Assessing the Land Use Practices Problem of Women: a Case Study from Arbegona Woreda, Southern Ethiopia

ASSESSING THE LAND USE PRACTICES PROBLEM OF WOMEN: A CASE STUDY FROM ARBEGONA WOREDA, SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

M Sc THESIS

ASEFA GODANA

MAY, 2015

ARBA MINCH, ETHIOPIA ASSESSING THE LAND USE PRACTICES PROBLEM OF WOMEN: A CASE STUDY FROM ARBEGONA WOREDA, SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

ASEFA GODANA

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE

DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES,

COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES, SCHOOL OF GRADUATE

STUDIES

ARBA MINCH UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN LAND RESOURCE

MANAGEMENT

ADVISOR: TESHOME YIRGU (PhD)

MAY, 2015

ARBA MINCH

DECLARATION

I declare that this Thesis is my work and that all sources of materials used for this have been duly acknowledged and referenced in the text. The thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillments of the requirements for MSc degree in Geography and Environmental studies.

Asefa Godana signature------date------

APPROVAL PAGE

Approved by: We the examiners’ board approve that this Thesis has passed through the defense and review process

Examining board members

______

Chairperson Signature Date

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External Examiner Signature Date

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Internal Examiner Signature Date

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Principal advisor Signature Date

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(DGC/SGC) Signature Date

CERTIFICATION

I, hereby certify that the thesis entitled “Assessing the Land Use Practices Problem of Women: a Case Study from Arbegona Woreda Southern Ethiopia” presented to Arba Minch University for the award of MSc degree in Geography and Environmental Studies is a genuine work done by Mr. Asefa Godana, during the year 2014-2015 under my supervision.

Teshome Yirgu (PhD) signature------date------

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Above all, I praise the Almighty God for being on the side of me for all the achievements, which I have been able to attain in my entire life, and for the efforts towards my successful completion of the graduate study.

Next, my heartfelt appreciation and gratitude goes to my advisor Teshome Yirgu (PhD) for giving me constructive advice and guidance starting from the thesis design to the completion.

My special and very big thanks also extend to my lovely father Ato Godana Gobena and my mother W/ro Arfane Chirfa for their limitless financial and any other support.

Then, I want to express my deepest gratitude and pleasure to Arbegona Woreda Office of Agriculture and Rural Development for permitting me to join the school of graduate studies, paying me the salary and their contribution for primary and secondary data. Similarly, I owe thanks to women and children affairs office for their contribution of primary and secondary information. Also I would like to thank enumerators and the farmers for their kindness participation and share of experiences during data collection.

Finally, I would like to pass my great indebtedness to all my friends and colleagues who directly or indirectly involved for the success of this work.

Table of Contents Contents page ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... iv LIST OF TABLES ...... vii LIST OF FIGURES ...... viii ABSTRACT ...... ix CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Back Ground of the Study ...... 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 3 1.3 Objectives of the Study ...... 5 1.3.1 General Objective ...... 5 1.3.2 Specific Objectives...... 5 1.4 Research Questions ...... 5 1.5 Significance of the Study ...... 5 1.6 Scope of the Study ...... 6 1.7 Organization of the Thesis ...... 6 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...... 7 2.1 Indigenous Land Right System in Sub-Saharan Africa ...... 7 2.2 Land Use Policy and Women’s Land Use Practices in Ethiopia ...... 8 2.3 The Gender Dimension of Land Use Right ...... 12 2.4 Factors Influencing Women to Land Use Practices ...... 14 2.5 Economic and Social Consequences of Gender Bias in Land Use Right ...... 16 2.6 Conceptual Framework ...... 17 CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS ...... 19 3.1 Description of the Study Area ...... 19 3.1.1 Bio-Physical Characters ...... 19 3.1.2 Socio-Economic Characteristics...... 22 3.2 Research Methodology ...... 24 3.2.1 Research Design ...... 24 3.2.2 Data Sources ...... 24

3.2.3 Data Collection Techniques...... 25 3.2.4 Sample Size and Sampling Procedure ...... 25 3.2.5 Data Analysis Techniques ...... 28 CHAPTER FOUR: RESULT AND DISCUSSION ...... 29 4.1 Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Respondents ...... 29 4.1.1 Age Distribution of the Respondents...... 29 4.1.2 Marital Status of the Respondents ...... 29 4.1.3 Education Status of the Respondents...... 30 4.1.4 Family Size Distribution of the Respondents ...... 31 4.1.5 Income Source of the Respondents ...... 32 4.2 Land Size and Fragmentation ...... 32 4.2.1 Relationship between Size of Land and Annual Mean Income ...... 34 4.3 Forms of Land Acquisition ...... 35 4.4 Factors Influencing Women to Land Use Practice ...... 37 4.4.1 Personal, Economic and Physical Factors ...... 37 4.4.2 Socio-Cultural Factors and Implementation System Of Land Policy ...... 39 4.5 Women Participation in Decision Making Of Land ...... 40 4.6 Selection of Land Administration Committee ...... 41 4.7 Land Registration and Certification ...... 42 4.8 Land Dispute and Resolving Mechanisms ...... 44 4.9 Socio-Economic Implications of Gender Bias In To Land Use ...... 45 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 48 5.1 Summary ...... 48 5.2 Conclusion ...... 50 5.3 Recommendations ...... 51 References ...... 52 Appendices ...... 60

LIST OF TABLES

Tables page Table 1. Land use (cover) in Arbegona District...... 23 Table 2. Sample Kebeles ...... 27 Table 3. Distribution of respondents based on age categories ...... 29 Table 4. Characteristic of the marital status ...... 30 Table 5. Family size distribution of the respondents ...... 31 Table 6. Income source of the respondents ...... 32 Table 7. Land size ...... 33 Table 8. Land fragmentation ...... 33 Table 9. Relationship between size of land and annual mean income ...... 34 Table 10. Forms of land acquisition ...... 35 Table 11. Relationship between marital status and form of land acquisition ...... 37 Table 12. Personal, economic and physical variables influence to women land use ...... 38 Table 13. Relationship of socio-culture and legally policy with women to land use ...... 40 Table 14. Women participation in decision making of land ...... 41 Table 15. Participators for selection of land administration committee members...... 42 Table 16. Land registration and certification ...... 44 Table 17. Land disputes and resolving mechanisms ...... 45 Table 18. Socio-economic implications of gender bias in access to agricultural land ...... 47

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LIST OF FIGURES Figures page Figure 1. Conceptual framework...... 18 Figure 2. Map of the study the area ...... 19 Figure 3. Rainfall trend of the Arbegona Woreda...... 20 Figure 4. Temperature trend of the Arbegona Woreda ...... 21 Figure 5. Educational status of the Respondents ...... 31

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ABSTRACT

In Ethiopia, rural women do not have equitable land use right, due to domination of traditional perception and attitude among the society. This study was designed to assess the land use practices problem of women: a case study from Arbegona Woreda Southern Ethiopia. In the Arbegona Woreda land use practices problem of women was highly biased by domination of socio-cultural practices and attitude. In order to address the problems, quantitative and qualitative data was collected, through sample selection. The sample was selected firstly classifying the studied Woreda’s according to its agro-ecological zone through using stratified sampling technique. Through the classification, 23 Kebeles located highland, 12 Kebeles located midland and 3 Kebeles are located between highland and midland agro-ecological zone then to the sample 6 Kebeles from highland, 1Kebele is selected between midland and highland agro-ecological zone by using random sampling technique. Finally sample household heads were selected through systematic sampling technique. Study findings reveal that women’s right to land use practices was affected by personal and economic, traditional practices and missing implementation of land policy. In the study area there was low women participation in decision making in land. The gender bias on land use practices was resulted women to adverse effect such as food insecurity and low income, subordination on husband property, early marriage and migration to urban area. Finally, this study forwards solutions to address gender gaps identified to ensure women’s equal land use practices in the study area.

Key words: Rural Women, Socio-cultural Practice, Women land

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Back Ground of the Study

Land being an important natural resource, it is central to the existence and livelihood of human kind. It can be said that both traditional and modern societies have used and exploited land for a variety of purposes since the past time (Yonas, 2011). Hanna and Jentoft (1996) suggested that the human environment tie in traditional and agrarian societies is so strong that land has emerged as one of the main means of survival for humans. As a consequence, humans have established social organizations and stratifications on the basis of age, gender, and social class to carry out land appropriation and distribution and there by ensure their subsistence.

Throughout the world, women constitute a large portion of the economically active population engaged on agriculture both as farmers and as farm workers, and play a crucial role in ensuring household needs (Cotula, 2007). Women’s use to rural land is very critical as land is a major resource in order to secure livelihoods and food security for their families. However, due to economic, legal, social and cultural factors their rights to use, control and transfer farm land are weaker compared to those of men (Almaz, 2007).

Over the past three decades, women’s issues and more recently gender issues have gained prominence on the development platform. International women’s conferences held consecutively in Mexico City in 1975, in Nairobi in 1985 and in Beijing in 1995 were measures towards realizing women’s political, social and economic equality with men (Almaz, 2007). Many gender issues which are very important to well-being of millions of women and girls around the world got public attention after these conferences.

Despite this progress, women have remained disadvantaged in many ways. Gender equality has not been achieved and women do not enjoy equal rights with men in accessing and having land and other productive resources. Access to over resources and benefits is determined by socio-cultural norms which have significant impacts on gender relations. Social relations of production and consumption (access to land and control over means and benefits of production) show constraints on women in many communities. These inequalities

of opportunities in access to rural land have made women more vulnerable to poverty than men in many parts of the world (World Bank, 2004).

Women access to only about 20% of all land worldwide, with their allotments generally of smaller size and lower quality. This inequality is particularly severe in Western, Central and North Africa and throughout the Middle East where on average less than 10% of landholders are women. In Eastern and Southern Africa, up to 30% of individual land titles are held by women (World Bank, 2004).

