. All are stylized and mythic, with hints of ritual; Greek Elegy and Iambus ( ); A.W.H. Adkins, Poetic the fi rst three are punctuated by incantatory *refrains. Craft in the Early Greek Elegists ( ); R. M. Marina T e elegies on Daphnis are staged performances within Sáez, La métrica de los epigramas de Marcial (). an otherwise casual setting. Nonhuman elements of the T.V.F. BROGAN; A. T. COLE pastoral world are enlisted in the mourning: nymphs, satyrs, the landscape itself. In Virgil, the song of grief is E L E G I A C S T A N Z A , elegiac quatrain, heroic qua- paired with one celebrating the dead man’s apotheosis; train. -
Fortasse Requires: Sapphic and Terentian Intertextuality in Catullus 85
fortasse requires: Sapphic and Terentian Intertextuality in Catullus 85 Catullus’ elegiac poems provide a foundation for Roman elegy, a literary genre that thrives for the brief period between Catullus and Ovid (c. 60-10 BCE), a time that saw the upheaval of the Republic and the establishment of an Empire. The identification of influence and intertextuality between Catullus and older Greek poets, such as Sappho and Callimachus, has been vital to our understanding of this intentionally subversive and egocentric genre. The narrative Ego, a first person narrative, is one of the most notorious markers of Latin elegy. Paul Allen Miller (2002) argues that Catullus establishes this ‘uniquely interiorized voice’ in Latin literature. To put this view in a broader perspective, we must also consider Ellen Greene’s (1999) claim that the Catullan Ego is merely a masculinized version of the Sapphic Ego. To add another layer in the development of this poetic voice, Alison Sharrock (2013) observes that Terence pioneered Sapphic sentiment and style in Latin long before the Roman elegists. The influence of New Comedy on Catullus has been particularly well observed. New Comedy provides a Latin precedent for elegiac characters such as the domina, the servus amoris, the exclusus amator, and the diues amator as well as topoi such as paraclausithyron and erotic military metaphors. David Konstan (1986) pinpoints Terence’s Eunuchus as particularly influential to Latin elegiac themes and characters. He identifies intertextuality between Terence’s Eunuchus and Catullus 109. He argues that in this poem Catullus emulates Phaedria’s desire for honesty from his promiscuous lover. -
On the Benefits and Costs of Legal Expertise: Adjudication in Ancient Athens
On the Benefits and Costs of Legal Expertise: Adjudication in Ancient Athens Robert K. Fleck John E. Walker Department of Economics Clemson University Clemson, SC 29634 e-mail: [email protected] F. Andrew Hanssen John E. Walker Department of Economics Clemson University Clemson, SC 29634 phone: (864) 656-5474 e-mail: [email protected] December 27, 2011 Abstract: Legal expertise permits detailed laws to be written and enforced, but individuals with expertise may employ their special knowledge to skew decisions in privately beneficial directions. We illustrate this tradeoff in a simple model, which we use to guide our analysis of the legal system in ancient Athens. Rather than accepting the costs of expertise in return for the benefits, as do most modern societies, the Athenians designed a legal system that banned professional legal experts. And this was not because Athenian society was simple: The Athenians employed sophisticated contingent contracts and litigated frequently (to the point that the law courts featured prominently in several famous comedies). Furthermore, the Athenians recognized that forgoing expertise was costly, and where the cost was particularly high, designed institutions that made use of expertise already existing in society, employed knowledgeable individuals who were unable to engage in significant rent seeking, or increased the private returns to collecting publicly beneficial information. Although the Athenian legal system differs in many ways from modern legal systems, it nonetheless functioned very effectively. Investigation of the Athenian system serves to illustrate how important it is for institutional designers to consider legal institutions as a bundle, whose pieces must complement one another. -
Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution Review | the Roman Poetry of Love | Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution
Review: The Roman Poetry of Love: Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution Review | The Roman Poetry of Love | Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution KYLE CONRAU-LEWIS distinction between poems of different meters. Spentzou argues that Catullus is politically Efrossini Spentzou, The Roman Poetry of Love: Elegy and discontent: the start of his career in Bithynia Politics in a Time of Revolution. Classical world. London; New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. xiv, 107 p. $26.99. brought no profit (Poem 28) and successful Roman ISBN 9781780932040. politicians were milking provinces for profit (Poem 29). This resulted in Catullus’ highly aggressive frossini Spentzou’s monograph The Roman attacks on high-profile public figures like Caesar and Poetry of Love provides a useful overview of Mamurra (Poem 57), maligning Roman masculinity E elegiac poetry from the Late Republic to the and politics. In Poem 57 Caesar and Mamurra are Augustan period. It is a work primarily intended for cinaedi and pathici and in Poem 29 Mamurra is said students, as Spentzou explains, ‘I address primarily, to dominate Romulus who is the cinaedus. Catullus but not exclusively, those for whom love elegy is a presents the political winners of Roman politics as new discovery, and in doing so, I explore why, I ‘perverted and fully exposed to sexual violation’ (9). think, we should read poetry two millennia old and Consequently in reaction to this corrupt political why it continues to speak, powerfully, to a world not world, Catullus retreats to explore a feminised self so different as people might imagine’ (xiv). -
Ritual Surprise and Terror in Ancient Greek Possession-Dromena
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 2 | 1989 Varia Ritual Surprise and Terror in Ancient Greek Possession-Dromena Ioannis Loucas Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/242 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.242 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 1989 Number of pages: 97-104 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Ioannis Loucas, « Ritual Surprise and Terror in Ancient Greek Possession-Dromena », Kernos [Online], 2 | 1989, Online since 02 March 2011, connection on 21 April 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/kernos/242 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.242 Kernos Kernos, 2 (1989), p. 97-104. RITUAL SURPRISE AND TERROR INANCIENT GREEK POSSESSION·DROMENA The daduch of the Eleusinian mysteries Themistokles, descendant of the great Athenian citizen of the 5th century RC'!, is honoured by a decree of 20/19 RC.2 for «he not only exhibits a manner of life worthy of the greatest honour but by the superiority of his service as daduch increases the solemnity and dignity of the cult; thereby the magnificence of the Mysteries is considered by all men to be ofmuch greater excitement (ekplexis) and to have its proper adornment»3. P. Roussel4, followed by K. Clinton5, points out the importance of excitement or surprise (in Greek : ekplexis) in the Mysteries quoting analogous passages from the Eleusinian Oration of Aristides6 and the Platonic Theology ofProclus7, both writers of the Roman times. ln Greek literature one of the earlier cases of terror connected to any cult is that of the terror-stricken priestess ofApollo coming out from the shrine of Delphes in the tragedy Eumenides8 by Aeschylus of Eleusis : Ah ! Horrors, horrors, dire to speak or see, From Loxias' chamber drive me reeling back.