EDUCATING THE AFRICAN IMMIGRANT CHlLD IN CANADA: A STUDY OF HOW GKANAIAN PARENTS NEGO'MATE THE HOME-SCHOOL INTERSECTION

William Boakye Akoto

A thesis subrnitted in conformity with the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Eàucation

Department of Adult Education, Community Development and Counseling Psychology

Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto

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William Boakye Akoto, Doctor of Education, 2ûûû

Department of Adult Education, Commmity Development and Couuseling Psychobgy University of Toronto

This dissertation is an exploratory study of minonty African parents' involvement in the education of their children in a Canach Situated within a framework which underscores notions of pluralism and inclusion, the inquiry utilizes case study rnethods to focus attention on the particular challenges that Ghanaian parents encounter as they negotiate the intersection of the home and school in the education of their children in Canada. The major finding of the study is that Ghanaian parents' lack of awareness about educational policies and school processes in Canada combines with the insensitivity of school officials to attenuate the potential contribution of the parents to the education of their children. The parents' attitudes and behaviors conceming their children's education are largely informed by their pre-immigration educational and socialization expenences in Ghana. and their daity lived experiences in Canada. But, institutional and teacher practices do not offer much support to parents because such practices are removed from the parents' experiences and are largely fed by the 'deficit thinking' paradiep. To maximize the contributions of Ghanaian parents to the education of theirchildren in Canada, the finding points to the need to examine and interpret the relationship that schools maintain with Ghanaian families in the light of the parents' pre-immigration socialization experiences and present social, cultural and economic location within Canada. 1 owe a great deai of thanks to a great many people. First, 1would like to thank my supervisor, J. Gary Knowles, for his constant guidance and support throughout the study. Gary's penetrating questions made it possible for me to understand and interpret the world with different eyes. Without his patience and guidance this thesis would not have been feasible. Next, 1 would like to thank the other members of my cornmittee, G. J, Sefa-Dei and Shahrzad Mojab for providing me with valuable insights, perspectives. comments and advice which helped to enrich the study. 1 would also like to thank dl the parents and youth who gave me their time to participate in the study. Without their cooperation, this study would not have ken completed. Finally, 1 would like to thank my family for theirconstant emotional support over the course of my studies. They provided me with the love and strength 1 needed to finish my work. Table of Content

.. Abstract ...... il ... Acknowledgements ...... 111

CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Persona1 and Subjective Location ...... 7 1.3 Parent Involvernent in Children's Education: An overview ...... 10 1 .4 Objectives of the Study ...... 12 1.5 The Rationale of the Study ...... 13 1.6 Assumptions ...... 19 1.7 Thesis Format ...... 19 1 -8 Definitions of Terms ...... 21

CHAPTER TWO: BACKGROUNDS OF GHANAIANS IN CANADA 2.1 Introduction ...... 24 2.7 The Political and Economic Development of Ghana ...... 24 2.3 Ethnicity and Cultural Make-up of Ghana ...... -26 2.3 Education in Ghana ...... -27 2.5 The Immigration Experience ...... 30 2.6 Surnrnary ...... 34

CHAPTER THREE: EDUCATING MINORlTY CHILDREN IN A MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT 3.1 Introduction ...... -36 3.2 Race, Minority Status. and Students' Academic Problems ...... -36 3.2.1 Theoretical Conceptions of Race ...... -38 3.2.2 The Deficit Thinking Paradigrn ...... -46 3.2.3 Perceived Labor Market Theory ...... -59 3.2.4 Econornic Reproduction Theory ...... -61 3.2.5 Resistance Theory ...... 63 3.3 Countering 'Deficit Thinking': Multiculturalism and the Education of Minority Children ...... 67 3.3.1 Multicultural Education ...... -72 3.3.2 Anti-racist Education ...... -77 3.4 Summary ...... 80

CHAPTER FOUR: PARENT INVOLVEMJ3T IN THEIR CHILDREN'S EDUCATION 4.1 Introduction ...... 81 4.2 Government Sponsored Initiatives: Background ...... -82 4.2.1 Government Initiatives in the United States ...... 84 4.2.2 Government initiatives in Canada (Ontario) ...... -92 4.3 Rationale for Parent Involvement: Theoretical Perspectives ...... 101 4.3.1 Epstein: The Theory of Spheres of Influence ...... IO1 4.3.2 Schaefer: The Theory of 'Life-Time . and 'Liye-Space' ...... 103 4.3 -3 Brofenbrenner: The Theory of Family School Ecology ...... 106 4.3.1 Coleman: The Theory of Replenishing Social Capital ...... 108 4.3.5 Public Participation in Education ...... 110 4.4 Evidence from the Field: P 1 and Students' Academic Performance ...... 112 4.5 Barriers to Parent Involvement ...... 118 4.5.1 Philosophical Tension ...... 119 4.5.2 Conceptual Weaknesses ...... 121 4.5.3 Organizational Nature of Schools ...... 123 4.5.4 Social CIass Bias ...... 126 4.5.5 lnstitutional Culture of Schools ...... 127 4.5.6 Psychological Constraints ...... 129 4.5.7 Cultural Barriers ...... 130 4.5.8 Time Constraints ...... 132 4.6 Summary ...... 132 CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS 5.1 Research Design ...... 134 5.2 Methodology ...... 136 5.3 Negotiating an Entry ...... 141 5.4 Selection of Participants ...... 144 5.5 The Families 1 Talked To ...... 145 5.6 Methods of Data Collection ...... 153 5.7 Data Analysis and Organization ...... 155 5.8 Confidentiality and Ethics ...... 157

CHAPTER SIX: PARENTS' ATTmESTOWARDS EDUCATION 6.1 Introduction ...... 159 6.2 Attitudes Towards Education ...... 159 6.3 Attitudes Towards Education in Ontario ...... 162 6.3.1 The Core Cuniculum ...... 162 6.3.2 Availability of Textbooks ...... 164 6.3.3 Testing and the Report Card ...... 165 6.3.4 The New High SchooI Program ...... 168 6.3.5 Inclusive Education ...... 171 6.3.6 School Discipline ...... 174 6.3.7 Religion in School ...... 177 6.4 Attitudes Towards Teachers ...... 178 6.5 Attitudes on 'Parent Invotvement' ...... 181 6.6 Summary ...... 183

CHAPTER SEVEN: GHANAIAN PARENTS' INVOLVEMENT IN THE EDUCATION OF THEIR CHILDREN 7.1 Introduction ...... 185 7.2 Choice of Schools ...... 185 7.3 Participation in Assessrnent and Placement ...... 190 7.4 Invotvement at Chiidren's School ...... 192 Influencing Children's Out-of-School Lieanring ...... 202 Participating in Children's Out-of-School Leaming ...... -203 Monitoring Children's Use of Out-of-School Time ...... -211 Providing Educational Resources and Opportunities ...... 215 Differences in levels of involvement ...... -21'7 Dealing with Children's Experience of Racism ...... -219 Dealing with Children's Cultural Dissonance ...... -223 Dealing with the Counseling Needs of Children ...... -226 Summary ...... 228

CHAPTER EIGHT: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS 8. I Introduction ...... 230 8.2 Attitudes Towards Education ...... -331 8.3 Attitudes Towards Education in Ontario ...... -233 8.4 School Choice: Opportunities and Barriers ...... 239 8.5 Involvernent in Schools: The influence of Primary Cultural Characteristics ... 241 8.6 Lnvolvement in Schools: Institutional, Socio-Economic and Psychologicai Barriers ...... -244 8.7 Cultural Ambivalence and Dissonance ...... 249 8.8 Summary ...... 250

CHAPTER 9:CONCLUSIONS 9.1 Introduction ...... 252 9.2 Researcher's Assumptions in Data Interpretations ...... 252 9.3 Restaring Research Issues ...... -253 9.4 A Summary of Research Findings ...... 254 9.5 Implications for Theory ...... -257 9.6 Implications for Schools ...... -259 9.7 Implications for Policy ...... -262 9.7.1 Transitional Programs for New Ghanaian Shîdents ...... 262 9.7.2 Building an Inclusive Educational Environment ...... 264 Educational Prograrns for Ghanaian Parents ...... -266 Preparation of Teachers of Disadvantaged Children ...... -267 Recruiting Ex-Ghanaian Teachers ...... -269 Ai ternative Site-Based Councii (ASBC) ...... -270 Ethnic Educational Resource Centers (J2ERC) ...... -271 Mentorship Programs ...... -271 Community-School Liaison Counselors ...... -273 Implications for Further Studies ...... 274

References ...... 276

Appendix A: Interview Guide ...... 305

Appendix B: Letter of Consent to Parents ...... -307

viii CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND

1.1 Introduction: The unfolding reality

There is a new demographic reality unfolding in Canada, especially in the Toronto

Metropolitan Area, as a result of rapid increases in the populations of minority groups. As recently

captured by a report by the Toronto Access and Equity Center (TAEC),the phenornenon exhibits

three trends in immigration pattern: overall increases in immigration levels; shift in immigration

sources; and increased ethnic and cultural differentiation (Carey, 1998, June 7:Al).

Canadian immigration ievels have gone up from approximately 85,000 to 220,000 annually,

with one out of every four immigrants settling in Metropolitan Toronto. The numbers also show that

more than 300,000immigrant children under the age of 15 from diverse countries arrived in Canada

between 1 990 and 1995, wi th an estimated 55 and 40 percent of these children expected to live in

Ontario and Metropolitan Toronto respectively (Carey, 1988, June 7: 16).

The recent immigration changes have dso demonsuated a shift in source countries, that is countries where immigrants originate. Unlike in the 1960s where about 90 percent of al1 immigrants came from continental Europe, Third World countries have featured prominently in recent years as major source regions of new immigrants to Canada. This new trend, partly the consequence of an overhaul of immigration laws in the 1970s (Hawkins, 1972), has helped boost the proportion of

minorities who now make up 48 percent of the population and that is expected to increase to 54

percent by the year 2000, up from 30 percent in 1991 (Carey, 1998, June 7: A 16).

Again, recent immigration flow has exhibited considerable ethnic and cultural differentiation.

For exarnple, in 199 1. approximately 68 ethnic ongins were to be found in Greater Toronto with approximately 62 mother tongues spoken (Statistics Canada, 1993, Mchnes, 1993, February 24).

But in 1998, i t was reported that immigrants have come from 169 countries, speaking 100 different languages (Carey, 1998, June 7: A16). With respect to schwls, in 1993.47 percent of elementary and secondary students in Metro Toronto came from homes where neither English nor French was the first language (The Public School Boards in Mevopolitan Toronto and The Metropolitan

Separate School Board, 1993: 15). But, projections indicate that by the year 2000, 70 percent of

Toronto's school population wiil come from non-native English speaking background (Gerard.

1993).

These changes in the demographic makeup of Canada, particuiarly Metropolitan Toronto, have had wide implications for education as schools find themselves confronted with ever greater demands to accommodate more students from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds. Schools are increasingly king called upon to respond to this dynarnic social and cultural reality by modifying CUIT~CU~U~content and pedagogy; and as well establish new programs and services to

Iink schools with diverse cultural communities (Cummins, 1986). In addition, there have been calls to diversify the teaching force; to increase access to teachereducation and employment of racial and cultural minority. including those who were teachers in other countries before coming to Canada

(Cochran-Smith, 1995; Hawley, 1989; OMET, 1993). According to Thiessen, Basai and Goodson

( 1996), the cal1 for changes go beyond the simple issue of 'faimess', and that they are predicated on the belief that racial minority and immigrant teachers' own experiences and socio-cultural locations will improve the quality of educational experiences for racial minority and immigrant chitdren.

The cal1 on Ontario's schools to reflect the new diversity is based on the criticism that in spite of the changes going on in the larger society, schools have remained unresponsive and have

continued to promote mainly European world views and cultural traditions. The prevalence of one

cuitural tradition, it has been argued, has limited al1 students' opportunities to benefit from the

experience. knowiedge systems and contributions of people from other ethnic and cultural

backgrounds. Also, it has been suggested that the exclusion of the experiences, values, and

viewpoints of minority groups constitute systemic barrier to the success of students from those

groups. Such inequities, i t has been suggested, have contri buted to students' low self-esteem,

placement in inappropriate academic programs, low career expectations, and a high dropout rate

(OMET, 1993: 5).

The pressure on Ontario's schools to adapt to the fairly recent demographic changes has also

corne from intemal source. In a Toronto Star report titled: Universiries face massive enrolrnenr

crrtsh (Mal lm, 1999, April 1 : A3), a study commissioned by the Council of Ontario Universities

noted that Ontario universities must embark on a massive expansion program to accommodate the children of baby-boomers who will enter the system early in the next century. The study projected that 90,000 students will enter university over the next decade- an increase of 40 percent- and that an investment of between S 1.2 billion and $1 -8 billion a year'will be needed to start building and to hire professors. The study also noted that the provincial government's plans to elirninate the fifth year of high school by 2003 have intensified the problem since two classes of high school graduates

wilI finish the sarne year.

The Council of Ontario Univenities' study also stated that demand for university space will be aggravated not only by demographics but also by the need for a pst-secondary education as an entry point into many jobs and the return of more adults to university to upgrade their skills. Incidentdl y, this expanded mandate for public schools, at ail levels, corne at a tirne when they find

t hernselves faced wi th ever shrinking resource cornmitment. The Provincial Progressive

Conservative govemment of Ontario since coming to power has introduced funding policies that

have considerably dwindled monies available to each student. The Caledon Institute has estimated

that educational spending will be down by nearly $2 billion per year by 200 1 , from $13.9 1 billion St in 1995 to S 1 1.96 billion at the turn of the 2 1 Century. The Toronto Star newspaper has criticized the provincial government by noting that "Queen's Park through the introduction of Bi11 160 stripped school boards of their taxing power and adopted a single set of numbers to apply across- the-board, regardless of each student's needs and each school's differences and over 150 years of history" ( 1 999, January 4: A 14).