Currently in Ethiopia women constitute nearly half of the total population. Majority of them live in rural areas of the country-where agriculture is the dominant source of livelihoods. Rural women are responsible for much of the household chores and reproductive activities. Besides, they play a significant role in productive activities. Evidently enough, they do spend close to 85% of their labor on farming activities (Yeshi, 2002).

Rural women in Ethiopia are ever known to be the invisible agricultural producers who are unpaid. Although these women are capable of doing successful productive activities, they often fail to have access to and control over means of production and their benefits. One and the most important among these resources is land (Mahlet, 2005). Despite the fact that land is a major resource of their livelihoods, rural women are often discriminated in terms of realizing their use to land (Almaz, 2007). There is an apparent gender-differentiation on land use and control rights where women usually fall in the disadvantaged category. Such gaps are created among other reasons; basically due to the fact that many communities apply their common shared social rules as the major mechanism to reinforce land use and administration rights. These customary laws usually disadvantage women and place them to subordinate position in society (WLSA, 2001 and Walker, 2001a).

It seems that there are few researches done on women’s access to farmland in Ethiopia. Mamitu (2002), for example, studied aspects of the status of Konso women and, found that women are very hard working in domestic chores, on the fields, and in economic activities, but women still have secondary roles in the society. In addition, Getachew (2003), pointed out that female-headed household in Gozamin District of the Amhara Region are able to get land rights because of the 1997 land redistribution regional law, but the size of the women`s

farm land is smaller than that of men’s farm land. In the same vein, Zenebeworke (2003), also studied that, the land rights of women in three different parts of Ethiopia and pointed out that women’s access to land or the benefit they can draw from land, even where they have limited rights, is severely limited because of the gender based division of labor, particularly the cultural taboos against women ploughing and sowing. In the Arbegona Woreda women are biased in land use practices, due to socio-economic and cultural constraints.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The issue of land and women land use right in rural Africa is at the heart of scholarly literature written by African and non-African scholars in recent years (Cotula, 2007). Land use right and its products are critical to women, because women are responsible to ensure household food security by their community as assigned in gender roles (Bikie and Logo, 2003).

Africa is a continent where most of its rural communities still use agricultural land based on traditional/ customary land tenure schemes instead of modern land tenure systems (as dictated by statutory laws) established by state institutions (Cotula, 2007). This appears to be a common practice especially in rural parts of sub-Saharan Africa. Basically, the nature of the land tenure system in rural parts of the sub-continent seems to be male dominated and the social organization of most groups of people is designed to meet that goal.

Ethiopia’s current population is estimated to be more than 86 million (CSA, 2013). The population is predominantly rural, with 84% employed in agriculture while women represent 49% of the national labor force and contribute significantly to agricultural production, they have not benefited equally from national economic growth (World Bank, 2010). Gender insecure rights to land; results in the loss of potential spillover benefits from national economic growth, including a rise in net household income, and an increase in expenditures on food and education. But providing gender equally access to agricultural land is essential, because women’s play roles on agricultural development (Tesfa and Hadera, 2002).

The 1995 FDRE constitution gives importance to improve socio-economic situation of women and there are provisions on equal rights of women to property ownership, particularly land (FDRE, 1995). Although, women in rural Ethiopia have almost no agricultural land use 3

rights in practical terms due to discriminatory of cultural values, land scarcity, institutions and belief systems (Daniel, 2012). As the Ethiopian rural society is traditional and patriarchal in nature, men have been controllers of almost every facet of rural life in the country such as social, economic, and political. They also have used and administered nearly all the natural resources (including land) that support the livelihood of the community. In this regard, the status of women living in different regions and villages of rural Ethiopia appears to be critical when one looks into aspects of gender equality and land entitlements of them (Zenebeworke, 2000).

In the Arbegona Woreda there is land use practices problem. In the Woreda, traditionally right to property, especially of land is passing through male line and women have no land use right except gaining husband land through marriage. The unmarried women have no opportunity land use right, because, they are not allowed to inherit property in patrilineal societies. Married women can own husband land whose husband is engaged on government employees. Divorced and widowed women can own husbands’ land if they bear son only.

In the study area constraint women to land use practices resulted for low incomes and low food security status. In addition, girls early marriage, and rural- urban migration are considered the other constraint due to women’s land right problems. Though, women land use bias is highly expanded, there was no research under taken in the study area. Therefore, the research work is aimed to assess cultural and socio- economic factors that influence women land use practices in the study area.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

1.3.1 General Objective

The general objective of the study is to assess the state of women’s land use right in the Arbegona Woreda.

1.3.2 Specific Objectives

1. To assess factors that influence women land use practices in the study area. 2. To identify land use right disputes resolution mechanism that rise between gender groups in the study area. 3. To identify the economic and social implications of the gender bias in land use practices in the study area.

1.4 Research Questions

1. What are the factors that influence women to the land use practices in the study area? 2. How can resolve land use right disputes that rise between gender groups in the study area? 3. What are the social and economic implications of the gender bias in the land use practices in the study area?

1.5 Significance of the Study

This study was intended to create awareness to the community about equal land use right between gender groups. In addition, study provides the first hand information to the non- governmental and the government organization at local, Woreda, Zone, and Region level in order to take timely intervention in the study area. The study also has significance for the policy decision makers and different stakeholders to take measures during planning and implementing session. Finally the study thought to contribute the advancement of knowledge and serve as stepping stone for prospective researchers who may be interested in further and deeper study in the study area or related areas because this study was the first of its kind in the Woreda.

1.6 Scope of the Study

The scope of this study is to analysis assessing the land use practices problem of women: a case study from Arbegona Woreda Southern Ethiopia. The data collection was delimitated respecting of the objectives, nature of research questions of the study and sample size. The study conducted issue was similarly expanded to another Woreda’s, however, due to finance, time constraints, human resource, data accessibility, and availability of transport facilities the study was limited in the Arbegona Woreda.

1.7 Organization of the Thesis

Complete presentation of the thesis includes five separate but connected chapters. First chapter presented with introduction such as back ground of the study, statement of the problem, objectives, significance, research questions, scope, and organization of the thesis paper and definition of terms. The second chapter discussed with the review of related literatures about the study subject matter. The third chapter also focuses on research methodology, such as biophysical and social characteristics of the study area, sources of the data, methods of the data collection, sampling size, sampling procedure and major approaches followed during data analysis. In addition, the fourth chapter focuses on data presentation, analysis and interpretation. Finally the fifth chapter is devoted with summary, conclusion and forward recommendations.

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Indigenous Land Right System in Sub-Saharan Africa

Women in Sub-Saharan Africa face a distinctive social dilemma. Because the most systems of customary law women cannot own or inherit land in sub-Sahara Africa. Women are assumed to be transient within the polity and therefore not strategic as grantees of rights to land which constitutes the core of a community’s existence. Besides, there is the perception that women are part of the wealth of the community and cannot therefore be the locus of land rights’ grants. Men control household land because community authorities who are predominantly male have allocated the land to male household heads and these lands are passed down to male heirs. For most women, access to land depends on their relation to male relatives. A husband, for instance, has an obligation to provide arable land to his wife to farm but decides which piece of land the woman can use and for how long. Also under customary law, ‘all the property acquired by the spouses, except personal goods, belongs to the husband who is entitled to retain all of it at the dissolution of the marriage’ (Bikako et al., 2003).

Unmarried women have little access to land because, they are not allowed to inherit property in most patrilineal societies while wives have better access to their husbands’ land through marriage. Marriage has been primary means of women getting access to agricultural land under customary system of tenure. Security of marriage thus becomes major requirement for security of tenure (Nizioki, 2002).

In Sub-Sahara Africa customary land registration systems require proof of a husband’s authorization for a woman to acquire title independently of her husband and single women or single parent women are obstructed from acquiring these on the basis that there are risks in lending outside of marriage or without the support of their husbands or male relations (Winnie, 2002).

Thus in Sub-Sahara Africa customary rules have the effect of excluding females from the clan or communal entity, which rules then serve to exclude females from ownership. Attempts by women to control property, especially land, are considered by the community as misbehavior. A woman who buys land is seen as having ‘sinister’ intentions either to run away from her marital home, or use it as a place to ‘entertain’ other men. The threat of 7

women gaining power through property ownership makes society frown upon women who go ahead to acquire property of their own (Pottier, 2005).

2.2 Land Use Policy and Women’s Land Use Practices in Ethiopia

Women in Ethiopia represent 49% of the national labor force and contribute significantly to agricultural production, they have not benefited equally from national economic growth (World Bank, 2010). Socioeconomic and institutional constraints impede Ethiopian women’s ability to exercise their rights and benefit from the growing economy (World Bank, 2001). Gender roles, primarily informed by a patriarchal orientation, limit women’s ability to effectively participate in public affairs (Stevenson, 2005).

Women are the most marginalized group of the community in relation to property rights and rural land in particular in Ethiopia. The main challenge for effective enforcement of women’s right to land in rural Ethiopia is mostly attributable to the derogatory customary attitudes and practices which do not recognize a woman’s right to own and administer property and use the rural land. Land is generally considered as the sole property of man before and during marriage and, upon divorce in the community (Deininger et al., 2007).

Moreover, women have no customary right to inherit land from their family; and the control of land during marriage falls chiefly under the control of the husband. Besides, a woman cannot control the fruits of the land as she does not successfully involve in household decision making. Worst of all, after divorce, a woman has to leave her husband’s home and goes to her family and wait for another marriage without claiming her share from the matrimonial property. The tenure system resulted in high tenure insecurity, low productivity, and inequitable distribution of land (Deininger et al., 2007).

The tenure system of Ethiopia has undergone numerous reforms over the century to reflect the policies of different regimes. However, there has been considerable consistency in the basic principles of the land policy since the land reform of 1975. Prior to the revolution of 1974, land tenure was a complex system comprised of diverse tenure holdings: communal (Rist), grant land (Gult), private or freehold (Gebbar tenures), church (Samon), and state (Mederia Mengest) (Tenaw et al., 2009). The regional variations in land holding stemmed from a combination of diverse agro- ecological, cultural and historical factors (Nega et al., 8

2003). During this period, more than 70% of fertile land was concentrated in the hands of the 1% of property owners (Tenaw et al., 2009).

There were peasant uprisings and revolts during the imperial era against the regime starting from the 1950s. The government faced serious challenges when it increased tributes in the aim of increasing income to modernize the country. The first significant peasant uprising took place in the Tigre province in 1943. Peasants of the then Bale province took up arms against the Ethiopian state between 1963 and 1970 as the imperial bureaucracy expropriated huge portion of cultivable land under the guise of tax default gradually turning peasants into landless tenants. The last rural uprising prior to the 1974 revolution took place in the province of Gojjam in 1968, where new agricultural income tax was introduced in 1967 (Bahru, 2002).

Beginning of private land holding and introduction of large scale farming system in the country offered opportunity to the nobility residing in towns and cities to hold large areas of farm land in the southern and western parts of the country. Thus, a class of absentee land lords emerged. This resulted in complex land tenure system with significant differences between the northern and the southern parts of the country. In the northern part the major form of land ownership was a type of communal system known as rist (Bahru, 2002).

Rist was hereditary, inalienable and inviolable and all descendants (both male and female) of an individual founder were entitled to share land. In the southern and western parts of the country where Oromia National Regional State is located the major form of tenure was the gult system. Gult is ownership right to land acquired from the monarch or provincial rulers who were authorized to grant land. There were also other forms of tenures by which, land was granted to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in perpetuity and land granted to government officials, war veterans and other patriots in substitute of pension or salary (Bahru, 2002).

“Land to the Tiller” was the leading slogan of the popular Ethiopian Student’s Movement in the 1960s. The land question of the 1960s or early 1970s was primarily a political question aimed to bring to an end the feudal form of exploitation of peasants by few landlords especially in the southern part of the country. Eventually opportunity was created to mobilize peasants, workers and the middle class against the imperial regime. And finally the

Emperor was overthrown by the Derg (military government) in 1974, and this ended the imperial land tenure system (Bahru, 2002).

After the 1974-1975 revolution, a military junta (Derg) controlled the power by ousting the emperor from his throne. The Derg immediately passed a proclamation that nationalized all rural land and transferred same to state ownership. The proclamation on rural land (PMAC, 1975; as cited in Almaz, 2007) proclaimed that public ownership of rural land nationalized and abolished tenancy and private ownership of land. The proclamation granted each peasant family right to hold land up to ten hectares and the administration of land was provided to the peasant associations created in every village of 800 hectares of land.

Derg regime distributed user rights to households, barred most transfers of user rights with the exception of limited transfer through inheritance, and prohibited the hiring of labor to cultivate land (Holden and Tefera, 2008). The prohibition against hiring labor adversely affected women’s land rights. Women did not generally plough land due to the traditional division of labor, yet were prohibited from hiring labor to do this work. Female heads of households were at a particular disadvantage, and unable to benefit equally from the land allocation scheme (Tesfa, 2002).

In 1991 the Derg government was overthrown by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). In view of this the FDRE Constitution explicitly states that “all international agreements ratified by the country are integral parts of the law of the land” (FDRE, 1995). Hence, all international conventions ratified on women’s rights and commitments entered to implement the Beijing Platform for Action and to meet the MDGs are included in the constitution and government is obliged to implement these provisions.

Land policy measures taken by the current government affirm that land is public property. Land policy is embedded in the FDRE’s Constitution and the constitution states:

“The Right to ownership of urban and rural land, as well as of all natural resources is exclusively vested in the state and in the peoples of Ethiopia. Land is a common property of the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be subjected to sale or to other means of exchange” (FDRE, 1995).

The FDRE land policy confirms constitutional provisions. Rural Land Administration and Use Proclamations issued at different times, Proclamation No.89/1997 and Proclamation No.456/2005 affirm that every Ethiopian national without discrimination has right to use rural and urban land. Every rural resident who wants to make a livelihood from farming is entitled to use a plot of land free of charge and women have rights to access rural land (FDRE, 1997, FDRE, 2005). These proclamations include provisions on rural land administration. Accordingly rural land should be measured, registered and land holding certificate should be provided to users/holders. Rural landholding certificate should contain information on land size, land use type and cover, level of fertility and boarders. Rural land use has no time limit and farmers are provided rights to lease transfer or inherit rural land use right to family members.

Rural landholders are also entitled to compensation in case of eviction. The FDRE Rural Land Administration and Use Proclamation provides mandate to regional governments to enact their own rural land legislations. Four regions including SNNPR Region issued land policies afterwards based on FDRE provisions. Rural Land Administration and Use Proclamations issued at different times, Proclamation No.89/1997 and Proclamation No.456/2005 affirm that every Ethiopian national without discrimination has right to use rural and urban land (FDRE, 2005).

The interaction of statuary laws, community customs and traditions will determine how women’s legal rights on land are actually realized in practice. Gap between legal systems and customary practices is obvious and nature of the gap defines the extent to which women’s rights are neglected or promoted in access to and control over land in communities (Benschop, 2002).

Under current regime land registration and certification started in 1998/99 in Tigray region followed by Amhara, Oromia and SNNP regions in the early 2000s. Land certification has raised public expectations in rural Ethiopia. Traditionally land inheritance in Ethiopia is patrilineal and girls do not often inherit land from their parents. They are expected to access land through their husband who will be inheriting land from own parents (Holden and Tefera, 2008).

Women’s land rights registration and titling need to be defined explicitly in order to ensure their equal rights on land. In Tigray, Holden and others found that “certificates have made FHHs more willing to rent out their land, probably because the certificates have made them more tenure secure” (Holden et al., 2007). However, divorced women have difficulty defending their rights in the process of land registration (Berhanu et al., 2005 and Giovarelli, 2007). It has positive correlation between land certification and increased participation of female-headed households in the rental market. Certification has also improved household welfare, particularly for female headed households (Holden and Ghebru, 2007). In general, it has improved tenure security for both men and women and, certification appears to have contributed to reducing land related conflicts but women has not awared land certification and their rights on land (Holden and Tefera, 2008).

Rural land proclamations issued in Amhara, Oromia and SNNPR regions mandated joint- titling to spouses and land is registered on names of both spouses. Space is provided on the landholding certificates to put photos of both spouses in Amhara and SNNPR but, not in Oromia. In Oromia the certificate had space to put photo of the landholder only even in spousal joint-registration. The comparative research reflected significant differences between regions that applied spousal joint-registration on number of certificates issued in the name of husbands. Number of certificates issued exclusively in names of husbands in Amhara was less than 9% of the total certificates issued in the region whereas it was 58% in Oromia (Deininger et al., 2007).

2.3 The Gender Dimension of Land Use Right

Agricultural land is recognized as primary source of wealth, social status and power throughout history to those who have access to over it. Arguments raised on women’s land rights in the course of the 1990s that influenced international discourses on gender equality is well established as basic component of policy nowadays. Gender equality was included and promoted as a major goal in the Millennium Development Goals - MDGs (World Bank, 2001) and in country Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction Program (MOFED, 2006). However, there is a persistent gender gap in landholding rights because, women’s access to and control over land are affected by various factors in communities (FAO, 2002).

A World Bank study on regional patterns of gender inequalities in basic rights and in access to and control of resources reflect that disparities exist all over the world and no woman in the developing regions has equal rights with man (World Bank, 2001). Gender inequality is difference in rights and privileges between women and men reflected in legal statutes, customary laws and community practices. These differences are reflected in marriage, inheritance, property ownership and management, in household and community activities and decision-making. Deprivation of women’s land right through customary practices regarding land inheritance and property distribution after divorce is challenge in patriarchal societies.

Gender relation has become a critical issue in women’s land rights due to the fact that there is direct relationship between accessing land resources, having secured land rights, achieving food security and overcoming poverty. Mean that lack of women’s rights to land is linked to the household risk of poverty and destitution. Because the release of women's productive potential is pivotal to breaking the cycle of poverty so that women can share fully in the benefits of development and in the products of their own labour (Agarwal, 2001).

This section also discusses the theoretical welfare and empowering arguments of women’s land rights. The welfare argument contends that securing women’s land rights will promote the welfare and well-being of women and their families, as well as the broader community. This welfare rationale rests on the notion that resources put in the hands of women, rather than men, are more likely to be used to the benefit of children and others. This point is supported by studies on the effects of women’s and men’s income on household well-being measures. Compared to equal amounts of men’s income, women’s income is consistently associated with greater positive effects, as measured by child survival, household calorie level, food expenditures, and children’s nutritional status (Quisumbing, 2000). Women themselves often note that land rights would provide security in the face of their husband dying or abandoning them and in cases of domestic violence. As a Nepali woman stated, “The wife should get her property when her husband is still alive, so that she can make her own living even if her husband leaves her or treats her badly, and she doesn't have to depend on anybody” (Panos Institute, 2003).

Quisumbing and de la Briere (2000), found that women’s assets at marriage were positively related to expenditure on children’s clothing and education in Bangladesh, but only a few women in the survey brought land to their marriage so their result is most likely due to other assets besides land. In terms of women’s own well-being, Panda and Agarwal (2005), found that women who owned land or houses were significantly less likely to experience marital violence in Kerala. Securing and recognizing women’s land rights may improve welfare by not only putting resources in the hands of women, but by increasing agricultural productivity and thereby increasing the total amount of resources available (Agarwal, 2002).

The concept of empowerment reflects one’s control over resources, which affects the outcomes of bargaining processes. Different scholars have conceptualized empowerment in different ways. For example, Narayan (2005), adopted an institutional approach to empowerment, defining it as the expansion of assets and capabilities of poor people to participate in, negotiate with, influence, control, and hold accountable institutions that affect their lives. Kabeer (2000), proposed an “ability approach” to empowerment, conceptualizing it as the expansion in people’s ability to make strategic life choices. Empowerment are objects and assets which women have that improve their security or influence and thus improve their household bargaining power and facilitate empowerment more broadly. Based on this understanding of empowerment, land ownership should act as a source of empowerment by increasing women’s security and influence and increasing their control over household decision making (Agarwal, 2002).