There clearly exists now a climate of inertia in public education due mostly to official ambivalence towards educational policies. And this has fueled an unhealthy working relationship between the government. on one hand, and school boards and schools across the province of

Ontario on the other hand. This strained relationship is perhaps best exemplified by the Fa11 1998 industrial action that was embarked on by the Metro Toronto Teachers' Unions of both the public and separate school systems in their response to the govemrnent's introduction of Bill 160.

The strained relationship between the government of Ontario and schools was further aggravated when on Aprii 19, 1999 the Ontario government announced a plan that would have teachers tested and re-certify every three to fwe years, among other expectations from students.

School boards and teachers have already responded with a sense of complete outrage to the new plan. Gail Nyberg, chairperson of the Toronto District Schwl Board accused the govemment of

"attacking teachers and trying to inflarne an already bad situation." (Chamberlain,1999, April20: A 1.16). If anything can be said about this new proposal, it promises an intensification of the long

drawn dispute between the govemment and school boards, schools and teachers across the province.

Even though it is the recent fxasbetween the govemment and school boards, including their

schools and teachers, that continue to receive public scnitiny, the relationship between schools and

parents has not ken good either. In a series of newspaper and magazine coverage (DufQ, 1993,

May 29; Daly, 1993, June 5; Fennel & Stacey, 1993, January), parents' groups have consistently

voiced their discontent with the school system. Duffy, writing for the Toronto Star, noted:

Why is everybody running down Ontario's elernentary and secondary schools? In interviews and in a new poll for The Star, parents have voiced wide dissatisfaction with the education system- and many fear the schools are in a State of decline. They Say they want a retum to the basics. and the vast majority. Want their children to be tested regularly for maths and literacy skills (Duffy, 1993, May 29: AS)

Similarly, Daly ( 1993, June 5: Al, AS) reported parents cornplaints of king handed a lot of

"vague comments and jargon-type words, and leaming little about how their child is really doing."

Also. Fennel and Stacey ( 1993, January), writing for Maclean's Magazine, reported that parents are questioning the integi ty of schools because "high school graduates could not read properly."

The tension between schools and parents appears to have ken further exacerbated by Ontario school boards' imbroglio with the provincial govemment. The September 19, 1998 issue of the

Toronto Star carried an extensive report on the reaction of parent groups to the teachers' industrial action of September 1998. Tired of waiting out the stnke that had sent home over 200,000 high school students, from both the public and separate school systems, some parents decided to take some action to ensure that schools stayed opened. Elaine Carey, of the Toronto Star, noted that about 150 angry parents and students demonstrated in York Region outside the Separate school board offices in Richmond Hill, carrying placards some of which read 'Please stop using our

5 children as pawns,' 'You are letting our chilâren down,' and 'Get Our children back to school'

(Carey, 1 998, September 19: A 1). The reporter quoted one parent organizer as saying many parents were volunteering to help teach the chiidren because they thought it was time "to take matters into their own hands" @.A 1 ). Meanwhile, some parents felt compelled to teach their children at home.

A mother of two kids- seven and five year old- who had taken this route because she was self- employed and could work from home told Leslie Ferenc of the Toronto Star that 'Tm not a trained teacher so it's a little difficult to know if 1am doing the right thing, but what is the alternative?'' But others expressed their inability to teach their children even if they wanted to do so. A mother of a grade IO student sadiy observed "1 can't teach grade IO. 1 don? even know what subjects he is taking" (P.A. 10).

With the political high stakes involved in the present conflict between school boards and schools on one hand and the provincial govemment on the other hand, it is the political hot button issues that get the attention in public discourses. Also, because public schools have tended to be dominated by the mainstream culture (Chavkin 1993; OPC, 1994). issues of school boards' restructuring. accountability, standards, testing, discipline have featured prominently in the debate. while issues that are of particular concern to minority groups such as inclusive curriculum. equity and racism have been rnuted (Dei, 1993).

Another reason for the limited participation of minority groups in the education of their children may also be apathy on the part of the parents themselves. This may have been caused mainiy be a feeling of alienation on the part of rninority groups. Councilor Rob Davis, the only black representative at Metro Toronto City Hall, addressed this issue when he commented on the lack of black participation in various aspects of the Canadian society. He noted that while the white establishment has shown very little inclination to share power, especially with people of color,

blacks have contributed to the problem by a feeling that they are not part of society. Councilor

Davis advised the black community that there is a real need for it to get involved in order to have

influence in public policy which ultimately goes to impact the whole community. He emphasized

the importance of involvement with the popular saying: "If you play, you could lose, but if you

don't play, you could never win" (Donkor, June, 1999: 14).

1.2 Personal and subjective location

Since 1993,I have been involved in the publication of a cornmunity newspaper, The African

Corzrlectiorz. and through this have come to know many members of the Ghanaian community,

particuiarly in Toronto. Through formal and informal interactions, 1 have come to share some of

their personal as well as collective experiences as they deal with issues concerning employment,

housing, social services. education, cultural and social isolation and racism within the Canadian

society. Of al1 these concerns, perhaps the most womsome, is Ghanaian adults apprehension about

the kind of future their children will inherit in Canada.

The concern of Ghanaian parents about the future of their children goes to the core of issues

surrounding the education system in Canada and the quality of the education that the children of

recent immigrants receive. Such a concern exhibits a certain level of ambivalence. On the one hand,

Ghanaian parents appreciate the fact that due to the relatively higher educational standards in

Canada (compared to what may be obtained in Ghana) their children have the opportunity they (the

parents) did not have to reach their potential. But, at the same time, Ghanaian parents acknowledge that due to their children's background as blacks and identification as members of a minority group,

as well as their relative low social class status, their success within Canada's education system, and

consequent future social mobility is questionable.

Some of the children are very new to Canada, like Desmond, my 12 year old son who came

to Canada in March. 1997. Due to the poor conditions of education in Ghana, Desmond was on

arriva1 in Canada, determined through assessrnent to be functioning at the level of Grade 4 instead

of Grade 6 where he should have ken,considering his age. Many Ghanaian children who corne

to Canada are like Desmond; they face initial adjustment problems to the Canadian way of life,

including learning a new way of schooling, learning how to tune his ears to understand English as

i t is spoken by first langage English speaking teachers and students. One of Desmond's first

complaints when he started going to school was he could not understand his teacher. He was placed

in an ESL class to help improve his proficiency in English. Hadden ( 1987) agreed in her study

amont minority children in the North York Region of Metropolitan Toronto which services a large

minority population including newly arrived Ghanaians, that many children lacked the academic

and social coping skills which their peers possessed. The children were found to be well below accepted levels of reading as they lacked much of the conceptual development experienced in

Canadian society, and required for reading readiness of standard materials from Canadian

publishers.

Ghanaian children are also affected by prejudices and racism. The Ontario Secondary School

Teachers Federation (OSSTF) (1993) has commented that insidious racism occurs daily at school: in the lunchroom, in the hallways, on the school bus, in any place where a group of chiIdren interact. Also. within the school setting, there are concerns that insensitivity, prejudice and racism penneate the school through teacher attitudes, institutionalizedrituals and negative images of black and minority students to discourage their leaming.

Already emerging within the Ghanaian community is evidence (Yeboah, 1997. August) point ing to a view that Ghanaian children may be experiencing similar well documented self-esteem and educational problems that have for severd decades dogged black children who have been in

Canada for much longer periods (Brown, 1984; D'Oyley, 1976; Ramcharan, 1975; Braithwaite

1989; James, 1990; Solomon, 1992; Dei, Mazzuca, Mcisaac & Campbell, 1995; Toronto Board of Education, 1992; CAB€,1992; BEWG, 1993; Hadden, 1987).

Currently, as reported by Gilbert and Frank (1995) in the School Leaver Follow-up Survey report, the Canadian Society is getting more and more highly educated over-di. Within a period of

40 years (from 195 1 - 199 1 ) the proportion of Canadians who have acquired some form of post- secondary education has increased by fivefold, while the proportion of Canadian youth with less than grade 9 education dropped to only four (4) percent or one-tenth of what it was in 195 1.

However, the School Leaver Follow-up Survey (Gilbert & Frank, 1995), also recognized that while the over-al1 educational levels of Canadians are increasing, "cumulative disadvantage" works against minority and disadvantaged students to the extent that education appears to be socially stmctured with some students having access to more cultural, intellecnial and social capital while others do not. The implication of this new development for black students' educational experience, which 1 will descnbe as "hunger in the midst of plenty." is a need for their farnilies and communities to get together and work to help the children work harder, and stay longer, at school in order to increase their future competitiveness on the job market.

Presently, the need for support for Ghanaian immigrant children has become even more crucial. There are many more Ghanaian children coming, or expected to come, from Ghana to join

their parents who have just recently succeeded in fegularizing their stay in Canada. The tenn "KLM

Babies" has ken popularized within the community to symbolize the increased immigration of

Ghanaian children into Canada via the KLM airline. These children are corning. just like Desrnond

came, with a wide range of preparations and abilities. With this, the pressure on schools, parents

and teachers is going to be intensified, rather than controlled. School boards, schools and teachers

are going to be increasingly called upon to come up with innovative strategies to meet the

challenges that this new reaiity poses. And if they can succeed in providing the relevant help for

these students, their parents and the entire Ghanaian community have to be involved. Policymakers

and schools need a better understanding of the children's backgrounds and circumstances in

Canada. and as well the expectations that their parents bring to the education of their children.

1.3 Parent involvement in children's education: An overview

According to Docking (1990)-parent involvement in education has a long tradition which in

every era hm ken shaped by prevalent thinking about the abili ties of parents to raise their children.

So, for example, when in the early part of this century Board schools saw themselves as removing

children from parent exploitation, teachers were frequently urged to impress school values on the

home. particularly in the areas of moral and physical welfare (Delhi, 1993).

In the 1960s the main criticism leveled at parents was that many of them were not sufficiently

interested in their children's education (Deutsch, 1967).This concern was fueled by the publication

of a number of research studies which were unanimous in concluding that variation in parentd

attitudes was one of the main factors underlying variations in children's school achievement (Douglas, 1964; Coleman, Campbell, Hobson, McPartland, Mood, Weinfeld & York, 1966;

Central Advisory Cornmittee for Education, 1967).In the 1970s the academic problems of minority chi ldren were attn buted to the cultural and linguistic inadequacies of their farnilies (Bernstein,

1971, 1975). The perception of parents as the problem reflected a traditional view of parent involvement which viewed parents as dependent on experts* opinions, passive in the receipt of services, in need of direction, peripheral to decision-making, and perceived inadequate and deficient

(Wolfendale 1 983)-

However, contemporary research findings have shown that al1 classes of parents are interested in the education of their children and possess the potentid to be effective partners with school in the education of their children (Dauber & Epstein, 1993; Chavkin, 1993; Chavkin & Williams,

1989: Henderson. Marburger & Oorns. 1986; Rich, 1985; Lareau, 1987). Research findings have also shown that higher levels of parent involvement in schoois have been found to be associated with higher levels of academic achievement in African American chiidren (Slaughter-Defoe, 1991).

While these developing forms of partnership have been welcomed by many parents and teachers. it is not apparent how far parent involvement benefit children from minority homes. For example, it has ken found that parents of ethnically and linguistically diverse students as weli as lower income parents do not participate in the schools in the sarne numbers as the majority and higher income parents (Lareau, 1987; Clark, 1983; Corner. 1980; YaO, 1988; Calabrese, 1990). The present challenge then is for more research to be conducted to examine why minority families do not participate on the same scale as families from mainsueam cultures and what needs to be done to reverse the situation. Objectives of the study

Ln this study 1 attempt to investigate how Ghanaian parents ger involved and deal with issues relating to their children's education. A major premise of this study is to succeed in helping

Ghanaian chi ldren make the grades at school, there is a need for teachers and schools to work with their parents on issues that directly affect the education of the children both at home and at school.

There is no disputing the view that Ghanaian parents want their children to succeed at school to enhance their future social and economic mobiiity within the Canadian society. There is also no disputing the view that teachers of Ghanaian children are professionais who have ken trained to help students make the grades at school. The question that remains is how best cm parents and teachers and their schools work together to create the kinds of leaming environments that would hel p Ghanaian children succeed at school?

The first step towards this process is to understand the expectations that both groups- teachers/school and parents- bring to the educational process on behalf of children. While there is an increasing amount of descriptive literature now available on what teachers and schools expect of children and their parents, there is a paucity of information as to how the parents themselves actual 1 y regard schools. teachers, and the education of their children. Because teachers cannot fully appreciate the expectations that Ghanaian parents, much like other minority parents, bring to the education process, they are often in a dilemma as to how to respond to their needs and the needs of their children. leading to the inevitable consequences of teachers' propensity to typecast the parents and their children as the 'problern' while in a reciprocal fashion, parents rationalize their mistrust for schools and teachers.

To help Ghanaian immigrant children succeed at school there is a need for information to help

12 both parents and schools corne up with effective ways to work together in search for solutions in

the interest of the children. To do this we need to find out what parents themselves think about their

role in their children's education. The study will thus focus on these issues:

[sue 1 : Parent attitudes to education Issue 2: Parent knowledge and understanding of educational goals and school policies ksue 3: Parent choice of children's school ksue 4: Parent attitudes towards children's teachers ksue 5: Parent understanding of 'parent involvement' ksue 6: Parent involvement in children's school Issue 7: Parent involvement with children's out-of-schwl learning Issue 8: How parents deal with issues of adjustment and racism that affect children's education. 'ssue 9: How parents deal with the counseling needs of their children.

1.5 The rationale of the study

A review of related literature reveaied that very few systematic studies have kenconducted

to explore immigrant minority peoples' experiences with educational institutions in Canada. It

appears that it has always been assumed away that the dominant culture and its institutions to which

immigrants are immersed possess universal knowledge that can be applied to help solve whatever

problems that immigrants encounter. So, as applied to education, few studies have focused on

schools with large populations of educationally disadvantaged students or "hard-to-reach" parents

(Epstein. 1988). However. emerging insights and understanding about the special circumstances of

immigrants and minorities have made a challenge of this dominant view, and a re-conceptualization

of the needs of new immigrants possible.

Chavkin (1993) has offered the most consistent argument in suppon of studying minority

parents' relationship with schools. Chavkin argues that even though the demographic and economic

profile of the North Arnerica have changed, educational systems have ken less successhl in providing appropriate education to the growing number of minority childmn. The author continues that one promising method of dealing with the academic problems of minority children is to involve their parents in their education. Incidentaily, whete parents of mainstrearn culture on average tend to participate more in their children's education, and thus dominate the education culture, minority parents appear oblivious to the experiences of their children's education. Chavkin therefore concludes that there is need for more studies to enquire into the problem-

Second, even though the African population in Canada has increased dramatically within the last fifteen years, aided by influx from countries such as Somalia, Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria. Sierra

Leone and Rwanda, not enough studies have been conducted to investigate the group's experiences in Canada. The paucity of research on African immigrants, according to Owusu (1996) is due to the fact that in most studies, African immigrants are either ignored or, at best, lumped together with

Cari bbean or West Indians into one analytical category- "blacks". One reason for this is the fact that the total number of African immigrants in Canada as a whole is small compared to the number of immigrant groups from other regions. Another reason is dsothe fact that black Africans are often caregorized with Caribbean populations because of an implied assumption of 'sameness' based on physical traits. This assumption is an example of the process of racialization which cannot be analytically or empirically sustained (Owusu, 1996). Owusu points out that it is misleading to treat

Africans, Caribbeans and other blacks as a homogeneous group because available 1i terature points to considerable differences in socioeconomic and demographic profiles of the various groups immigrant groups (Simmons, 1990).

Toronto City Councilor Rob Davis succinctly drove home this point when he recounted his own experience growing up in North York as a Canadian-born black kid. He recailed that within the small black communi ty in the York-Eglington area in the earl y l96Os, he and his brother were considered different by other black youth because nearly al1 of them had immigrated from the

Cari bbean:

When the Caribbean community started to grow, we found out, as Canadian-bom, that there were some cultural differences between ourselves and the other West Indian youth. even though we al1 had black parents from the Caribbean. The same thing occurred in the greater community, king one of a few black children in a sea of white faces. So, it was almost like we were a rninority within a minority" (Donkor, 1998: 14)

Eminent Anthropologist John Ogbu ( 198 1) clarifies the importance of discriminating arnong different minority experiences when we attempt to understand how the influences of the community and the home affect children's ability to leam at school. Ogbu argues that to understand community and home factors that impinge on children's ability to leam, we need to first understand (1) how their community and home are influenced by broader societal forces impinging on them, (2) how the wider community evaluates and uses the education of adult members of the community, and (3) how schools perceive and treat the children, their home and their cornmunity. The nature of these influences. Ogbu contends, is not necessarily the same for the lower class and for minority children; nor for different groups of minority children. It is important therefore that researchers "distinguish factors that affect school leaming of lower class children from those that affect school leaming of minority children, and that we further distinguish factors that affect school learning of different groups of minority children." (P. 4).

McCarthy ( 1988, 1 990b, 1991 ) has systematized the theory of 'nonsynchronous relations' to rationalize the need to discriminate among the often contradictory experiences of minority groups in schooling. McCarthy's theoretical construct advocates an approach to the study of inequality in

SC ho01 ing that rejects 'monolithic or homogenous' experiences of raced, gendered, and classed 1s existence in schools. A nonsynchronous approach attempts to understand how individuals (or

groups) make sense of and are acted upon by social, economic, and political conditions.

Perceptions, needs, and individual identity mediate the ways in which these conditions influence

lives. The intersection of race, class, and gender for minority students is further affected by

intersections within the school setting. The dominant forms of these intersections are described as

relations of competi tion, exploitation, domination, and cultural selection. A nonsynchronous

approach to racial inequality in schooling seeks to make sense of the compiexity of individual,

grou p. insti tutional, and cultural factors that contribute to the formation and maintenance of

inequality. For example, the interests of the black middle class and the black underclass have

appeared to be significantly different. An upwardly mobile black middle class has often removed

i tsel f in 'social, educational and political tems' from the reality and cultural stereotypes of the poor

black underclass.

The relationship that Ghanaian immigrant adults maintain with schools and school officiais could be mediated, for example, by their pre-arrival educational and socialization experiences as

well as post-arriva1 socialization experiences. These differences have the potential to affect how

they integrate into the society, including how they relate to people and institutions in charge with

the education of their children. For example, the socialization of Ghanaians which is Iargely geared

towards confonnity, deference to authority and obedience is inconsistent with North American

culture where one is 'expected to complain' and keeping one's peace is construed as king satisfied

with one's situation (Meijen, 199 1). It is reasonable toexpect therefore that how Ghanaians respond

to the teachers of their children. whom they regard as occupying positions of authority. may differ

from how other black parents whose primary socialization experiences took place in Nonh America may respond in similar situations. Again, the pst-arriva1 immigration and settling experiences of

Ghanaians which were quite traumatic for many and quite different from those of other African

immigrants as it has been noted by Opoku-Dapaah (1997) may have the potential of instilling

arnong many Ghanaian parents distrust and possibly fear for anything bearing the imprimatur of

institutionalized bureaucracy. If Ghanaian parents' first impression of Canadian bureaucrats, as represented by immigration and social services officiais, has been one of uncaring and insensitive government bureaucrats, it is possible that such a feeling could be extrapolated unto teachers and explain why the parents might want to keep their distance from schools.

The argument in support of isolating the peculiarexperiences of Ghanaian families should not distract from analysis of the collective experiences of blacks in North Canada. and the US for the matter. The history of blacks in North America evidences enduring repressive presence of oppression which plays out collectively for blacks and other disadvantaged groups, and which allows us to speak of the collective experiences of such groups (See Chapter 3 for a full discussion).

Ir is therefore possible to talk of the collective experiences of blacks as a minority group in North

Arnerica. While such analysis are good in giving us the big picture, they are unable to tell us how various minority groups fall on their own cuitural forrns to mediate the collective experiences shared with other groups.

Another rationale of this study speaks to issues of social and political significance. In a pluralistic society, such as we have in Canada, the educational system has a responsibility of accommodating the needs of individual sfbdents and families and the needs of more diversified social and cultural groups. Further, the educational system has a responsibility of maintaining a balance between the particularistic needs of individual cultural and social groups and the aggregate needs of the targer society in order to promote 'cultural diversity' and 'social cohesion' (Bullivant,

1986).These goals are important in a pluralistic society as they contribute to apeaceful CO-existence among the various ethnic and racial groups. To succeed in promoting these goals, an understanding is needed of the different cultures in the society as represented by children from different backgrounds in the school system. Studying ethnic minority parent invoIvement in education, as does this study, will provide useful insights since parents are better situated to understand the needs of their children.

The rationale for this study also concerns an issue of practical application. Efforts by

Ghanaian community leaders and organizations and school boards to increase the involvement of parents in the education of their children have been commendable, but the non-existence of systematic research on this topic and thus the dilemma of not having a good understanding of al1 the factors that inter-play to motivate or de-motivate the parents has been frustrating. It is therefore considered important to obtain some knowledgeand understanding about the behaviors of Ghanaian parents in rems of how they negotiate the home-school intersection as far as their children's education is concerned. A good beginning of this project demands a detaiied investigation of how

Ghanaian parents view their role in the education of their children, and consequently how they deal with their school age children, teachers, principais, superintendents, schools, and school boards in matters relating to the academic achievement of their children.

It is hoped that the findings of this study wou1d assist teachers, parents, school administrators and Ghanaian community organizations as they attempt to corne up with workable strategies that will help increase the awareness and involvement of parents in the education of their children so as to enhance the academic success of these children. 1.6 Assumptions

It was assumed that a heterogeneous range of attitudes and level of involvement in education

existed within the Ghanaian community in Toronto

It was assumed that the knowledge that Ghanaian parents held about the education system and

schools in Ontario ranged from ignorance to adequate or relatively comprehensive understanding.

It was assumed that to be able to participate effectively in the education of their children,

Ghanaian parents needed a better insight and understanding about provincial educational policies

and school practices.

It was assumed that the knowledge and understanding that schools and teachers held about

Ghanaian children and their families, in the view of Ghanaian parents, were incorrect, inadequate,

or biased.

1.7 Thesis format

The first chapter provides the background to the study, by teasing out some of the issues that

together establish a need for investigation into the problem identified. Based on this initial work,

research issues for this study were determined.

Chapter Two is devoted to describing the backgrounds of Ghanaians in Canada, including the

social and pol itical context from which they immigrate to Canada. The chapter also describes some

of the group's experiences as they try to integrate into the Canadian society.

Chapter Three contains a review of the relevant Iiterature on the education of minority

19 students have ken approached in the past and in contemporary times. Then, attempt is made to sketch an understanding of the social and political context within which an attempt to help minonty children must occur. The two parts help provide an appreciation of the task that faces Ghanaian parents, schools and teachers as they attempt to heip Ghanaian children progress through the education system in Canada.

Chapter Four continues the literature review process. It explores the literature on parent involvement in the education process. Material on parent-school retationship including, historical analysis of the process. rationaie for parent involvement and barrien to parent involvement help est ab1 ish theoretical and research frameworks for addressing the issue of minority parents' involvement in the education of their children.

C hapter Five describes the research design process. The research methodology is defined as primarily qualitative. The process of selecting Ghanaian parents who participated in the study is described. The data gathering and interpretation rnethods are also described. Finally, a profile of families who participated in the study is presented.

Chapter Six discusses the research findings. The chapter provides an account of the general perceptions of Ghanaian parents concerning the role of education, various aspects of the education system in Ontario and how they perceived their roie in the education of their chiIdren

Chapter Seven continues discussion of the research findings. Here, an account of how

Ghanaian parents actuaily participate in the education of their children at school and at home is presented. It also assesses the problems that Ghanaian parents face as they attempt to influence the education of their children.

Chapter Eight discusses the findings of the study in the light of theoretical arguments raised Chapter Eight discusses the findings of the study in the light of theoretical arguments raised

in the study.

Chapter Nine concludes the study. First, it restates the issues for the study and presents a

summary of the major findings. Secondly, it discusses possible implications the study has for the

theory of parent involvement, schools and research and practice.

1.8 Definition of tenns and abbreviations

Anti-racism and ethno-cultural equity policies: Policies announced by the govemment to address the problem of racism within schools and in the society at large. The policies are based on the recognition that existing policies, procedures and practices in the school system are racist in their impact and limit the opportunity of minority students and staff (OMET,1993).

Assessrnent andplacement: Student assessment and placement aims at obtaining as accurate a picture as possible of students' capacities in order to ensure that they are provided with a program that enables them fülfil their potential. The process is based on both teacher perceptions and the results of format and informal assessment of students* academic and intellectual performance (OMET, 1993).

BEWG: Black Educators Working Group

CABE: Canadian Association of Black Educators

CHSPTF: Canadian Home and School and Parent Teacher Federation

CTF: Canadian Teachers Federation

Common curriculum andstandards: The Common Curriculum and Standards (Grades 1-9) describe what students should know and be able to do upon compieting Grades 3,6, and 9. The common Cumculum was introduced in Ontario schools in September 1995.

Discrimination: Discrimination occurs when people are treated differently because of their physiological characteristics or race.

Disadvantaged parents: Refers to al1 those who experience social or economic limitations to full participation in society. e.g. racial and ethnic minority-group members such as blacks and Hispanics, low income families, poorl y educated parents (Moles, 1993: 1)

Grouping or trucking: Tracking is the systematic separation of students into a socalled intellectuall y homogeneous groups for instruction. The practice is based on the assumption that differences arnong students diminish instructional effectiveness. Tracking can limit disadvantaged students to the lowest-quality knowledge and the poorest-prepared teachers (Keating & Oakes, 1988: 8).

Guidance and counseling: The role of guidance and counseling is to help in the assessrnent and placement of students. Guidance counselors also help students to enhance their self-esteem and relationship with others (OMET,1993).

OPC: Ontario Parent Council

Parent: As used in this study, a parent includes a guardian or an individuai who represents and advocates on behalf of a student.

Parent Teacher Association (PTA). PTA organizations have traditionally worked in support of SC ho01 activi ties in areas such as helping to raise fùnds, teacher-recognition banquets, events, concerts, science fairs and open house evenings. But, PTAs do not have decision making power over issues such as cumculum, finance, or personnel.

Parent-teacher conferences: Parent-teacher conferences is a traditional form of school-home interaction. They are typically held two times a year for fifteen to twenty minutes with parents of young children. Conference with older children are less frequent and are held to supplement reports sent home by the school (Lareau, 1989).