2.4 Factors Influencing Women to Land Use Practices

Land tenure system

Land tenure refers to terms and conditions under which land and other related resources are held and used. A tenure system reflects who holds what land under what conditions. Land tenure systems vary from community to community and are influenced by historical development of each community. Terms and conditions under which rights to land are acquired, retained, used, disposed or transferred are influenced by gender relations. Gender disparities in rights constrain women’s choices in many aspects of life and limit their opportunities to participate in economic activities of society (Shiviji et al., 2001).

Access to land and land tenure relations are critical as most communities depend on land to ensure food security. Access to land is a means to access membership in agricultural associations, to access agricultural inputs, credit, etc. Lack of access to rural land is an obstacle to agricultural productivity and to increase rural women’s income as they cannot access these resources without holding land and securing tenure (FAO, 2002).

Gender power relation has serious influence on land tenure systems because it determines roles and statuses of women and men in society. These relations are reflections of inequalities in access to resources, intra household distribution of income, decision-making, poverty and food insecurity. Ensuring property rights is considered as one mechanism to enhance women’s bargaining power at household and community levels (Agarwal, 2001). In Africa predominance of the patriarchal system induces gender power relations which downgrade women to inferior position. The patriarchal system influences socio-economic and political structures, government policies and strategies and this has impact on accessing, managing and controlling resources (Almaz, 2007).

Customary systems

In many communities access to land is governed by both statutory and customary laws. Customary laws emerge from unwritten social rules derived from shared community values and traditions and it limit women’s rights on land to secondary rights mainly derived from their membership in patriarchal households. This law underpins patriarchal system of traditional authority to reinforce patriarchal values which disadvantage women and place them to subordinate position in society (WLSA, 2001 and Walker, 2001a).

Some customary laws give sons exclusive right to inherit land and other property whereas wives and unmarried daughters have the right to be maintained. Pre-existing customary norms in some patrilineal societies in Africa used to allow widows continued lifetime rights on their marital land which passes on to male heirs after their death. But, this practice is not necessarily adhered to as land gained value. Widows are becoming vulnerable being forced off their deceased husbands’ land by their in-laws or by their sons. Customary laws generally sanction male authority over women. Mean that men control household land because, community customs and traditions support land allocation to male (Nizioki, 2002).

2.5 Economic and Social Consequences of Gender Bias in Land Use Right

Gender inequalities are pervasive across many dimensions of societal life including households, social, economic and political institutions. The UN recognized that gender inequality resulting from women’s low status persist in all societies although the extent of the gap varies across countries, cultures and time. The UN presented the burden of this inequality as follows: “Women, who comprise half the world's population, do two thirds of the world's work, earn one tenth of the world's income and own one hundredth of the world's property” (UN, 2007) and the outcome of a study carried out by UNDP in developing countries reflected that poverty has a gendered face and that women are poorer than men (UNDP, 2000).

This UNDP study carried out on selected countries of Sub-Saharan Africa showed the GDP per capita figures for women were less than that of men. Comparative figures in 1998 were US$1,142, per woman and US$2,079, per man (Ibid). For stance, women produce more than 80% of the food in Africa, yet they own only 1% of the land. A World Bank study on regional patterns of gender inequalities in basic rights and in access to and control of resources reflect that disparities exist all over the world and no woman in the developing regions has equal rights with man (World Bank, 2001).

Women’s direct access to land is often limited in traditional societies. Women have indirect access to land in terms of use rights acquired through kinship relationships and their status as wives, mothers, sisters or daughters .However, these use rights may not grant enough security for women when family structures break due to various reasons. Breach in marriage is a serious issue in women’s access to and control over land because; it results in vulnerable group of women, FHHs as single parents, widows or divorcees (Almaz, 2007).

Researchers conducted in Africa and Asia indicate that notable differences have been found in how women and men in poor households spend their incomes under their control: women of poor households typically spend almost all their incomes on purchasing goods for the family’s general consumption and for children while men usually spend a significant part of their personal needs like tobacco and liquor (Almaz, 2007).

2.6 Conceptual Framework

Gender is the sex role identity used to emphasize distinctions between males and females. It refers to behaviors associated with members of a given sex. There are set of attitudes and behaviors developed and perpetuated in society towards people that judge or belittle them on the basis of their gender. Gender became a critical analytical tool in the discourse of women’s rights and entitlements to social and material resources need like land (Moyo, 2002).

Land has an economic and political as well as cultural and social stakes for the population. It is also a factor of power and strength. The withholder, owner or user of land has power and controls the dynamics of production and reproduction. Economically and socially, land provides subsistence, ensuring life, and is very crucial for human existence (Dessalegn, 2007). Hoverer the women have no equal right of land access with men, due to influences of traditional practices and beliefs of the society.

The below diagram shows traditional practices, socio-economic and personal factors which influences women land use practices. Traditional practices that affect women land use practices are such as customary and back ward attitude of the society. Socio-economic factors are determined by various social and economic variables such as annual income and size of land holding. Personal factors are related to personal characteristics like marital status bear of child, education level, and family size.

In addition, diagram also shows consequences of gender bias in land use practices such as depending on husband property, food insecurity and low income, early marriage of girls, and migration to urban area. Finally diagram moreover put direction of possible solution of the problems.

 Gender,  Traditional practices Women land use Decision- practices was

making and influenced by: leadership body Personal and economic factors

 Bear of child  Education level Lack of women land use practices  Family size resulted:  Marital status  Depending on husband  Income level  Land size property  Food insecurity and

low income Possible solutions  Early marriage of girls

 Migration to urban  Create awareness for the Figure 1. Conceptual framework area society

 Initiate women’s involvement in community activities and

decision-making process on

the land Figure. 1 Conceptual framework

Source: own model, 2014

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS

3.1 Description of the Study Area

3.1.1 Bio-Physical Characters

Location

The study was conducted in the Arbegona Woreda, which is one of the 19 rural Woreda’s in Sidama Zone, South Nation Nationality People Region (SNNPR); it is located at distance about 347 km away from Addis Ababa, and 77 km from Hawassa. It is bordered in the South by Bona Zuria Woreda, in the South West by Bursa Woreda, in the North West by Gorche Woreda , in the North by the Oromia Region, and in the east by Bensa Woreda. Astronomically, Arbegona Woreda is located between 6034 30 - 6042 00 N latitude and 38035 00 - 38050 00 longitude.

Figure 2. Map of the study the area

Source: ETHIO-GIS 1994 data base

Climate

In Ethiopia the major factor which causes variation in climate is altitude. As a result of this, two major agro-climatic (highland and midland) zones are found in the Arbegona Woreda. Woreda has 38 rural Kebeles, out of which 23 (60%) Kebeles are located to the high land agro-climatic zone, 12 (31.5%) midland agro-climatic and the remaining 3 (7.8%) Kebeles are located to the between dega and woina-dega agro-climatic zone (AWARDO, 2012).

Rainfall:-The study area receives a mean annual rainfall varying between 800-1650 mm, and the amount of rainfall increases with increasing altitude and among the seasons. The rainfall is characterized by continuously distribution with spring, summer and autumn but very less rainfall rained in the winter season.

1600

1400

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

0 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

Figure 3. Rainfall trend of the Arbegona Woreda

Source: National Metrological Agency, 2012

Temperature: - The mean annual temperature of the area varies between 14c0-18c0. The temperature is highest at the midland such as Bochesa, Duwancho, and Rumudamo Kebeles and it is lowest at the highland such as Fide-folisho, Busawa and Shuro Kebeles.

17.8

17.6

17.4

17.2

16.8

16.6

16.4 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

Figure 4. Temperature trend of the Arbegona Woreda

Source: National Metrological Agency, 2012

Geology and Topography

The late geological activities and process of Cenozoic era had been responsible for the formation of the present land forms of Ethiopia. Particularly the Tertiary period uplift and formation of the rift valley was followed by the extrusion of large masses of basaltic magma through fissure. As results of these major geological events, the relief feature of the south and south eastern part of Ethiopia was formed (Mesfin, 1972). At present the terrain characteristics of the study area were the consequence of these major geological events.

The terrain of the study area generally characterized by rugged mountain ranges i.e. full of hills and valleys, valleys between hills occupied by locally important streams and rivers. The altitude ranges between 2,000 to 3,336 meters above sea level. The lowest altitude is located in the Bochesa kebele and highest altitude is located at the Geremba Mountain in the Fide- folisho kebele.

Vegetation and soil

The types of natural vegetation in the area include “Masincho” (croton macrostachyus), “Wadicho” (Cordia Africana), “Hengedicho” (Millettia ferruginea), “Dadako” (Hagenia Abyssinia), and others (AWAO, 2013). The natural vegetation is dominated by forestland. However as a result of human interference, mainly conversion of the forestland to farmland, clearing and cutting trees for fuel wood construction, income generation and settlement purpose, the vegetation cover of the area is highly decreased. There is also different soil types exist in the Woreda. The most common soil types in the area are 43% ox soils (red soil), 51% pellic vertisoils (black soil) and 6% is eutric nitosoil (brown soil) (Ibid).

3.1.2 Socio-Economic Characteristics

Demographics

According to Census conducted by the CSA (2007), Arbegona Woreda’s total population was 135,862, out of which 49.8% were men and 50.2% were women; 6,745 or 4.97% of its population were urban dwellers. The crude density of the Woreda was 416 persons per square kilometer. The total sizes of rural household heads were 17,604, out of which 95% were male household heads and 95% were female household heads. Majority of the inhabitants were Protestants, with 88.91% of the population, 6.48% observed traditional religions, 2.36% were Muslim, and 1.68% followed Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity.

Land use and land tenure

The livelihood of the community in the area entirely depends on the land use. They highly depend on production of stable food crop enset. In addition to this, highland agro-climatic zone settlers produce such as, wheat, barley, and bean. The midland settlers also produce perennial crops such as coffee and chat for earnings purpose and annual crops like maize, teff and wheat for subsistence and earnings purpose.

The land tenure system of Arbegona Woreda is based on public and Government ownership. Peasants have only use-right which is certified. However, inheritance, leasing and transfer of land from one to another are possible through short term renting arrangements.

The Woreda is covered different man-made and natural features such as forest (11%), annual crops (41.2%), perennial crops (28%) and etc.

Table 1. Land use (cover) in Arbegona District

No Cover type /land use Area /ha Percent 1 Perennial crops 10,100 28 2 Annual crops 14,819 41.2 3 Forest 4,080 11 4 Grazing land 5,611 15.5 5 Unproductive land 290 0.8 6 Governmental and non governmental institutions 1,100 3 Total 36,000 100

Source: Arbegona Woreda Agricultural Office, 2014

Source of livelihood and sources of income

There are various sources of livelihood and income for local communities living in the Woreda. The population practice sedentary agricultural system. They produce crops such as enset, teff, maize, barley, wheat bean and pea. In addition to this, they grow fruits (like apple, avocado) and vegetation (cabbage, carrot, pepper, onion and potato etc). Among these crops enset is most stable food crops. Among the domestic animal cattle are most dominant one most community were used income and food purpose. In addition livestock like horse, goats, sheep, hens and etc are highly reared in the area. In the area mostly property is controlled by male, and women only participate to cultivation of vegetation around of homestead and for livestock management such as supplying fodder, milking, and take care for animals.

Education and health Services

Education services:-Regarding educational institutions in the Woreda there were 1 secondary and preparatory, 5 secondary, 60 primary and 5 kindergarten schools. In 2005 there were 630 teachers in the Woreda schools. Out of these, 283 teachers were qualified by certificate, 241 teachers were diploma holders and the remaining 106 teachers were bachelor degree holders, out of these female were occupied 10% (AWEO, 2013).

Health services:-Health service is one of the key indicators for social development of a given nation. The Arbegona Woreda has one hospital under construction, five functioning health centers (HCs), 27 functioning health posts (HPs) and 11 HPs under construction (AWHC, 2012).

3.2 Research Methodology

3.2.1 Research Design

Silverman (2005) defines methodology as “the choices one makes about cases to study, methods of gathering data, forms of data analysis and interpretation in planning and executing a research study”. One implication of this is clearly justifying the selection of the research design used in the study. The research design used in this study was mixed approach. The research describes existing situations in the study area, analyzes major issues and forwards sound recommendations.

3.2.2 Data Sources

For the study primary and secondary data sources were used. Primary data are collected directly from respondents using quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative data was collected from female headed household heads and the qualitative data was collected from Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development Office experts, Kebele LACs, and Women and Children affairs Office experts.

Secondary data sources were reports, records of DAs and, published and unpublished documents of Woreda Office of Agricultural and Rural Development (WOoARD), books and journal articles.

3.2.3 Data Collection Techniques

The quantitative data is collected by employing women enumerators. Each Kebeles assigned to one enumerator. Fluency in the local language, experience in data collection and good knowledge about research Kebeles and villages was considered in recruiting enumerators.

The study provided one days training to enumerators. Training focused on purpose and outcome of the study, contents of the questionnaire, how to administer the questionnaire and on clarity and appropriateness of questions. In addition, training emphasized on situation of the target population because, understanding situation of respondents was necessary to collect reliable and valid information. For example, enumerators were trained on collecting demographic information in cases where women cannot tell their ages but, relate it to some events to calculate and cross check with respondents’ physical conditions. Enumerators were also trained on how to repeat and clarify questions and to be careful not to offend respondents even if they know responses are incorrect.

The quantitative data was collected through distribution of questionnaire and the qualitative data had been gathered through interview Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development Office experts, Kebele LACs, and Women and Children affairs Office experts and focus group discussions with rural FHH were arranged on respective participants’ convenience and were conducted on places, dates and time of their choices.

3.2.4 Sample Size and Sampling Procedure

The study was focused in the Arbegona Woreda and the Woreda was selected through purposive sampling technique, considering by financial cost, time, and transport and information availability. In the study Woreda sample kebeles were selected, firstly classifying kebeles according to their agro-ecological location by using stratified sampling technique, due to varying land size allocation and population density in both agro-ecological zones, which means the size of household heads land was larger in upland than midland, but midland was densely populated than upland. To the sample 6 Kebeles from highland, 3 kebeles from midland and 1 Kebele is from border of midland and highland agro-ecological zone selected as sample through using simple random sampling technique (Levy and Lemeshow, 2008). 25

The second stage involves selection of sample household heads. Appropriate sample size depends on various factors relating to the subject under investigation like the time aspect, the cost aspect, the degree of accuracy desired, etc (Gupta, 2002). For the data collection only women household heads were selected. The total women household heads in 10 sample kebeles were 197. From 197 household heads, the sample household heads were decided using the formula by Cochran’s (1977); as indicated on (Bartlet et al., 2001).

------eq. 1

Where: n - designates the sample size the research uses;

N - designates total number of households in sample kebeles e - designates maximum variability or margin of error 5% (.05);

1-designates the probability of the event occurring. Therefore:

=132

Generally in the study area, 132 (67%) sample household heads were selected. Then the sample household heads were selected proportionally with respect to the number of total households in each Kebeles through the under revealed formula (Thomas, 1991):

------eq. 2

Where, n= the number of required samples of each Kebeles;

N= Total household heads of each Kebeles;

s= Total sample size of the ten (10) Kebeles to be selected;

ΣN= Total household head of the all sample Kebeles.

Table 2. Sample Kebeles

N No Kebeles Agro-ecology FHHs Sample size 1 Shuro Dega 23 15 2 Toga Woina-dega 9 6 3 Shasho-honcho Dega 11 7

4 Rikame Dega 10 7 5 Bursa Woina-dega and dega 16 11 6 Shemetanto Woina-dega 17 11 7 Gondoro Dega 35 24 8 Chucho Dega 35 24

9 Gute-shedama Dega 23 15 10 Busawa Dega 18 12 Total 197 132

Source: Own set,2014

To select respondents’ household head from sample frame systematic random sampling technique was utilized. The systematic random sampling technique was utilized after listing and arranging household heads name according to their alphabetical order. The sampling selection starts by selecting first element from the list at the randomly and then every kth elements in the frame was selected depending on the below formula (Ken Black, 2004).

K=N/n……………………………………..eq. 3

Where, k= the sampling interval, N= is the population size, n= is the sample size

For qualitative data collection survey respondents from Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development Office desks, Kebele LACs and Women and Children affairs Office are selected through using purposive sampling technique, with respect to their roles in land administration process and their knowledge and experience on the subject matter of the study. Woreda Land Administration Office Experts, Kebele Land Administration Committees were implementers of the land policy. Women’s and children’s affairs desk is

responsible for implementing the National Policy on Ethiopian Women in the agricultural sector at Woreda level.

Focus group discussion with rural women is considered important to get information on their lived experiences and views on their access rights to land, household resources and decision- making extent. Discussion participants were purposely selected exclusive of quantitative survey respondents.

3.2.5 Data Analysis Techniques

The study was based on descriptive survey intended encompassing both qualitative and quantitative data, with respect to the objectives and nature of research questions of the study. After collection of quantitative data each questionnaire was registered and organized using a summary sheet. Then the data were coded, entered and processed by using statistical package for social science (SPSS) 16.0 versions software computer program. Descriptive analytical statistics such as frequency, percentage, arithmetic mean, tables and pie-charts were used for quantitative data analysis.

The degree of correlation between dependent and independent variables was assessed by the using of Pearson correlation analysis. The value of ‘r’ lies between +1 and -1. Positive values of ‘r’ indicate positive relationship between the two variables (i.e., changes in both variables take place in the same direction), whereas negative values of ‘r’ indicate negative correlation (i.e., changes in the two variables taking place in the opposite directions). A zero value of ‘r’ indicates that there is no association between the two variables (Kothari, 2003). The existence of a significantly high correlation between variables tells us nothing about why the correlation exists. Qualitative data were analyzed through interpretation and conceptual generalization. Qualitative and quantitative data were integrated as necessary and presented through explanation.

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULT AND DISCUSSION

4.1 Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Respondents

4.1.1 Age Distribution of the Respondents

The survey of study included 132 women household head respondents and these respondents existed age group of 18-49 and above of 49. Table 3 shows that among the total respondent household heads about 7.5% respondents were existed in 18-29 age group, 87.8% respondents were existed in 30-49 age group, and the remaining 4.5% respondents were existed above 49 age group. Majority percent (87.8%) of respondents were existed in age group 30-49 and average age of the respondents was 39.6.

Table 3. Distribution of respondents based on age categories

Variables Category Frequency Percent 18-29 10 7.5 Age 30-49 116 87.8 Greater than 49 6 4.5 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.1.2 Marital Status of the Respondents

Table 4 illustrates that from total respondents about 2.3% of household head were married, 1.5% household head were divorced, 93.2% household head were widowed, and the remaining 3% household head were remarried. As shown in table 4 about 1.5% of the respondents were monogamous, 0.8% were polygamous and 3% were polygamous remarried.

Table 4. Characteristic of the marital status

Variables Categories Frequency Percent Married 3 2.3 Marital status Single - - Divorced 2 1.5 Widowed 123 93.2 Remarried 4 3 Total 132 100 Monogamous married 2 1.5 Types of marriage Monogamous remarried - - Polygamous married 1 0.75 Polygamous remarried 4 3 Divorced, and widowed 125 94.6

Total 132 100 Source: Field survey, 2014 4.1.3 Education Status of the Respondents

Education is one of the important variables, which increases farmer’s ability to acquire process, use land and related information. Low level of education and high illiteracy rate is existed in developing countries typical like Ethiopia (Derbe, 2007). As stated figure 5 in the study area, 91.7% of the respondents were illiterate, 6.8% respondents were attended primary education (grade 1-4) , 1.5% respondents were attended junior secondary school (5-8), but none respondents was attended above of grade 8. Survey findings on educational status of respondents reflect that the illiteracy rate of women household head were very high, due to the patriarchal attitudes except male households, female members are expected to marry husband. On the other hand, high illiteracy aggravated women inequality to land property, because education is a base to create awareness and demand their legal rights. This finding is agreed with finding of Derbe, (2007). Derbe stated that, there was a high illiteracy rate among the women farmers.