Racialization: The extension of meaning to a previously racially unclassified groups through processes that consistently favor individuals with discernible physiological characteristics (Omi & Winant, 1986).

Socio-Economic Sfatus(SES): SES is used to categorize groups and individuais into different social and economic classes based on indicators such as education, employment, level of income. and so on. Often such classifications do coincide with one's race or ethnicity since social scientists, and educators have generall y supported the theory of a close fit between individual's race and hisher potential to succeed in education and employment. So, typically while many blacks, Hispanics and Native Indians have historically ban identified as belonging to the lower SES, whites are generally seen as members of the higher SES. This should however be qualifieci with the caution that while some blacks, Hispanics and Indians have moved up the ladder to become members of the higher SES, there are many whites who in spite of their privileged racial status are members of the lower SES.

Sfreaming anddestreaming: Until September 1993, the Ontario public school system placed students entering Grade 9 into three different course levels, based on ability: the basic or vocational level, the general four-year level. and the advanced level, which included courses leading to univenity entrance. The govemment destreamed Grade 9 classes as part of the reform measures intended to address the schwl drop-out rate. But, streaming continues at the Grade 10 through Grade 13 levels.

Testing ptactices: Testing is used supposedly to measure intelligence and ability so that cumculum and instruction can be tailored to individual differences. But testing can be used, consciously or unconsciously, to limi t leaming opportunities for some students. The Canadian Federation of Teachers have consistent1y opposed testing as currently administered because the teachers body argues that tests do not capture the broader mission of education.

Visible minom: Visible minorities refers to a broad group of persons who are numericaily in the rninority and who are "racially distinct" from other members of the community. The terrn could be used to refer to ethno-cultural and racial groups who do not identify as either English and French. CHAPTER TWO BACKGROUND OF GHANAIANS IN CANADA

2.1 Introduction

This is a study of how Ghanaian immigrant parents participate in the education of their

children. In this chapter, 1 sketch the social, cultural, political and educational context from which

Ghanaians emigrated to settle in Canada. This, it was expected couid help situate some of the

attitudes. expectations and behaviors that Ghanaian immigrant parents and their children bnng to

their stay in Canada in general and to the education of their children in particular. The chapter also

documents relevant immigration experiences of Ghanaian immigrants in Toronto. Finally, a bief

profile of the families that participated in the study is provided.

2.2 The political and economic development of Ghana

Ghana (fomerly called the Gold Coast) was a British colony unti! 1957 when it gained its

independence. In the immediate post-independenceera, Ghana enjoyed both political and economic

stability. It ranked among the world's largest exporters of primary produce and precious metals such

as cocoa, timber, gold, industriai diamonds and bauxite. Increased international demand for such

products in the post-war era earned Ghana considerable revenue (Ray, 1986: 13). Ghanaians, thus

enjoyed a relatively high standard of living. For instance. in 1960, Ghana's per capita income of US

S260 was among the highest in Africa (Apter, 1972: 357).

Beginning from the 1 970s the Ghanaian economy began to decline. The export sector, which is the backbone of the Ghanaian economy both for its contribution to foreign exchange and domestic income, started deteriorating. For example, Ghana's cocoa output which at its peak stood at 520,000 metric tonnes in 1963, declined to 2 18,000 and l66,OOO metric tonnes in 1980 and 1983 respective1y. The decline in output was further aggravated by a sharp drop in world producer price of cocoa, from an average of US $6,000 per tonne in 1977 to US $1,600 per tonne in 1982.

Considering that coçoa accounted for 70 percent of Ghana's revenue from export, the decline in output and prices had disastrous consequences for other sectors in the country's economy as a whole. Ghana's economy began experiencing persistent inflation, low industrial output, declining food and cash crop production and rising unemployment (Rothchild, 1991 ).

The economic situation worsened over the years and this created social and political inertia.

Governments became increasingly unpopular and vulnerable to military coups. Between the formation of the first Ghanaian independent govemment in 1955 and 198 1, the social and political tensions contnbuted to four (4) military coups; in 1966,1972,1979, and 198 1. These military take- overs were often characterized by repression and widespread human rights abuses (Opoku-Dapaah.

1997).

In an attempt to reverse the economic problems, the government in the mid 1980s agreed to implement the World Bank and International Monetary Fund's ambitious Structural Adjustment

Program (SAP) or Economic Recovery Prograrn (ERP). For the past fifteen (1 5) years, the World

Bank/IMF have claimed success for Ghana's SAP in areas of macro-economic policies- But, the program's harsh conditionalities contributed to sharp increases in basic goods and services. Also, because the conditionalities demanded the removal of subsidies on services such as education, health care, water, electricity the program has left many more Ghanaians economically worse off . than they were prior to the introduction of the SAP prograrn. The situation has been particularly

harsh for urban dwellers, some of whom became victims of mass entrenchment or downsizing

which was enforced as one of the preconditions for the introduction of the structural adjustment

program.

With the difficult econornic situation and political instability that Ghanaians faced from the

1970s, many Ghanaians decided to leave the country, leading to intense immigration from Ghana

within this period. While many Ghanaians fled Ghana to seek economic opportunities elsewhere.

many left simply to seek politicai freedom. For exarnple, the Iaunching of the 198 1 military coup

which brought in its wake political instability and persecution in Ghana between 1981 and 1992

resulted in thousands of Ghanaians fleeing the country to seek safe sanctuaries in Canada and

else where in Western democracies (Opoku-Dapaah, 1 997).

2.3 Ethnicity and cultural make-up of Ghana

In 1994, it was estirnated that the population of Ghana was about 1 7 million. Some seventeen

( 17) major ethnic groups can be identified in Ghana on the basis of language spoken, cultural

practices and belief systems Being a former British colony, the country maintains the English

language as the official language but there are over forty (40) different languages and dialects

spoken in the country The Akan language is by far the most prevalent after the English language

and is spoken by 44 percent of Ghanaians as a first language and by 40 percent as a second language

(Dolphyne and Dakubu, 1988). The Akan language goup comprises the following dialects: Asante,

Fante, Brong, Kwahu, Akwapim. The other major groups are the Ewes ( I3%), the Ga-Adangbe (8%). the Mole-Dagbani (16.0%), the Gum(4%) and the Gmi(2%) (Ghana Statisticd Service,

1987).

Although statistics on the ethnic composition of Ghanaians in Canada is not available, it has

been estimated that between 70-80 percent of them belong to the Akan ethnic group. According to

Owusu ( 1996), the ethnic diversity of the Ghanaian population has had important implications for

intra- and inter-ethnic relations in the country, as well as for the settlement patterns of Ghanaians

abroad. The saliency of ethnicity among Ghanaians has not diminished with their migration to

Canada. While the author cannot ascertain the extent to which Ghanaian immigrants in Toronto are

ciustered in specific neighborhoods on the basis of their ethnic origin, he argues that the formation

of Ghanaian ethnic associations clearly reflects the significance of ethnic origin as a point of

reference for Ghanaian immigrants.

2.4 Education in Ghana

The Ghanaian education system was set up by the British during the colonial era. The control

of the education system was passed on to Ghanaians in 195 1 when the country was in transition to

independence. While the administration and control changed hands, the structure and content of

education retained its British character.

The most significant change however occurred in 1987 when the Junior Secondary School

(JSS) system was introduced. Now the basic education level is made up of two year pre-primary

which is optional; six years of primary school and three years of junior school. The latter two levels

add up to nine years of compulsory basic education. Pnor to 1987, the primary level was made up of six years of pnmary and four years of middle school education to forrn the elementary level. The secondary Ievel was made up of five years at the end of which students sat for the "Ordinary" level examinations. A smaller percentage of students went on for two more years of secondary education to study for the "Advanced" level certificate, which qualifiecl them to enter into university and other tertiary institutions.

The JSS idea was introduced in the early 1987 as a way of dealing with structural discontinuities that had plagued the education system for decades. It had ken estimated that less than 5 percent of every student cohort eventually succeeded in gaining access into tertiary institutions in the country. The JSS idea was thus mooted to make junior secondary school terminal for the large majority of Ghanaian students who previously would have been just sifted out of the system while remaining unprepared and unemployable.

The educational reform attempted to integrate practical prograrns which will lead to the acquisition of skills in the system without abandoning the more liberai or general education. Thus, the content of education in the JSS was designed to give the students a broad knowledge in education as well as preparing them for the life of work in the immediate future. Students are therefore required to take the traditional courses as well as receive ski11 training in two subjects of technical/vocational relevance and of their own choice. The subjects inchde: metalwork, pottery, woodwork, agriculture, masonry, marine science and tailonng.

While the rationale behind the JSS has generally been supponed, especiaily when weighed against persistent problems in other sectors of the economy, its ambiguous role which has necessitated a compounding of its curriculum, has been questioned. Critics have argued that the dual role (i.e. training of students for employment as well as preparing others for higher acadernic studies) required of al1 Junior secondary schmls places limitations on their effectiveness. Dove, for example, has argued:

There is eminent danger when schools are expected to provide a package of knowledge, values and skills to prepare the majority of young school Ieavers to face adult life at the same time providing an adequate amount of education for the minority who will continue to the next level of secondary education ( 1983 :153)

Also. according to Leong ( 198 1 ), the danger increases correspondingly as the resources of the education system decreases, because then, there will be escalated cornpetition and tension between the two streams of students for more attention and support. This problem presently exists within

Ghana's education. The harsh reality that Ghana has experienced since the late 1970s has made it di fficu 1t to adequatel y finance and equip Junior secondary schools effective1y. Wanasinghe ( 1 982), recalling a similar experience in Sri Lanka after the country introduced the JSS system between

1972 and 1977, noted that the curricuium was so chaotic and defective that in "some areas the content hardly scratched the surface of knowledge" (p.68).

Two of the youth who experienced the JSS system in Ghana, and participated in the Youth

Focus Croup (YFG) interview for this study (See Chapter Five), accepted for a fact the deterioration in the education system. They noted that: 1 ) the compounding of the Junior secondary curricula has led to poor academic standards in general; 2) there are not enough equipment and workshops to support the technical/vocational component of the JSS system, and 3) because almost every

Ghanaian pupil at the JSS level aspires to go to Senior secondary school and then to a tertiary institution, there is no motivation arnong students to study and do well in the technicaYvocationa1 courses. Also. the youth noted that there has been increased pressure on students to kat the

cornpetition and gain admission into the Senior secondary school system. This has led to the

popuIarity of exclusive private schools and afier-class home tutoring for those families who can

afford their exorbitant pice tag. For the majority of students, especiaily in public schools and in

the mral areas, who cannot afford to pay to go to private schools or for extra classes, the JSS Ievel

becomes terminal even though they are nei ther well prepared academically nor sufficiently equipped

to work at any employment.

Like the two students in the YFG interview, many Ghanaian children have come to Canada

when they were still enrolled in the junior secondary school system or had just graduated. It is

becoming evident within the Ghanaian community that these children were not properly prepared

by the education system in Ghana and thus face tremendous challenges as they make the transition

into the Canadian education system. This has been a source of great concern for Ghanaian parents.

The topic has become a focus for discussion at many formal and informal Ghanaian gatherings, but

oenerally parents are frustrated by a sense of helplessness in the face of looming academic C

problems of their children.

2.5 The immigration experience

The exact period of arriva1 of the earliest group of Ghanaian to come to Canada is difficult

to establish but it is known that in 1967, there were about 100 Ghanaian immigrants in Canada who

were mostly enrolled in Canadian institutions of higher learning (Naidoo, 1985). Immigration

statistics indicate that the number of new arrivais from Ghana remained very small throughout the

1970s- averaging less than 150 per year (Statistics Canada, 1993).

30 It was not until the early 1980s through to the mid-1990s that Ghanaians started corning to

Canada in significant numbers. The increased in the flow of Ghanaians into Canada within this period is attributable to conditions at home as well as changes to immigration policy in Canada. For

instance, between 198 1 and 1994, 10.775 Ghanaians sought for refugee status in Canada and this placed Ghana among the top ten source countries in the refugee flow to Canada (Citizenship and

Immigration Canada, 1994).

Immigration patterns of Ghanaians in Canada have ken similar to those of other immigrant communi ties (Beserve. 1975). Typicall y, Ghanaian adults immigrate first, leaving their children behind for pex-iods that could range from anywhere between two to ten years. The children are left in the care of grandrnothers, aunts, cousins, andother relatives. Most often, the men immigrate first and are later joined by the wife and children. Rarely do women immigrate ahead of their husbands.

In terms of education, the proportion of Ghanaian immigrants with university education is lower than the proportion for the population of Toronto as a whole. Only 7.22 percent of the

Ghanaian immigrant population has completed university level education compared to 16.6 percent of the Toronto population as a whole. Conversely, the proportion of the Toronto population with a lower level of education is higher than that for the Ghanaian immigrant population. in 1991.4.7 percent of the Ghanaian immigrant population had less than Grade 9 education compared to 1 1.2 percent of the population in Toronto as a whole (Statistics Canada, 1993; 1994).

Another distinct feature of Ghanaian immigrants is the fact that they are disproportionately represented in low paying, iow-status and unskilled occupation. Ghanaians are concentrated in processing, machining and fabricating occupations, and under-represented in professional, managerial and administrative occupations in cornparison to the rest of the population in Toronto. For example, whereas 41 percent of Ghanaians were employed in processing, machining and fabricating occupations, only 1 1. I percent of Toronto's population was employed in such industries

(Statistics Canada, 1993, 1994)

While the occupational profile of Ghanaian immigrants may partly reflect their relatively low educational levels, it may also reveal the constraints that they face in the labor market as new immigrants and as a racial minority. Studies have attributed the consignment of black and recent immigrants groups to lower mngs of the employment ladder due to the difficulty associateci with the recognition of educational credentials of immigrant groups, and institutional racism (Henry &

Ginzberg, 1988; Henry, 1 994; Carey, 1998, June 7).

According to Opoku-Dapaah (1 997), due to problems which Ghanaian immigrants face they have found it difficult to integrate into the Canadian society. The problems are more Intense for

Ghanaian refugees who are 'disadvantaged' by their economic and social background, condition of departure. and acceptance by other Canadians.

Since the late 1980s. Ghanaian immigrants have established many different cultural, civic and benevolent organizations in an attempt to address some of theireconomic,.social and cultural needs.

According COOwusu ( 1996). this process of institution-building is widely seen as a crirical element in the immigrant adaptation process. As at January 1999, over fifty of al1 kinds of regional, ethnic- specific and township organizations dotted the socio-cultural landscape of the Ghanaian community in Toronto. Similady, there presently exist over twenty-five Ghanaian churches currently functioning in Toronto to meet the spiritual and emotional needs of Ghanaians. While some of these churches have been transplanted as branches of Ghana-based churches. others were started by individuals as independent bodies, unaffiliated with any existing church in Ghana or elsewhere. Two of the churches, the Al1 Nations Full Gospel Church (independent) and the Ghana Pentecost

Church (affiliated with the Ghanaian parent church) currently boast of over 1.500 registered

members each.

Ghanaian groups. including churches, have also attempted to deal wi th the educational

problems of Ghanaian children. For example, on November 26. 1994 the National Council of

Ghanaian Canadians (NCGC),in collaboration with the North York Board of Education, organized

a workshop titled Parents as Pamiers in Education to explore how the problems of Ghanaian children who are king served by the board could be tackled by the board working in partnership

with Ghanaian parents and community organizations. I attended the workshop. and while 1believe

it was on the surface well designed to articulate many issues that linger on the minds of parents in

the education of their chitdren, 1was struck by the poor attendance as only a fraction of the over 400 parents expected by the organizers actually showed.

In a subsequent interview. Ms. Frances Oforiwaa, the NCGC Coordinator of the

NCGClNYBE conference. expressed her frustrations to me and went on to recdl that many attempts

by her organization to commit various school boards towards establishing special programs.

whether compensatory or enrichment, to benefit Ghanaian children have always been fnistrated by

the seeming lack of interest and CO-operationfrom Ghanaian parents. She again mentioned that a

Heritage program that was to have ken set up by the Nonh York Board of Education working in

coIIaboration with the National Council of Ghanaian Canadians (NCGC) to help Ghanaian children

learn their native language and culture was canceled for lack of interest on the part Ghanaian

parents. Further, the coordinator also mentioned that an attempt to have one school designated for

the education of Ghanaian has been shelved for a similar reason (Oforiwaa, Private Conversation, 1994).

Again, 1 was on the panel of a forum organized by the Ghana Methodist Church in Toronto to discuss issues affecting the future of Ghanaian children in Canada. The forum, which was surprisingly very well attended by Ghanaian youth and their parents, had as one of its principal goal

"to motivate the youth to have a dream." The forum gave both parents and Ghanaian children the opportunity to lay out some of the most perplexing problems that they face in their education. It became evidenc that many of the parents and children lacked basic understanding about how the school system works to either empower or dis-empower minority children. Many of the parents were quite surprised to learn from a Ghanaian teacher, who was on the panel, of many of the barriers that Ghanaian children face in their education in Canada. The teacher also expressed his disappointment about the lack of active involvement of the parents in their children's schools. A fol Iow up conversation wi th the teacher confirmed many of the fears that are now king forced out in the open for public scrutiny and attention through studies such as this.

Summary

In the chapter, 1 sketch the social and economic context from which Ghanaians immigrated to Canada. Perhaps, the lesson here is most of us came here from a difficult situation in Ghana to seek a better life for ourselves and our children. We came here full of hopes and anticipation that our various goals in life rnight be fulfilled.

I also explored some of the collective experiences and attempts that we have initiated in

Canada to heIp in our integration into the larger society. These have included efforts to address the educational problems that our children face in Canada These have not always been very successful but the awareness is gradually king created that our children face problems and that as parents we need to work with schools to help them succeed in their education. CHAPTER THREE EDUCATING MINORITY CHILDREN IN A MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT

Introduction

In this chapter. 1 provide a background to this study by reviewing the magnitude of the

problems that Ghanaian children, like other minorities, face in their education and which rnust be

confronted by parents. educators and policy makers alike. The chapter is made up of two major

themes. The first theme. Race, minons( status, and black students' academic problems, sets the

stage for the study by reviewing how the academic problems of minority students have ken

approached in the past and in contemporary times. The second theme, Multiculturalism and the

edrrcariorr of mi no ri^. children. helps sketch an understanding of the social and political context

within which an attempt to help minority children must occur. Taken together, the two themes and

their sub-themes will help provide an appreciation of the task that faces Ghanaian parents. schools

and teachers as they attempt to help Ghanaian children progress through the education system in

Canada.

3.2 Race, minority status and students' academic problems

The academic problems that black minority students face in their education have received

much attention in the literature in the last three decades. Many relevant educational indices from

research conducted in Canada point to a big gap ktween black students and their peers from other

racial or ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds (Paquette, 1992; Brown, 1993; Brown, Cheng, Yau

36 & Ziegler, 1992; Cheng, 1995; Cheng, Yau & Ziegler, 1993; Crawford, t 993).

A number of studies have shown that the potential for black students to drop out of xhool is

relati vely higher than children from other ethnic cornmunities. For instance, a study of high-school

students who enrolled in 1987 showed that by 1991,42 percent of black students, compared to the overall student population of 33 percent, had dropped out of school (Brown, 19935). A Toronto

Board of Education survey conducted in 1991 also showed that while 26 percent of whites and 18 percent of Asians had not accumulated enough credits to graduate within six years, the number for black students in a sirnilar situation stood at 36 percent (Yau, Cheng & Ziegler, 1993; Cheng 1995).

Further, black students are more routinely piaced in speciai classes or streamlined into generd and basic level than advanced courses when compared to children of other racial and economic backgrounds in Canada. The Toronto Board of Eâucation survey of 199 1, for example, showed that

46 percent of black high-school students were enrolled in the Basic and Generai levels, whereas 38 percent of the entire student body were placed in those two lower streanis (Cheng, 1995; Cheng,

Yau & Ziegler, 1993; Brown, Cheng, Yau & Ziegler, 1992). In a study of six boards of education, together enrolling over 4 1,000 students, Paquette (1 992) noted among other findings that students who are less than five years in Canada were much less likely than their pers to be in advanced-level

EngI ish and Math in grades nine and ten, but almost equally represented in these courses in grades eleven and twelve. Further, Paquette noteci that students reporting black ancestry were slightly less likely to take advanced-level Math or English across al1 grades, considerably more iikely than their peers to take these subjects at the generaf level, and 37 percent under represented in first-year introductory science at the advanced level.

In an attempt to understand the phenornenon of black and disadvantaged students' academic problems many theories have in the last three decades been proposeci. Prominent among these

theories have ken: deficir thinking (Valencia, 1997) which may include cultural deprivation

(Lewis, 1965: Glazer & Moynihan, l963), cultural reproduction (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu and

Passeron, 1977), and accumulated environmentaldejkit (Bernstein, 197 1 ; 1975); perceived labor

market (Ogbu, 1978: 198 1); social reproduction or srructural inequality (Bowles & Gintis, 1976);

and resistartce rheory (Giroux, 1 98 1; l983a, 1983b; Apple, 1 986;Willis, 1 977). These theories are

further explicated to show their relevance to understanding the social and cultural nuances that

underlie the education of black and minority students in multicuIturai societies.

But, since discussions on the academic problems of black students- whether situated within

macro-level or micro-level analysis- generally implicate conceptions of race and racism, this

section begins with an extensive review of how race has ben constructed, historicaily and in

con ternporary times. and how these constnrctions have influenced theories that seek to explain the

acadernic problems of black students.

3.2.1 Theoretical conceptions of race

The term rcce is broadly used to refer to a group of peopIe classified on the basis of their

phenotypical (or physical) traits, even though the terrn has since its early conceptions generated

more controversy than agreement as to its precise meaning and significance. Early notions of the

term were popularized in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when the terrn was understood as

a hiological cutegory and used to group people on the basis of perceived differences in intelligence

leveis. Past conceptions of race and racial beliefs about non-laucasians were varied and arose from

moral, poli tical, pseudoscientific and racist debates (Blum, 1978; Feagin, 1989). But, generally the

3 8 theory of race within this early period held that minority groups were either biologically or

CU l turall y in ferior to Caucasians (Menchaca, 1997).

Early notions of race appeared to have coincided with British-American colonial exploration and their subsequent enslavement or subjugation of native peoples of other regions between 1620 and 1870. Many authors have noted that even though many of the theoretical conceptions of race wi thin this period were independently developed they had strong interconnection with British-

American economic interests (Lyons, 1975; Weinberg, 1977; Takaki, 1994). In the view of Stocking

( 1968), the popular racial views were opportune during the age of British exploration and colonial seulement as they became the bedrock foundation to rationalize British colonialism. Menchaca

( 1997: 15) has also noted that the economic interest of British-American colonialists which led to the massacre of Indians and the usurpation of their lands in North Arnerica, and the later enslavement of Africans were accompanied by racist discourse. In particular, the enslavement of

Africans was rationalized by the racial conception that Afncans were not human beings and that their enslavement was not against God's will (Lyons, 1975; Weinberg, 1977). In their book, Racial fc~niiationin the Unired States, Omi and Winant (1 986) observed that by the end of the seventeenth century, in the American colonies, and as a result of slavery, individuals who had been Ibo, Yuroba,

Fu lani, and so on, were stripped of their identities and re-defined as black. while at the same time,

European colonists, despite differences in origin and faith, increasingly viewed themselves as white in color (p. 64).

In 1859, Charles Darwin wrote Tjle origin of the species (Lyons, 1975) to advance an evolutionary theory arguing that al1 the races were of a modern human stock and had gradually evolved from a common origin. Darwin's theory, however, did not put an end to the racist discourses of the period. On the contrary, he provided the scientific rationale for new racist thinking

(Blum, 1978) for noting that 'a common origin' did not necessarily mean the races were equal, in

particular with respect to intelligence.

By 1870, with the aboiition of the slave trade completed in 1865, the reasons for subordinating

native people and transplanted slaves became more complicated as both racists and liberal thinkers

supported segregation, favored limited or no occupational mobility for rninority groups and were

also unwilling to extend public education to them (Menchaca, 1997; Omi & Winant, 1986;

Highman, 1994). In the southem region of the United states, most states passed compulsory

ignorance laws prohibiting the schooling of blacks, while in the north only a few cities dlowed

blacks to attend school in segregated environments. The arguments used to deny racial minorities educational opportunities were varied, but generally influenced by the dominant racist views.

Craniologists and many other scholars proposed that blacks and other minorities did not have the cognirive ability to iearn. therefore it was a waste of time to educate them (Lyons, 1975; Weinberg,

1977). Others believed that educated rninority groups would become presumptuous and would try to move up socially by rnarrying whites, therefore this could cause serious social problems (Lyons,

1 975). Yet sti Il, others believed that it was unwise to educate minorities because they would begin demanding better occupations in correspondence to their educational level, and this would create a strain in the skilled labor market (Takaki, 1994). It was not until the twentieth century that most states final1y extended formal public education to non-whites. Education was however provided in a segregated environment (Menchaca, 1997).

According to Valencia (1997), by the 1920s the hereditarian notion of genetically determined intelligence had been firrnly entrenched. This was accompanied by the racist position that intellec~aldifferences favoring whites over other rninority groups was due to innate basis. A number of developments. notably the emergence of social Darwinism. Galtonian eugenics, the eugenics movement, and the development of intelligence testing, contributeci in shaping academic discourses towards the conclusion that "hereditary was al1 powerful and environment was of little consequences" (p.43).

But, perhaps, the most influentid factor that fueled the flames of racism in the early part of the 20th century. an era of the geneticpathology mode1 (Valencia, 1997), was the rneasurement of intelligence, particularly the American invention of the intelligence quotient (IQ). As a modification of the French imported Binet scale, the Stanford-Binet instrument was alieged to be able to measure innate intelligence dong a unilinear scale (Blum, 1978; Gould. 198 1). Intelligence, as measured by IQ, was believed to have three features: it was fixeà at the point of conception. consrunt over the life cycle, and unalterable by environmental influence (Kirk, 1973).

In one of the most popular studies in the early 20th century, the Standford-Binet was administered on a group of new army recruits because according to the principal investigator and a strong proponent of intelligence testing, Prof. Robert M. Yerkes of Harvard University, the tjndings could provide valuable information for military placements. Conclusions from the smdy involving over 1.7 million army recruits noted that whereas the men from southern and eastem

Europe were found to be less intelligent than those from Nordic ancestry, black recruits were the least intelligent (Valencia, 1997: 55). Prof. Brigham of Princeton University in his book A study of

American inrelllgence (1923). based on a re-interpretation of the Amy Test data, commented on the decline of Arnerican intelligence (due to racial admixture), the inferiority of blacks. and the need to restrict immigration from southern and eastern Europe (Valencia, 1997: 55). However. Gould ( 198 1) has cnticized the fact chat the Gnny Test data camed no inherent social message because it ignored the huge inequalities, linguistics and cultural, between minority groups (blacks and southern and eastern Europeans) and Anglo-saxon recruits.