1.5

6.8

key Illiterate

1-4 grade

91.7 5-8 grade

Figure 5. Educational status of the Respondents

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.1.4 Family Size Distribution of the Respondents

It refers to the number of persons permanently living in a household heads. Table 5 elaborates family size distribution of the respondents in the study area. From total respondents, 4.5% household heads had 1- 3 family members, 33.3% household heads had 4-6 family members, 51.5% household heads had 7-9 family members and 10.6% household heads had above of 9 family members and one respondents had at least 7 family members.

Table 5. Family size distribution of the respondents

Variable Category Frequency Percent

1-3 6 4.5

Family size 4-6 44 33.3 7-9 68 51.5 Above 9 14 10.6 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.1.5 Income Source of the Respondents

In the study area there were various sources of income for household heads, for instance agriculture, trade and daily labour. Table 6 shows that out of total 132 respondents, 93.9% respondents were practiced agricultural economic activity, 4.5% respondents were practiced agricultural and trade economic activity in combination, while the remaining 1.5% respondents were practiced daily labour. In addition, about 4.5% of the respondents were earned annual income of less than 1,200 birr, 53% of the respondents were earned 1,200- 4,200 birr per annual, and 35% of the respondents were earned 4,200 – 7,200 birr per annual, 6.8% of the respondents were earned above of 7,200 birr per annual. The average income of respondents was 3222.7 birr per annual.

Table 6. Income source of the respondents

Variables Category Frequency Percent

Income source Agriculture 124 93.9 Trade - - Agriculture and trade 6 4.5 Daily labour 2 1.5 Other source - - Total 132 100 Average of annual income Below 1,200 6 4.5 (birr) 1,200-4,200 70 53 4,200-7,200 47 35 Above 7,200 9 6.8 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.2 Land Size and Fragmentation

Land size

Land is basic resource for agriculture production and agriculture is also a primary source of livelihood for all rural household heads, but the size of the land owned differed from 32

household head to household head (Messay, 2012). According to table 7 in the study area, 43.2% household head respondents were held land size below 0.5 ha, 52.3% household head respondents were held 0.5-1 ha, 2.3% household head respondents we held 1-1.5 ha , 0.8% household head respondents were held 1.5-2 ha, and 1.5% of household head respondents were held above 2 ha. Depending on survey data, majority percent (52.3%) of respondents had land size 0.5-1 ha and the average of respondents land size was 0.64 ha.

Table 7. Land size

Variable Categories (hectare) Frequency Percent Less than o.5 57 43.2 Land size 0.5-1 69 52.3 1-1.5 3 2.3 1.5-2 1 0.8 Greater than 2 2 1.5 Total 132 100 Source: Field survey, 2014

Land fragmentation

Table 8 indicates about land fragmentation of the study area. Out of the total respondents, 38.6% respondents had one parcel, 58.3% respondents had two-three parcels, and 3% respondents had four- five parcels.

Table 8. Land fragmentation

land fragmentation Categories Frequency Percent One 51 38.6 Two-three 77 58.3 Four-five 4 3 Above five - - Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

43.2 % 4.2.1 Relationship between Size of Land and Annual Mean Income

Table 9 shows the relationship between size of land and mean annual income of the respondents. The Pearson correlation analysis statistics confirms that there was positive but weak (r=0.399) relationship between size of land and annual mean income of the respondents.

Table 9. Relationship between size of land and annual mean income

Mean of income (birr) Frequency Percent Farm land size correlation (r)

Below of 1,200 24 18.2

1,200-4,200 25 18.9 Below 0.5 0.399 4,200-7,200 8 6.1 Below of 1,200 10 7.6

1,200-4,200 32 24.2 0.5-1 4,200-7,200 25 18.9 Above of 7,200 2 1.5 Below of 1,200 1 0.8

1,200-4,200 - - 1-1.5 4,200-7,200 2 1.5 Above of 7,200 - - Below of 1,200 - -

1,200-4,200 - - 1.5-2 4,200-7,200 1 0.8 Above of 7,200 - - Below of 1,200 - -

1,200-4,200 - - Above of 2 4,200-7,200 1 0.8 Above of 7,200 1 0.8 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.3 Forms of Land Acquisition

There are different ways that farmers acquire land in Ethiopia such as inheritance, marriage, redistribution, etc (Daniel, 2012). Table 10 illustrates forms of land acquisition in the study area and as table shows, 96.2% respondents were acquired land through marriage, 1.5% respondents were acquired land through redistribution, 0.8% respondents were acquired land through combination of marriage, redistribution and lease. In the study area highest proportion (96.2%) respondents accessed land through marriage.

Table 10. Forms of land acquisition

Forms of acquisition Frequency Percent Through marriage 127 96.2

Through redistribution 2 1.5 Through lease 2 1.5 Through inheritance - - Combination of marriage, redistribution and lease 1 0.8 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

In the study area, different groups of women comprise within polygamous marriages, widows, divorcees, single/unmarried women and remarried. The information obtained through focus group discussion about polygamous marriages, reveals polygamous marriage was mostly attached to infertility, ageing of women and proud of husband. In the area it was not strange to marry two or above of two wives. The first wife was considered as first and hence she has a better opportunity to shares the property of husband but second or third wife share only his remaining part of the property.

The information obtained on single/unmarried women’s access to land reflects that, single/unmarried women did not apply to get land from parents or when abandoned or unoccupied land was distributed. The related study which was identified by Almaz (2007), in Oromia region, stated that the patrilineal inheritance system disfavored for women in terms of land acquisition through inheritance because women are not considered as 35

custodians of family property in community practices. Besides in his comparative study of two communities (one from Tigray and another from Oromia regional states of Ethiopia) Hadera (2002), argues that for the women “in many parts of the country are not given land since there is a belief that once they are married, they belong to their husbands‟ places and families”.

The information obtained on land use right of widows and divorced women confirms that their husbands land use right was attached to fertility. But unfertile women had to leave husband area only took of “Worime” (knife) and “Barko” (pillow) or head support. Finally the information discussed about remarried women illustrates as women was remarry for formal husband relatives after decease of formal husband. In this case the women had right to inherit land of formal husband if she bear children (sons).

4.3.1 Relationship between Marital Status and Forms of Land Acquisition

Table 11 shows the relationship between marital status and forms of land acquisition by using Pearson correlation analysis statistics. The statistical value demonstrates the negative (r=-0.725) relationship between the variables. This shows as marriage had impact on women’s access rights to land, because women had gained to their husbands’ land through marriage, but lost (primary) rights to gain their own lineage land at the same time.

Literatures revealed that women’s access to their husbands’ land through marriage offers them secondary rights and this right was seriously constrained in reality because women’s rights to their husbands’ land was secured as long as the marriage lasts (Hussein, 2013). In addition Almaz (2007) also indicated that land rights acquired through marriage expose women to crisis especially when marital conflicts lead to divorce or upon death of husbands.

Table 11. Relationship between marital status and form of land acquisition

Marital Frequency Percent Correlation (r) Forms of land acquisition status Through marriage 2 1.5 Married Through lease 1 0.8 -0.725 Divorced Through marriage 2 1.5 Through marriage 119 90.2 Through redistribution 2 1.5

Widowed Through lease 1 Through combination of marriage, 1 1.5 redistribution and lease Remarried Through marriage 4 3 Single - - - Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.4 Factors Influencing Women to Land Use Practice

4.4.1 Personal, Economic and Physical Factors

Relationship between personal factors and women land use practices

Table 12 indicates relationship between personal factors with women land use practices. While Pearson statistical analysis revealed there was a negative relationship was observed between family size and women land use practices because the greater the population densities, demand the greater land size. It conform the presence of a positive association between education status and women land use practices. Mean that the women who attended education had better opportunity to access and use the land rather than none education attended women.

White (2007) reported that only a small elite and professional or women with high economic status have secured rights through ownership of land and are able to influence decisions. This notion was supported by Gray and Kevane, (2001), expressed that women’s education level

and income may all be used as measures of bargaining power. Therefore, investing in education for women would change the nature and forces that marginalize women in terms of control over and use land.

Relationship between economic factors and women land use practices

The economic factors that shown in table 12 are land size, annual mean income and agricultural in puts. Women land use practices had positive association with the economic variables, while r=0.439. By their study Hadera and Tesfa, (2002) and Tesfaye, (2003) stated that women are marginalized from accessing and using land whenever land is scarce. There is positive but weak relationship between women land use with annual mean income and agricultural inputs, while annual mean income r=0.248 and agricultural inputs r = 0.154.

Relationship between physical factor and women land use practices

Finally table 12 displayed positive association between soil productivity, and women land use practices. Mean that increase of soil productivity and fertility might be motivating women to land use practices.

Table 12. Personal, economic and physical variables influence to women land use

Dependent variable Independent variables Correlation (r) 0.861 Women to land use Personal Factors education practices Family size -0.574

Economic factors Land size 0.439

income 0.248

Agricultural inputs 0.154

physical factor Soil productivity 0.054

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.4.2 Socio-Cultural Factors and Implementation System Of Land Policy

Table 13 displays relationship between women to land use practices and socio-cultural variables such as customary, labour force, and motivation and land policy implementation system. There is negative (r=-0.734) relationship between customary of the society and women land use practices. This confirms customary of the society might be one factor which affects adversely women land use practices.