With the rise in popularity of intelligence testing, the use of IQ testing came to be accepted in schools as a tool for sorting students into instructional groups based on perceived anaor measured educability. Led by chief advocate Prof. Terman, a universal plan envisaged the use of intelligent test to help bath teachers and students to have a more clearly differentiated course of study. It was proposed that intelligence test be used for tracking purposes and for vocationai guidance. According to Valencia (1997), the alliance of intelligence testing, deficit thinking and curriculum di fferentiation helped legitimize the meritocractic ideology of equalig of opportuniry, that is, one gets in the cumculum what one deserves, based on innate ability; and economic irleqrccilin as expressed in stratified workforce (one gets in occupation status where one best fits, based on innate ability).

In spite of the increased popularity of intelligence testing and the hereditarian rnovement in the 1920s. many psychologists expressed reservations about the reality of race differences.

Prominent among these included Otto Klineberg, a Canadian professorat Columbia University. Ln h is book. Race digerences ( 1935). Klineberg sought to repudiate biologicall y based research regarding raciallethnic test. For ail racial groups studied, the mean IQ of the performance tests was higher than the mean IQ of the linguistic tests, supporting Kilneberg's thesis that linguistics tests place many minorities at a disadvantage (Valencia, 1997: 87).

William C. Bagley, another psychologist at Teachers* College (Columbia University), also featured prominently in the debate that creatted doubts about the dogma of hereditarianism. His criticism included: 1) mental measures do not directly measure innate intelligence. they measure acqu ired intelligence; 2) scientific validity of group differences is specious, given the faulty assumption that members of diverse groups have had identical environments, education and experience. 3) the belief that one's limits of educability can be accurately ascertained is false, given the inherent problems with the measuring tool- IQ tests, and 4) cumculum differentiation based on

IQ testing is undemocratic in that such sorting intensifies societal stratification (Valencia, 1997).

Some black scholars atso contributed to the attacks on the hereditarian movement and IQ tests.

For instance, Bond (1924) sought to refute the assertion that blacks were inherently inferior in intelligence by examining schooling effeçts on mental performance. Bond limited his snidy to differences among whites thereby removing from his analyses the issue of differences due to race.

In an analysis of existing data, Bond compared the rank order of white army draftees' intelligence test scores with the rank order of the "educational efficiency" (Le. schooling achievement) of the respective states where the recniits originate. Bond was able to show that southern states that occupied the nine bottom ranks in "educational efficiency", also produced Army mental scores that were among the lowest ranks. In contrast, states outside the south, such as California and

Connecticut. who were among the highest in educational efficiency also had recmits who were among the highest in intelligence scores. Bond's findings put hereditarian proponents on the defensive as they had to admit either that the racial stock of the so-called racially pure "southem" states was distinctly inferior to whites in other states, which had southern and eastem European stock. or that test performance was dependent on environmental conditions and cultural advancement reflected in schools (Bond, 1924).

Within this period a number of economic and political developments in Europe contributed to further weakened the hereditarian movement as espoused by the eugenics of the 1920s. The first was the impact of the Great Depression when some middle-class whites became economically devastated. According to Blum (1978), such an experience was not supposed to happen, as the eugenics had maintained that inhented lirnited intelligence caused poverty. Further, the eugenics movement had its reputation destroyed by the atrocities of Hitler and Nazi Germany. Hitler's purification program, it is suspected, might have been inspirecl by the eugenics movernent in the

United States and its success in getting sterilization laws passed. With the rise of Hitler, many US based eugenicists were reluctant to be aligned with any racist program.

By 1945, racial theories were no longer considered scientifically respectable nor supportable.

This led to a re-cor.ceptua1ization of racial categones as socially constructed rather than biologically determined. According to this theory, to the extent that there are no phenotypic

(physicall y observable) or genetic differences within the human population that correspond with. or cause. cultural differentiation, race should k considered, if at ail, as socially constructed rather than simply biologically determined. Discussions about race were now generally anchored in a recognition of a strong material, political and ideological base to the concept that signifies real and i magi ned di fferences among and between people (Kobayashi, 1994; Jackson. 1992; Jackson &

Penrose. 1993). Proponents of this view further argue that it represents an attempt by a dominant group to categorize certain social groups as different and, consequentIy perpetuate their inferiority and subordination, as well as rationalize their exclusion from the material and symbolic rewards of status and power. in other words, physical and cultural traits are drawn upon to categorize certain social groups as different and, therefore, to rationalize their unequal treatment (Kobayashi, 1994:

Anderson, 1 99 1 ). Contemporary analysis of race and racism has been particularly concerned with the

institutional framework within which groups are defined as racial or ethnic, and how social

interactions are organized accordingly. The argument here is that the racedefinition process and

the racism which it often entails is not just a matter of individual prejudice and personal

discrimination. But, in many instances, the race-definition process has been institutionalized in

public policy and practice, and may aiso be legally sanctioned (Anderson, 1991). Critics draw

awareness to the fact that historically govemments have defined in precise legal terrns which

groups are to be racialized, and how they were to be incorporated into the host society. These laws

not only provided a legal and therefore a fonnal basis for identifiing groups as ethnic or racial, but

they also produced social consequences that affect how these groups relate to the dominant group

or groups in society. The history of Chinese immigrants in Canada evidences support for such criticism (Bolari & Li, 1988). Also, even though Canadians may not have directly participated in

the perpetration of injustices against black slaves, and even in some situations helped some slaves to escape to freedom in Canada (as in the underground railway), the history of blacks in Canada

is replete with examples showing that the incorporation of blacks into Canadian society was no different from the experiences of blacks in the United States of America. The Canadian experience

mirrored that of the United States because al1 such experiences were fed by the history and psychology of slavery on the North American continent; a legacy that helped define the inferior status of blacks and their unequal treatment for years to come (Bolari & Li, 1988; Walker, 1980).

With this historical background, the experiences of blacks in Canada have often been characteiized by discriminatory and exclusionary practices, which have affected their economic and social mobiiity. As Walker (1980: 77) points out, "it is nota coincidence that black Canadians have occupied the lowest rungs in the economic ladder in Canada" The creation of black institutions

including schools and churches in Nova Scotia, Ontario and other parts of Canada provides

evidence of the social isolation of blacks and their differential incorporation into Canadian Society

(WaIker, 1980). Recent studies provide evidence of continuing discrimination against BIacks in

ernployment. housing and other spheres of life (Henry, 1994; Henry, Tator, Mattis & Rees, 1995).

The above clearly illustrates the power of the racedefinition process in imposing identity, in

stmcturing the social relations of certain groups, and in shaping their social identity. The biological

bases for the classification of race continues to gain in currency because it was, and it still is, a

powerful tool in the distribution of power, privilege and social prestige (Henry et al, 1995). This

observation clearly demonstrates that black Africans who have immigrated to Canada in the past

and in recent times, did not move into an ideological vacuum; they were aiready 'racialized' and

assigned a 'place' in Canadian society on amval. It is within this context. therefore, that sorne of

the experiences of Ghanaians in Toronto, including the education of Ghanaian children, need to be

placed and examined (Owusu, 1996).

3.2.2 The defcit thinking paradigm

In the early l96Os, the deficil thinking model gained the ascendancy as social scientists and

educators struggled to explain the wide gap between the academic achievement of black and other

disadvantaged children and children of the mainstream North American culture. According to

Valencia ( 1997),deficit thinking has its roots in racist discourses that evolved from the early 1600s

to the late 1 800s. The model generaily attributes the academic problems of blacks and other

minority students to the racist view that these groups fail because they are cognitively and

46 culturally infenor to whites. The infenority of minority students, it is aileged, is manifest in minority students' limited intellectuai abilities, linguistics shortcomings, lack of motivation to lem and immoral behavior (Menchaca, 1997).

Among prominent deficit thinking theones to have emerged in the 1960s is the culfural deprivation thesis popularized by the works of Lewis (1965)' Glazer and Moynihan (1963) and

Moynihan ( 1965). Many cultural deprivation theorists relied on anthropologist Lewis' ( 1965) culture of poverr?, theory (Folley, 1997) in an attempt to identify cultural exphnation for minority students' failure in school and life. In studies of the urban poor in New York, Cuba, Puerto Rico and Mexico. Lewis argued that people living in poverty tend to create a unique, self-sustaining sub- culture that is marked by a host of negative values, noms and social practices. Lewis continued that the autonomous and distinct subculture or way of life that the poor creates becomes encapsulated and self-perpetuatingovergenerations. Ultimately, the poor's wayof life. which is allegedly inferior to the mainstream way of life, keeps them impoverished. Consistent with the culture of poverty theory. Glazer and Moynihan (1963) and Moynihan (1965), described what they saw as the deficiencies of the urban Black family, its disorganization, instability, and lack of a distinctive culture.

Culturd reproduction theories, propelled by the works of Bourdieu ( 1977) and Bourdieu and

Passeron ( 1 977)' also emerged in the 1970s to examine the mediating role of culture in reproducing a class based social environment through the xhool system. Bourdieu's (1977) cultural reproduction theory, also called cultural Marxism (Brightman, 1995). emphasizes how class-based differences are legitimated in schools through their cultural and linguistic orientations which essentially serve the interests of the dominant group. Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) note that since material means of exercising power are no longer legitimate, education has taken over the function of reproducing social inequality. The authors note that under the guise of ratio~lityand objectivity, schools are in fact able to promote existing inequaiities. This, they contend, is because schools legitimize the linguistic and cultural resources that the children of dominant groups have and the children of non-dominant groups do not have. Schools therefore favor students From the dominant group who possess the cultural capiral, and cnltural habit us that is similar to that demanded by the schools and are subsequently

"rewarded" academically while the reverse is true for students from the lower class. Dominant- group children acquire these resources through early socialization in the farnily. So. while children of dominant groups are placed in advantageous position in school, children of dorninated groups realize that they do not have the linguistic and cultural capital they need to access the symbolic resources that the school distributes. Children of dominated groups therefore experience frustration at school and select themselves out even before they are technically selected out through examinations. According to Pearl (1997), although unlike many deficit theories, Bourdieu's mode1 contains no "psychologizing" or "moralizing" about the working-class' pathologies, the theory, however, contributed to deficit thinking by postulating how "cultural institutions ideologically produce invidious class culture differences" through the "syrnbolic violence" of imposing middle- chss taste culture and language upon the working class.

Also. working within the cultural reproduction framework, Bernstein ( 197 1 ; 1975)developed the theory known as socio-linguistic program or the accumulated environmental deflcit theory

(Pearl. 1 997). Bernstein uses the notion of linguistic codes to demonstrate how inequalities of socid life is related to the linguistic codes of the family, which is embedded in its communication patterns. Bemstein argues that whereas higher socioeconomic strata (SES) families maintain a highercode, lower-class SES farnilies use a limited code. And while the higher code is imbued with values of order, rationality. stability and the control of emotion, the opposite is the case for the limited code. An interesting feature of the code is that it influences the learning potential of children. So. as the restncted or particularistic linguistic code of lower-class groups are inconsistent with school lingo the elaborate or universalistic code of the higher strata privileges their children, since at school. children are trained in abstraction orgeneralization, a feature that is compatible with the universaiistic linguistic codes. Bernstein thus concludes, as does Bourdieu. that language necessary for academic success is acquired through the socialization process. Although Bemstein has rejected association with the deficit explanation (Bernstein, 1975). his work (197 1) with working class youth in England is seen by some critics (Collins, 1988; Labov, 1972a) as offering linguistic deficit explanation of working class youths' lack of success in school.

Bereiter and Engelmann (1966) argued that there is very little linguistic stimulation for children from poor farnilies. In a study of pre-school children, the researchers noted that thechildren were especially retarded in reasoning ability and logical development because their language is underdeveloped in such areas as vocabulary size, sentence length and the use of grammatical structures. Based on this assumption, the researchers presented detailed language programs to improve the "linguistic deprivation" of poor blacks. Jensen (1968) followed Bereiter and

Engelmann (1966) with the proposition that middleclass language is more abstract, flexible, detailed and subtle in its descriptive aspects. On the contrary, he noted, "much of lower-class language consists of kind of incidental 'emotional' accompaniment to action here and there"

(Jensen, 1968: 18). Arguing after deficit thinkers, Porter, Porter and Blishcn (1 982)noted that students' academic achievement in Canada was in a large measure a function of one's social class background. The researchers observed that certain social and economic inequalities prevented some students from succeeding as well as others, and concluded that the structure of educational inequality is reproduced from generation to generation as those from different backgrounds are prepared for their

"respective stations" and "prospective cailings."The researchers, however, put out a social message that is quite uncharacteristic of deficit thinking theorists, by questioning the concept of

'meritocracy'. The authors noted that any credible educational policy should equally emphasize

'equal i ty of conditions* because the concept of 'equality of opportuni ty ' or 'meritocracy' is meaningless without a parailel attempt to equalize students* social and economic conditions (p.5).

The deficit paradigm has been roundly criticized for its ideological, theoretical and methodological shortcomings (Valencia, 1997; Leacock, 197 1 ). Leacock ( 197 1 ). for exarnple, cri ticizes Lewis' ( 1 965) culture of poverty theory that undergirds many deficit and cultural reproduction models. Leacock argues that non-anthropologists were drawn to Lewis' psychologica1 notion which was stripped of any historical and socioeconomic dimensions. Also, the author adds that Lewis' construct greatly exaggerates the continuity and power of intergenerational socialization. Also. the model, in the view of Leacock, overstates the extent that any culture, especially a so-cailed culture of dysfunctional families and disorganized communities, can produce uni forml y negative character, motivational, attitudinal and values traits in its residents. Leacock continues that Lewis' model greatly underestimates the autonomy of individuals to resist socialization, thus often understates in-group variation. kacock and others have advocated replacing Lewis' highly abstract, universalistic set of largely negative traits with more situational studies of how cultural groups use their particular cultural traditions to adapt to historical circumstances.

The works of Bernstein's (1 97 1 ; 1975), Bereiter and Englemann ( 1966) and Jensen ( 1968) have also been assailed for king racist and ehnocenuic in so far as they take white rniddle class culture and language as the norm by which the language and culture of minority groups are assessed while simultaneously failing to understand the uniqueness of other group's ways of behavior from the group's own perspective. For instance, Leacock (1997) observed that prograrns that evolved out of Bereiter and Englemann's theory ostensibly to help improve the linguistic skills of rninority children "consisted of rote, unchallenging verbal simulation in which the child had to adjust to the curriculum- not the other way around" (1997:8).

Several psycho-linguists, socio-linguists and anthropologists (Baratz & Shuey, 1969;

Kochman. 1972; Labov, 1972a; Baratz & Baratz, 1970; Labov et al, 1968; Heath, 1983) have attacked the notion that poor people have a restricted, less abstract, simpler language code and cognitive reasoning style. In rejecting linguistic deficit explanations, researchers have offered the linguistic difference explanation. Labov ( 1972a) looked at the stmcture of Black English Vemacular

(BEV) spoken by black youth in the inner cities and showed that there is nothing ungrammatical about working-class speech. Labov argues that BEV is a rule-governed system that differs from other grammatical systems. He continues that black children in urban ghettos receive a great deal of verbal stimulation and participate fully in a highly verbal culture. Labov shows that the linguistic deficit explanation is flawed by showing problems in the interview methods other researchers use.

He argues that the power relations in interactions have an impact on the kind of speech that children produce. Labov (1972b) observed how a black boy eagerly entered into conversation when the power relations between the boy and interviewer were altered by the replacement of the white interviewer (seated on a table) with a black interviewer (seami on the floor) who shared potato chips with the boy, and introduced taboo words and topics. Labov demonstrated that language behavior is situated and that a change in the context results in a change in linguistic behavior. The implications that this has for education is that we can alter the way language is used or not used if we change the contexts in which we hope to elicit educationally relevant performances.

Heath's ( 1983) longitudinal ethnographie study also demonstrated that language use is contextually determined. Heath compared language learning and use in the home in the white

Roadville and blackTrackton working-classcommunities.She alsocompared language use in these two communities with the language of the townspeople, the b1ack and white middle-class people living in the same region. Heath documented how for both the white and black working-class children. ways of using laquage in the school differ in significant ways from the way they have been socialized to use language in the home whereas such differences do not exist for both white and black middle-class children.

Other researchers have focused more specifically on how students are given different educational treatments on account of their perceived different linguistic and cultural resources.

Michaels ( 198 1) noted how black children's attempt at sharing their narratives were fmstrated by teachers. Such children, she argues, received poorer instruction than their white middle-class peers who shared the same narratives style as the teacher and whose attempts at sharing their narratives received the support of teachers. Michaels argues "inasmuch as sharing time is an activity that promotes the development of prose-like oral discourse, such differential treatment may ultimately affect the children's progress in the acquisition of literacy skills " (p.440). Collins (1988) documented similar negative treatment of children who possess different linguistic resources. He noted that in the group reading lessons he studied, the low level readers, who had Black English

Vernacu lar (BEV) dialect and discourse style, received an inferior instruction w hen compared to that received by the Standard English speakers, who were also black. While the teacher focused on pronunciation and on phonics drill when teaching the low reading group, the high reading group were more exposed to meaning and de-emphasized their pronunciation "errors".

Critical studies of the linguistic difference paradigm have succeeded in shifting the blame for school failure to pedagogies organized around mainstrearn speech styles and highly standardized lessons (FoIIey, 1997: 150). For linguistic and cultural difference tesearchers the discontinuity between the home and school in language use and culture contributes to school failure. They argue that minority students find that their language and cuIture are not recognized in school and this is exacerbated by the fact that mainstream teachers often do not recognize this. Therefore, they judge these students by their own cultural fonns and soon make generalizations about minoritychiIdren's lack of linguistic and cultural resources needed in the school (Collins, 1988). and this explains why rninori ty students experience failure in school.

To deai with the language problerns of minority students in the school setting, sorne studies have focused on intervention prograrns. For example, McCarthy, Lynch, Wallace and Benally

(199 1 ) reported a strategy that successfully worked with Native Indian children because the curriculum drew on the children's patterns of learning, their cultural knowledge and their experiences in their natural context outside the classroom. Au and Jordan (1 98 1 ) also reported of a successful strategy that modeled reading lessons on the Hawaiian event of "talk story?" which progresses through joint performances and CO-narrationby two or more speakers. While linguistic deficit theories focus on detailed analysis of classroom discourse and argue that it is possible to locate linguistic-bas4 social selection in the discourse that goes on in the classroom. interventionist studies, on the other hand, have shown that there are gains to be made in adopting culturally responsive communicative styles in the teaching and leaming process.

However, discourse research has its problems.

John Ogbu ( 1978; 1 98 1) has been critical of linguistic difference expianation on the account that it has a narrow focus. Ogbu discounts linguistic explanations for minority school failure because they decontextualize the problem and give the impression that simply changing the social arrangements at the interactional level (i.e. the classroom) will result in higher acadernic achievement. Ogbu argues that by concentrating chiefly on what goes on in the schools, on the

"scene of the battle." this explanation fails to explore the "causes of the battle" (1981: 13). He argues that rather than linguistic difference, perceived poor job prospects are a factor in the school failure of caste-like minorities and by implication the reproduction of inequalities in the American society. He argues that blacks and Mexicans have been discriminated against in American schools and in the job markets for so long that they no longer believe educational credentials will get them upward social mobility.

Reproduction theories (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Bernstein, 197 1 ; 1975) have also been criticized for kingtoo detemiinistic and one-sided. The theories do not adequately examine how the structural processes of schooling are mediated by appositional cultures and individual and collective forms of students resistance (Willis, 1977; Giroux, l983a, 1983b; Apple,

1986: McCarthy, 1 WOb; McCarthy & Apple, 1988). Giroux (1 983a), for exarnple, concludes that:

Both Bourdieu and Bernstein surrender to a version of domination in which the cycle of reproduction appears unbreakable ... social actors as possible agents of change disappear in these accounts, as do instances of conflicts and contradiction. Bourdieu and Bernstein end up either ignoring or playing-down the notions of resistance and counter-hegemonic struggle. As a result, their insights are limited and incomplete (p.98).

Deficit models have also kendiscredited in modem tirnes fortheir propensity to be simplistic in their generalizations. For example, the theories sidetrack a complex interrelationship of social, economic and political factors that transcend cultural considerations (Ryan, 1971 ; Davis, 1981 ;

Hale, 199 1 ). Ryan's ( 197 1 ) work, Blaming the victim, offered significant ammunition with which cntics launched their attack on deficit notions. Ryan criticized as "simplistic" deficit thinking and its "fonnula for action, which is change the victim." (p.8). The interna1 logic of the deficit paradigm supponed the belief that the major focus of educational reform must be to change the students by enhancing their early socialization experiences. As Foley (1997) observed: "lurking behind this formulation is the general view of working-class families and parents as highly nonverbal, impulsive, authoritarian and dysfunctional" (p. 1 16). And the solution to the 'problem' of working-class linguistic and therefore academic problems, according to this theory, lies in programs that would make hem catch up with children from middleslass families. So, for exarnple in education, policies were designed as "compensatory" to build up the skills and attitudes of the

"ghetto child," rather than focusing on "stmctural changes in the school" (Ryan. 1971). In the

United States, deprivation models gave rise to the initiation of many compensatory programs that attempted to correct the cultural deficits through enrichment prograrns (Bereiter & Englemann, i 966: Bloom et al ., 1965). In Canada, according to Moodley (1 995). this "socio-pathological" perspective, alongside other theories, influenced the education of minorities. Evidence of this included the practice of the forcible removal of Indian children from their homes and families in order to "exorcize students of their malignant cultures". Deficit thinking models have further ben charged for failing to recognize the strengths of

minority families (Stack, 1974; Willie, 1976; Aschenbrenner, 1975; Williams, 198 1 ). Stack's

( 1974) study of the black extended family debunked the image of female-dominated, male-absent, socially disorganized single-parent families. Other critics have charged that deficit mdeIs fail to acknowledge the richness of black family culture (Hill, 197 1); and the diversity or variability of black family lifestyles, family forms, family processes and outcornes (Willie, 1976; Swan &

Stavros, 1973, Hale, 199 1 ). With respect to education, a growing literature dispels the myt-b that

African American families lack values. attitudes and skills that are usefui to their children in school.

Stevenson. Chen, and Uttal ( 1990) found that low-income African American mothers have positive attitudes about education and are eager to help their children succeed in school. Other studies have al1 indicated a strong relationship between the contribution of black families and their children's intellectual and cognitive development (Slaughter & Epps, 1987; Staughter-Defoe et al, 1990;

Clark. 1983; Scott-Jones, 1987).

Pearl (1997) has argued that the 'culture of poverty' theory was so popular in the 1960s because it offered an easier way out for dealing with minority school failures. The author noted that with their person-centered frameworks, deficit thinking models were attractive to schoIars and policymakers because they were more parsimonious than the ones that examined the complexities of institutional inequity. These deficit theories held extemal attributions of school failure, how schools are organized to prevent leaming, inequalities in the political economy of education, and oppressive macro policies and practices in education exculpatory in understanding school failure.

According to Pearl, by accepting the simplicity of the cultural and accumulated environmentai deficit models, scholars and policy makers were excused from addressing the real issues of inequality.

The deficit thinking paradigm persists, even though many behavioral and social scientists now hold it in disrepute because according to Valencia (I997), "it is so protean, taking different forms to conform to what is politically acceptable at the moment, and while the popularity of different revisions may change, it never ceases to be important in determining school policy and practice."

Michael Katz's book, The undeserving pcwr (1989)- demonstrates how severai generations of

American pol icyrnakers have wielded the poverty discourse. His snidy dernonstrates continuity in thoughts about the poor from the 1960s War of Poveriy liberals through the 1980s Reagan conservatives. And even though policy initiatives might have differed from liberals toconservative, there is a constant in their thinking which speaks to viewing black and other minority families as

'pathological' and 'dysfunctional.' Daniel Moynihan (1965), a liberai, for example, shared the classist and racist bias of conservatives.

According to Cuban ( 1989), the deficit thinking language changed in the 1980s to the new term "at risk", which is now king used to describe certain students and their famiIies. Cuban suggests that "the two most popular explanations for low academic achievement of at-risk children locate the probiern in the children themseIves or in their family" (p.78 1 ). The persistence of the deficit thin king paradigm as an explanatory mode1 for school failure undergirds the marginalized status of black and disadvantaged students in schools. Delpit's (1988) writing about the "culture of power" in schools and classroom makes the point that there is a culture of power operating in schools according to certain codes; codes that are often more familiar to children from dominant racial and cultural groups than children from other under-privileged classes. Similady, Lareau

( 1987) and Majoribanks (1988) observe that since schools draw on cultural capital from dominant racial and cultural groups, children from these groups, king already familiar with the cultural elements, are more advantaged than those whose cultural capital is not utilized. Consequently, the former tend to obtain better school achievement than the latter. Hence, while children from the middle class are more likely to be perceived by teachers as more intellectually comptent, children from the lower class are judged to be less intellectually endowed. Schools therefore reinforce the cognitive and affective skills already acquired by middle class children.

An examination of the deficit thinking paradigm is relevant to this study to the extent that it helps in understanding how family-school reiationships have been conceptualized and practiced over the past three decades. The theones by their revelation of how culture is reproduced in schools, and how certain forms of knowledge are valued while others are de-valued in schools, on the basis of who controls power within the society, may help in the identification of areas of contestation for a redefinition of parent involvement capable of protecting the interests of black and minority children.

An understanding of the deficit paradigm has the potential of raising the consciousness of minority students and parents to the fact that the contents and processes of schooling may not be as neutral as they appear on cursoniy examination, and that the whole schooling project might be nuanced with centuries old prejudices and discredited assumptions that continue to put black and rninority students at a disadvantage. A scrutiny of deficit thinking models, including their origins and pervasiveness, should lead to exarnining the assumptions with which teachers and schools confront disadvantaged students and this has to be part of any comprehensive efforts towards finding solutions to the academic problems of minority students.

Ghanaian children may be relatively new to the North Amencan continent, but due to their racialized status and backgrounds, they may not escape labeling and pre-conceived notions of

inteliectuality and potential for leaming as they have been shaped modets of the deficit thinking

paradigm. This observation invites Ghanaian families to examine the kinds of relationship they

broker with the schools of their children. As Dei (1996) has strongly affirmed, schools and school

horities who systematically shift blame ont0 students by pathologizing families and home

tures must be questioned. It is very important that Ghanaian families are made aware that their

ldren may not be studying in an ideological vacuum (Owusu, 1997), and that the children's

progress may be mediated by decades old notions that may or may not reflect the children's

potential for success.