Women are the most marginalized group of the community in relation to property rights and rural land in developing countries particular in Ethiopia. The main challenge for this is derogatory customary attitudes and practices which do not recognize a woman’s right to own and administer property and use the rural land (Deininger et al., 2007).

Women land use practices had positive relationship with motivation (r=0.165), labour power (r=0.043) and land policy implementation system (r=0.473). This implies increase of women motivation by interesting to land use, believing of their equality with male by work effort and practical implementation of land policy through the government body might be results women land use practices.

“The Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional state Rural Land Administration and Utilization Proclamation No.110/2007 ---- page 1 declare that women who want to engage in agriculture shall have the right to get and use rural land. Regarding property and inheritance rights of women, the Constitution clearly proclaims that they enjoy equal rights like men do (SNNPR, 2007). In addition, FDRE (1995 Constitution Article 35/7), recognizes that: Women have the right to acquire, administer, control, use and transfer property. In particular, they have equal rights with men with respect to use, transfer, administration and control of land. The policy was not implemented practical as declared in the proclamation.

On similar studied Almaz, (2007), affirmed that community customs and traditions become major challenges in implementing policies that favor women in land acquisition. Traditionally rights to property pass through the male line in Ethiopia. This implies that women’s status is generally inferior to that of men. Researches carried out on rural land policy implementation in Amhara region revealed that policies favoring women’s equal

landholding rights didn’t bring required changes at community level (Sida, 2003 and Askale, 2005).

Table 13. Relationship of socio-culture and legally policy with women to land use

Alternatives correlation (r)

Variables Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly agree disagree Percent percent Percent Percent Percent

Customary 56.8 22 6.8 12.1 2.3 -0.734

Motivation 48.5 34.1 5.3 9.1 3 0.165 land Policy 44.7 46.2 5.3 2.3 1.5 0.473 Labour power 35.6 43.9 10.6 6.1 3.8 0.043

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.5 Women Participation in Decision Making Of Land

Table 14 shows respondents participation in decision making of land. From total respondents, 6.8% household heads responded very high, 7.5% household heads responded high, 10.6% household heads responded medium, 31% household heads responded low, and 43.9% household heads responded very low. Even if all respondents were land ownership, majority proportion of them responded as their in decision making participation of land was low (31%) and very low (43.9%). By similar study Almaz (2007), affirmed that women can get access to land from husband. However, few have actually control and use over it. Information obtained through interview shows that mostly husbands not consulted with wives on matters of land like leasing. Informant told that many women’s appeal to the kebeles office and Woreda Land Administration office, because their husband leased out land without their knowledge and the family was in short of food and under other problems.

The information obtained through focus group discussion reflects that women had no right to say on what crops to grow, on the amount to be stocked for household consumption and amount to be sold. The information indicates that a clear division of labour existed in the

study area. Men were actively involved in farmland cultivation, and planting cash crops, where as women involved in activities such as food preparation, water fetching to the crops, storage, and transporting crops to the market by carrying. As the information implies, community of the study area thought food preparation and watching children was gift of nature for the women where as women cultivating farm land seen as a bad culture because they believed cultural women cultivation of farm land expose family to “bashe” (economic extravagance).

Zenebeworke (2000), and Tesfaye (2003), specified that rural women do not have equitable access to land and agricultural resources. Then they are less involved in development activities and have low decision-making power on land. Winrock (2001), studies in Ethiopia also indicated that women overtake a great portion of their time fetching water and collecting firewood, in addition to feeding children, taking care of the family and other household chores.

Table 14. Women participation in decision making of land

Participation level Very high High Medium Low Very low Freq. Percent Freq. Percent Freq. percent Freq. Percent Freq. Percent

9 6.8 10 7.5 14 10.6 41 31 58 43.9

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.6 Selection of Land Administration Committee

Table 4.15 show participators for LAC election of members. Out of total respondents, about 24.2% respondents responded that only male community members participate for election of LAC members, 8.3% respondents responded that only male household heads participate for election of LAC members, and 67.4% respondents responded that they didn’t know who was carried out for LAC members election.

The information obtained by interviews explained that LACs members were elected through direct participation of the community and community was requested to elect five persons

from each kebele. Then LACs members were voted from kebeles community. But the information obtained through the focus group discussion reflects that most time women had no information about LACs selection meeting. Then women usually do not attend community meetings and community prefers only male members. . The Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional state Rural Land Administration and Utilization Proclamation No.110/2007, declare that out of five members at least one female were required in LAC members, although women’s marginalization from governance of the land administration committee reflects the dominance of patriarchal cultures in community practices which put women to subordinate positions.

The study was conducted in Amhara, by Berhanu (2005); also reveal that land administration committees are composed of men only, since government officials do not promote participation of women. The participation of women in membership and leadership of rural kebeles was weak and this has affected their claim to land use (Yigremew, 2005).

Table 15. Participators for selection of land administration committee members

Participators Frequency Percentage Male and women community members participate for - - election of LAC members Only male community members participate for election of 32 24.2 LAC members Only male household heads participate for election of LAC 11 8.3 members Male and female household heads participate for election of - - LAC members I don’t know who was carried out 89 67.4 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014 4.7 Land Registration and Certification

Table 16 shows in the study area all respondents had their own land, from total ownership, 79.5% respondents were registered and certified, but the remaining 20.5%

respondents were not registered and certified, due to the different disputes which rises over land holding rights and lack of awareness about land registration and certification. Out 79.5% registered and certified respondents, 60% were registered and certified in land ownership name (household heads name), 5.3% household heads were registered and certified in husband name before his death, 12.1% respondents registered and certificated in name of sons, and 1.5% household heads were registered and certificated in others person name.

The information obtained through interview reflects that, registration and certification of women for their land was assumed to support them take a step towards improving their access to the agricultural land rights by providing a fair share of landholding right and decision making power. Informants also exposed that land use certificates lists the name of all family partner but only the picture of the husband and wife appears on the certificate, and certificate consider as women co-owners however, women did not really understand what co-ownership means and they thought themselves as live depending to husband without land.

This finding is similar with findings of Giovarelli, (2007). Giovarelli stated that in Oromia land use certificates lists the name of all spouses (although only the picture of the husband appears on the certificate), and that women consider themselves co-owners although they did not really understand what co-ownership means or allows them to do. The findings seem to contradict with that of Mintewab and Holden (2010), who found more female participation in the certification process in Amhara.

Table 16. Land registration and certification

Variables Land ownership Registered and certified Yes No Yes No Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency Percent 132 100 - - 105 79.5 27 20.5 Land was registered and certified by Variables frequency Percent Own name 80 60

husband name 7 5.3 Son name 16 12.1 Other person names 2 1.5 Not certified 27 20.5 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.8 Land Dispute and Resolving Mechanisms

Table 17 shows the land disputes that rise between gender groups. From total respondents 37.8% responded that dispute was rise in border of land, and 62.2% responded a dispute was rise on access to agricultural land.

In addition table 17 displays land dispute resolving mechanisms. Out of 132 total respondents, 84% responded that disputes was resolved through arbitration of locally elders, 4.5% responded that disputes was solved through LACs and Kebele chairman, 0.8% responded that disputes was solved through courts of Woreda, 7.5% responded that disputes was solved through land administration office, 2.3% responded that disputes was solved through other ways and 0.8% respondents responded that I didn’t know how disputes was solved. Generally as table data shows most land disputes were settled through customary laws.

The information gained through focus group discussion witnesses that, no any women were participates to arbitrate disputes over land, because women often make up a negligible member ship from arbitrators of the tribunal. The informants also informed that women equal rights to land and participation on land were not respected in the past and as well as no significant change at present. Information obtained through interview also notified as people traditionally did not prefer women as arbitrators to deal with disputes. Belachew (2009) argued that women are discriminated before religious and customary dispute resolution mechanisms when they submit dispute over the land.

Table 17. Land disputes and resolving mechanisms

Source of disputes Frequency Percent Border disputes of land 50 37.8 Access to land 82 62 No any dispute rise I know - - Dispute resolving mechanisms Through locally elders 111 84 Through LACs and Kebele chairman 6 4.5 Through courts 1 0.8 Through land administration office 10 7.5 Through all above listed way - - Through other way 3 2.3 I don’t know how dispute was solved 1 0.8 Total 132 100

Source: Field survey, 2014

4.9 Socio-Economic Implications of Gender Bias In To Land Use

Food insecurity and low income

In Ethiopia female-headed households are identified as they belonging with chronic food insecurity. Among causes of rural women’s food insecurity is inadequate access to resources, and particular land (Yigremew, 2005). Table 18 confirms gender land use bias firstly resulted to food insecurity and low income in the study area. From total respondents, 45

51.5% household heads were strongly agreed, 25.5% household heads were agreed, 2.3% households were undecided, 13.6% household heads were disagreed and 6.8% household heads were strongly disagreed.

The information obtained through interview, expresses that women use to land had limited in the study area due to constraints which was resulted from old age traditions and beliefs of the communities. This limitation bonded women with food insecurity, low income and other problems especially in the case of divorce in the study area.

Subordination on husband property

According to table 18 subordination of women on husband property was second consequence of gender bias to land use in the study area, since the study area was a highly under patriarchal society, where men dominate at sphere of farm land access. As table data displays 33.3% respondents were strongly agreed, 47.7% respondents were agreed, 7.6% respondents were undecided, 12.9% respondents were disagreed and 4.5% respondent were strongly disagreed.

Early marriage of the girls

As table 18 demonstrates early marriage of the girls was third consequences of gender bias on access to farm land. Out of total respondents’ 27.3% respondents were strongly agreed, 33.3% respondents were agreed, 6.1% respondents were undecided, 22% respondents were disagreed and 11.4% respondents were strongly disagreed.

According to information obtained from focus group discussion, in the parent home girls had no right’s to share property of parents specially farmland land. Lack of farmland access resulted girls to lack access of basic and additional needs, and dropout girls from school. Then many girls entered to marriage by interesting to fulfill basic and additional needs through husband property.

Migration to urban area

In the study area landless women and who had land scarcity migrated into urban area and came across a daily labour work. Table 18 shows response of respondents on migration to urban area caused by gender bias to land use. From total respondents, 26.5% respondents 46

were strongly agreed, 21.1% respondents were agreed, 6.9% respondents were undecided, 29.5% respondents were disagreed and 15.9% respondents were strongly disagreed. As the table 18 implies migration to urban area was fourth results which was caused by gender bias to land use.

Table 18. Socio-economic implications of gender bias to land use

Consequences Strongly Undecide Strongly Score Rank Agree Disagree agree d disagree Percent Percent Percent Percent percent Food insecurity 51.5 25.5 2.3 13.6 6.8 4 1 Early marriage 27.3 33.3 6.1 22 11.4 3.4 3 Migration 26.5 21.2 6.9 29.5 15.9 3.1 4 Subordination 33.3 47.7 7.6 12.9 4.5 3.8 2

Source: Field survey, 2014 Likert scale: 5-strongly agree, 4-agree, 3-undecided, 2-disagree, 1-strongly disagree

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary

As one of the natural resources, land is central to the existence and livelihood of humankind. In Ethiopia women’s access to land and property is central to women’s economic empowerment, as land can serve as a base for food production and income generation, as collateral for credit and as a means of holding savings for the future. However, due to economic, politically, social and cultural factors their rights to land and transfer land are weaker compared to those of men. The patriarchal gender relation determines women’s socio-economic status at household and community levels. These practices not only affect women as a whole in the communities but, make differences among different group of women.

As observed through survey in the study area, majority percent (48.5%) of the respondents were existed 42-49 age group and 91.7% respondents were illiterate. From total respondents, widowed comprise the largest proportion (93.2%) and marriage was a primary means for women to get right land use. In the study area one household hold respondents had at least 7 family members. The highest income source for the respondents was agricultural economic activity but the size of land differ household heads to household heads. One respondents had at least 0.64 ha of land.

In the study area women right to land use practices was constrained different factors. As the observed from Pearson correlation analysis, the women to land use practices right was associated positively with personal factor of education and negatively with family size. It was also associated positively with economic variables like mean annual income, land size, agricultural inputs and physical factor (soil productivity).

Finally, the Pearson correlation analysis shows, the relationship between the women land use practices and socio-cultural (customary, motivation, and labour power) factors and land policy. Women land use practices had positive relationship with land policy implementation, motivation and labour power. However, it had negative relationship with customary of the society.

At household and household head and community level women had less power in decisions making of land and land related matters. Mostly disputes rise between gender groups on access to land and land border was resolved through locally elders and women participation for disputes resolving mechanisms was marginalized through the society, although locally elders favoured toward the male. In addition, women had less participation in LAC members’ selection, and no any women selected for LACs and Sub-committees members in all sample Kebele. Besides, women were also unaware about land registration and certification in the study area.

In the study area the gender bias on to land use right had resulted women to many inverse effects such as food insecurity and low income, subordination on husband property, early marriage of girls, and migration to urban area respectively.

5.2 Conclusion

The study revealed that a large number of gender inequalities existed to land use in the study area. Women had less access to land than men due to gender-specific constraints. Local traditions and customs favoured toward the men over women in terms of land rights, ownership and inheritance. Women’s land rights were generally secondary land rights and based upon their wifely status, whereas men’s land rights were generally primary land rights and based upon their lineage membership.

Women had little control over their land rights, as they were rarely involved in decision- making processes concerning the land. Women could not to benefit from existing laws, which were passed to protect the land rights of vulnerable groups in society, as they were largely unaware of the existing legislations and their rights. Most land disputes were settled through customary laws, which generally favoured to ward men.

Literature reviewed and data surveyed from respondents reflected that women’s use to land had positive impacts on household food supply, household income and family welfare. Above all women’s equal access to land enable them to gain food security.

5.3 Recommendations

Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations were suggested to ensure land use practices problem of women in the study area.

Create awareness to household head and non household head women their equality with male naturally who saw themselves inferior to male.

Encourage fathers, husbands and other male relatives to transfer agricultural land, under the presence of a witness and in a well-documented manner to their wives and/or daughters as gifts while they are still alive.

Bring about changes through respected change agents such as Assembly Members, Religious Leaders, Village Leaders, teachers and others who are willing to address women’s rights and improve their status in society.

Implement legally laws which focus on women land equality, without missing at locally, Woreda, regional and National level and address discriminatory land inheritance practices as well as other factors that constrain women’s land use practices.

Women should be involved in the land administration programme and implementation process including in dispute settlement. Women should be also empowered to assume leadership positions in LACs and increasing women’s knowledge on land registration and certification.

Enhance understanding of communities that increasing women’s to use land resources will have a positive impact on the agricultural productivity, family welfare, and food security within the household and household income.

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Appendices

Arba Minch University, School of Graduate Studies

Department of Geography and Environmental Studies

Appendex-A

Household Survey Questionnaire

Dear respondent, this questionnaire is designed to obtain reliable information on Assessing the Land Use Practices Problem of Women: A Case Study from Arbegona Woreda, Southern Ethiopia. The information obtained will be used only for academic purposes and for the successfulness of the study; your responses will have great contribution. Therefore, you are kindly requested to give genuine information.

Thank you in advance.

Appendix - 1

Please, encircle or fill gap with the appropriate answers.

Part 1 – Demographic and socio-economic information of the respondents

Please give the required information in the appropriate space.

1. Name of kebele------

2. Sex A. Male B. female

3. Religion A. protestant B. orthodox C. Muslim D. cultural religion

4. Age A. 18-25 B. 26-33 C. 34-41 D. 42-49 E. above of 49

5. Marital status A. Married B. Single C. divorced D. widowed E. polygamous married F. remarried G. polygamous remarried H. single remarried

6. Family sizes 1-3 B. 4-6 C. 7-9 D. Above 9

7. Educational background

A. illiterate B. grade 1-4 C. Grade 5-8 D. Grade 9- 12 E. Above 12

8. What is source of your income?

A. Agriculture B. Trade C. Agriculture and trade D. Daily labour E. Other

9. How much income (birr) you earn in the year?

A. Less than 1,200 birr B. 1,200-4200 birr

C. 4,200-7,200 birr D. above 7,200

Part -2 Agricultural land access

10. Have your owned farm land?

A. Yes B. No

11. If Q10 response is “yes” at what way did you get opportunity of access to agricultural land?

A. By inheritance B. Through marriage

C. Through land redistribution D. By leasing from other holders

E. Inheritance and redistribution

F. In heritance and leasing

If any other specify------

12. What is the size of your farm plots?

A) Less than 0.5 hectare B) 0.5—1 hectare

C) 1—1.5 hectare D) 1.5-2 E. Above of 2 ha

13. How many farm land parcels did you own?

A) One B) two-three C) three to five

D) More than five E) no farmland

14. List crops that covered land

A. Annual crop 61

1.______

2.______

3 ______

B. Perennial crop

1.______

2.______

15. Types of livestock owned in number: -

1. Cattle------

2. Sheep_____

3. Goat______

4. Horse_____ 6. Donkey______7. Mule

Part-3 Women participation in agriculture and land

16 Is there gender partiality to labor in your locality?

A. Yes B. No C) unable to determine

17. If Q 17 answer is “yes” justify the reason------

18. In what duties women involve in your locality (rank it).

A) Looking for children B) Preparing food in home

C) Cultivating farmland D) Participating in kebele administration

If any others specify ------

19. At what extent do you participates in decision making of land at your locality?

A. very high B. High C. Medium D. Low E. very low

Part-3.1 Land registration and certification

20. If Q 19 answer is yes, have you taken farm land use certificate?

A. Yes B. No 62

21 If Q 20 answers is “yes” certificate named by whom?

A. Own name (women household head name) B. name of husband C. name of sons D. other name

Part – 3 land disputes and resolving mechanisms

22. Is the land disputes was occurred in your locality? A. yes B. No

23. What is the source of land disputes that rise between gender groups in the study area?

A. Border disputes B. Land access disputes C. other D. no any disputes

24. If dispute existed between gender groups to land how it was resolves

A. Through locally elders

B. With LACs and Kebele chairman C. Through courts

D. Through land administration office E. Other ways F. I don’t know

Part -4 Factors that limit women to land use practices

Economic and personal factors

25. Which factors limit farm land use practices women among below variables in your area? Tick appropriate one?

Factors Alternatives Yes No Age Education level Family size Marital status Land size Income level Agricultural inputs Soil productivity Socio-cultural factors

26. Which factors affect women land use practices? Tick appropriate answers

N Factors Strongly Agree undecide disagree Strongly o agree d disagree 1 Traditional (customary) practices 2 Motivation 3 Labour force 4 Miss implementation of land policy

Part-5 Selection of land administration committee members

27. Who were involves selection of kebele land administration committee members?

A. All community members participate for election of LAC members B. only male community members participate for LAC members election C. only male household heads participate for election of LAC members D. Both male and women household heads participates for election of LAC E. I don’t know how it was carried out

Part-6 Consequences of gender bias on land use possession.

29. What are the negative effects of women inaccessibility to farm land? Tick appropriate answer

No Effects Strongly Agree undecided disagree Strongly agree disagree 1 Migration to urban area 2 Poverty & low economic income 3 Increased dependence of women’s on their husband property 4 Early marriage of girls

30. How can reduce gender discrimination in land use?

______64

Thanks!!

Prepared by: Asefa G.

Appendix- B

The questionnaire prepared as guideline to held interview and focus group discussion

1. What are the causes that limit women to land use practices? 2. How can solve disputes that rise on the land between gender groups? 3. How do you consult community to minimize gender gap at the land use practices? 4. What look like view of current constitution to the women land use practices? Does the community understand its concept attentively? 5. What is the advantage of women land use right to the socio-economic development? 6. How did elect LAC committee members? By whom? What is the duty of the elected committee? 7. How did you access agricultural land? 8. Which marriage type was dominated in the area? How land was shared between different marriage groups?