3.2.3 Perceived labor market theory

John Ogbu ( 1978. 1 98 1 ) has explained the lack of school success among African-Amencan

and minority communities in ternis of aperceived labor market theory. He identifies three groups

of minori ties: caste like, inmigrant, and autonornous. He describes Afncan-Americans as caste like

minorities who could also be seen as colonized people. According to Ogbu, members of acaste like

group. having ken victims of discrimination and societal baniers over a long period of time come

to intemalize their stigrnatization and inferiorstatus attributed to thern by the dominant culture. This

then sets the stage for a self-fulfilling prophecy which reinforces low expectations, and locks many

members of the group into a vicious circle of poverty, underachievement, low status, and general

momie.

On the other hand. immigrant groups have usually come voluntarily to the host society for economic reasons and, unlike caste minorities, have not intemaiizcd negative attributions of the dominant group. Voluntary immigrants may face barriers but are able to resist them with the backing of an extended family, insulation through another language (which enables messages of self-worth to resist societal low-status definitions), and a culturally transmitted work ethic or high motivation. Ogbu cites Chinese and Japanese groups as examples of immigrant minorities. The autonomous groups are those who hold a distinct cultural identity but who are not subordinated economically or politicall y to the dominant group, for example, Jews in the US.

Even though Ogbu's theory has attractedcriticism from Erickson (1 987) who notes that it faiis to account for the success of any domestic students and leaves no room for human agency, the theory is relevant to the experience of Ghanaian farnilies in Canada. Ghanaian parents can be justifiably described sis fitting the 'immigrant' group, in Ogbu's theory. for coming to Canada voluntariiy in pursuit of economic and social advancement. But, it is also reasonable to expect hem to feel 'caste like' because of the tendency of the larger society to lump blacks together through the process of racidization in North Arnerica (Omi and Winant, 1986), noting the consequence of that process for the racial ized group. Portes ( 1984), for instance, noted that the theory that descendants and possibly offspring of immigrants' can evidence a dispositional profile characteristics of

"i nvoluntary" minori ties is consistent wi th the finding that immigrants initial perceptions of absence of discrimination can yield to the recognition of rejection and barriers.

But, there is also emancipatory possibilities in Ogbu's theory for contemporary Ghanaian immigrants to the extent that by virtue of king very recent in Canada they have not entirely lost their distinct cultural identity and that can offer some buffering possibilities to protect their children against stigrnatization and failure. Pollard (1989), for example, noted that successful school achievement of biacks could be explained in tems of the childrcn's resiliency or childhood coping

behavior. She argued that resilient children encounter sirnilar stresses as their peers. but are buffered

against diverse effect of these stresses by mediating factors within themseives, their families, and

the school/cornrnunity environment. Ifchildren lemand reinforce the attitudes of hopelessness and

despair through social and community networks, the same networks can orient young people toward

behaviors t hat promote school iearning (Ogbu, 1995).

Two interesting questions for the study become: to what extent do Ghanaian parents feel caste

like, and what role cm Ghanaian parents play in generd to provide the insulation or buffenng

conditions necessary to help their children resist stigmatization, develop a positive self- concept of

themselves and to succeed at school?

3.2.4 Economic reproduction theory

Bowies and Gintis (1 976) have argued that schools are institutions of socialization which

reproduce the value system, ideologies, and world views of the dominant group. According to this

prtradigm, seen as inforrned by the logic of traditional Marxism, one of the essential functions of

the school is the reproduction of the labor force dong the Iines of class and gender and as a result.

reinforces existing class, ethnic and gender inequalities.

The authors argue that schools initiate youth into the economic system by systematically

inculcating in them the skills, attitudes. and values (through differential socialization patterns).

which correspond to the labor force positions they are expected to occupy later in life. At the hem

of Bowles and Gintis' (1976) theory is a correspondence principle which suggests a direct

correlation between structural inequalities in schools' partial practices (in favor of the dominant

6 1 group), social class and the hierarchical positions that exist within the labor force. In effect, children from certain social classes are "trained to occupy leadership positions withiii the capitalist economy while others (lower class children) are prepared to occupy subordinate positions.

Bowles and Gintis ( 1976) see the education process as a mirror image of the capitalist system of production, rationalized by what they cal1 the ‘technocratie-mentocractic ideology.' This ideology holds that the function of education is to sort people out based on their inherent ability and to give them a training cornmensurate with their abilities. Bowles and Gintis then argue that through a process of selective streaming, varying rates of retention and differential subjection of discipline, the educational system serves to reproduce from generation to generation the existing structure of inequality (Porter, Porter, Blishen. 1982: 10).

While this theory is helpful in understanding how schools heip perpetuate econornic and social subordination through its "tailoring" function, it is flawed by its deterministic position (Apple.

1988). it's passive view of humans (Cole, 1988), and the inherent message of futility in any attempt at transforrning existing social order (Giroux, l983a). The theory's failure to explain the resistance and conflicts that are inherent in social relationships in schools has received considerable attention.

Giroux ( I983a), argues that Bowles and Gintis:

grossly ignore what is taught in schools as well as how classroom knowledge is either mediated through school culture or given by the teachers and students under study. What we are left is a theoretical position that reinforces the idea that there is little that educators can do to change their circumstance or plight. Not only do contradictions and tensions disappear in this account but so also the promise of critical pedagogy and social change (p.85)

In a retrospective self critique, Bowles and Gintis (1988) concede to adopting "a narrow and inadequate appreciation of the contradictions involved in the articulation of the educational system within the social totality" (P. 19). Indeed. studies in the United States have indicated that regardless

62 of the enormity of the larger social and econornic problems that confront minority families, which

may incorporate some of the bais of the correspondence theory (Bowles & Gintis, 1976), some

families are able to beat the odds and help their children succeed academically (Erickson, 1987).

The relevance of Bowles and Gintis' (1976) correspondence theory to this study however

speaks to the view that Ghanaian children may not be attending value neutral schools and that their

fate may have already been determined for them even before they arrived in Canada. The rate of

school failure among black and minority children is staggering, and the theory's position that the

problem might be beyond the redernption of schools and farnilies is very plausible. At the same

time. the fact that some black and minority students are able to succeed, against al1 the odds,

indicates that the deterministic posturing of correspondence theory may be insufficient in explaining

al1 the factors that lead to minority students' success. It becomes imperative that we examine al1 the

factors. including what successful farnilies do to help their children overcome predetennined

barriers in their education, in order to help others succeed as well.

3.2.5 Resistance theory

Resistance theorists look at the ways in which dominated people react to their domination. Led

by its chief advocate Henry Giroux ( 198 1 ; 1983a; 1983b; 1985)' resistant theorists (Apple. l982a,

1982b: Willis, 1977) propose an alternative view of schools and schooling which offers

emancipatory and counter-hegemonic possibilities for minority students. Much of resistance

theorists' work has arisen out of criticisms of cultural reproduction theories (Bourdieu. 1977;

Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Bowles & Gintis, 1976; Bernstein, 197 1 ; 1975). So, resistance theory

rejects the notion of schools as simply instructional sites (Mallea, 1989) which are devoid of

63 contradictions and conflicts. The theory emphasizes "a dialectical notion of the human agency that rightly portrays domination as neither a static process nor one that is ever complete" (Giroux.

1983a: 108). Further, resistance theory, contrary to reproduction theories, see emancipatory opportunities in the behavior of dominated individuals and groups.

Apple ( 1982a) has argued that schools have four major social functions: 1 ) they select and certify a work force: 2) they maintain privilege by taking the fonn and content of dominant culture and define it as legitimate knowledge to be passed on; 3) they are agents in the creation and the re- creation of an effectively dominant culture; and 4) they legitimate new knowledge, new classes and strata of social personnel. In fulfilling these functions, Apple argues, schools promote the interests of some social groups over the interests of other groups. Apple, however, argues that students themselves have power based on their own cultural forrns to render this reproduction process conrradictory. According to Apple, students "act in contradictory ways, ways that both support this reproductive process and partidly 'penetrate' it" (p.27).

Willis ( 1977) has supported resistance theory through his work among working-class children in England. He documented two responses to school by two groups of school children: the

"erir'oles" who conform to school authority and values and the. "lads" who work at resisting school authority and values. Willis showed that in their resistance, the lads adopted working-class shop floor values which paradoxically ensured that they were only prepared for the low paying manual jobs of their fathers. Willis' work has supported the theory that social reproduction in schools is not easily acquiesced to by every participant in the process, and that the contestation by the students creates opportunities for production in the process.

Helier ( 1989: 1993; 1996) has also supported resistance theory with her work within minority students in Franco-Ontarian schools in Canada. Heller argues that even though the linguistic and cultural resources that students acquire in the home may not be consistent with the resources in the school, students leam other people's strategies, and develop new ones of their own. Therefore students' access to the resources that the school distributes (academic success) can be seen 'hot as determined by their social position but as possibly rendered problematic by it" (1989:379).

HelIer notes that resistance, assimilation, rejection or simpiy ambiguity are alternative ways of reacting to domination. In her studies, language minority students resisted domination through

"codeswitching." by speaking English instead of the legitimated French language which symbolized the acceptance of school authority (Heller, 1996). Heller shows chat those students who choose to resist school authority and values are relentlessly alienated and sooner or later leave school. thus opting out of the resources that are distributed through French bilingualism in Canada which include well paying, middle-class jobs (Heller, 1993).

Erickson ( 1987) has also argued in support for resistance theory by identifying shortcomings in both the cultural discontinuity (Bourdieu, 1977, Bernstein, 197 1) and perceived labor market or

CU 1tural ecology (Ogbu. 198 1 ) explanations. Erickson argues that both explanations can be seen as beine culturally deterrninistic: one for seeing cultural differences as necessarily leading to conflict and cultural similarity to absence of conflict; and the other for Ieaving no room for human agency.

From an educational perspective, this means that the teachers and students can do nothing; they are helpless in face of macro social processes and histories. Enckson also argues that Ogbu does not provide empirical evidence of the causal linkages across system levels that he writes about.

Erickson (1987) therefore offers resistance theory as a tool for synthesizing the two explanations. Erickson sees schooI failure as reflexive: the ways in which schools work at failing their students and students work at failing to achieve in school. Erickson argues that engagement in school is a fonn of political assent, while disengagement is a form of political resistance by noting that "to speak of school success or failure is to speak of learning or not learning what is deliberately taught there" (p.343). Erickson (1987) argues, also, that teachers, for example, can denigrate indigenous minority students' linguistic forrns (through practices such as the over correction of phonological difference read as deviance), and if the victims interpret this in light of shared experiences of cultural oppression and a stigrnatized identity, relations of trust necessary to learning would be less readily forged between indigenous minority students and their teachers than between immigrant students and their teachers (Olneck, 1990: 325).

Resistance theory offers a frarnework that is germane to this study. It sees the cumculum as a complex medium that does not only serve and perpetuate domination, but as a medium that holds emancipatory possibilities through transformation. In other words, it not only points out how schools serve to reproduce inequalities but also, that schools can be avenues for correcting such irnbalances through human agency. Within the Canadian setting, attempts by various minority groups to counteract cultural reproduction in schools (Mallea, 1989), can appropriately be regarded ris a form of resistance. It is premised on the notion that multicultural education and similar emancipatory paradigms, represent attempts by minority groups and multiculturalists. to resist cultural reproduction in schools. Further, the school is seen not only as avenue of domination, but also as avenue where control of power can be negotiated by both majority and minority groups al i ke.

Resistance theory is relevant to discussions about the education of Ghanaian chiidren in

Canada. The theory's relevance is embedded in its belief of emancipatory possibilities for dominated groups even in the face of overwhelming societal pressures which nurture and sustain

the domination of disadvantaged groups by the more powerful within the society. Unlike theories

that speak of disadvantaged groups' experiences in terms of predetermined fate, resistance theory

believes in the power of human agency to render the process of domination contradictory.

The implication of resistance theory for the role that Ghanaian families must play in the

education of their children is particularly revealed by Erickson's (1987) and Delpit's (1988)

observations about the "culture" of schools, and the role of teachers in perpetuating this culture by

denigrating niinority students' linguistic and cultural fonns, while promoting those of the

mainstream group. The role of Ghanaian families, then, must not only be to participate in schools

as presently understood by conceptions of parent involvement, but to question the very nature of

the educational process. probing into questions which challenge the status quo. To participate in

education. on behalf of their children. without rendering the process problematic will mean

acquiescing to the perpetuation of a flawed system that is incapable of addressing some of the roor

causes of their children's academic difficulties.

3.3 Countering 'Deficit Thinking": Multiculturalism and the education of minority children

in 197 1. Canada officially introduced a national policy of multiculturalism to recognize a

new reality of increased immigration and ethnic differentiation within the Canadian society. The

post- 1945 penod in Canada, which was marked by rapid industrial growth and expansion attracted

more people of different racial and ethnic backgrounds into Canada With diverse groups from al1 over the world converging in Canada, the policy of assimilation which had hitherto infonned the discriminatory logic (Hawkins, 1972) inherent in the immigration policy of 19 19, and revised in

1 952, became increasingl y unsupportable. Canada moved between 1962- 1964 to expunge its racial and ethnical based discriminatory provisicns in the country's immigration laws by introducing the "point system" in 1967 (Kelly & Ewell, 1981).

According to the 'point system', immigrants were to be selected on the basis of points that they earned in nine areas such as education, occupation. and languages. Country of origin, ethnic. and racial criteria were eliminated. The immigration regulations of 1967 established three classes of immigrants: family, independent (selected worker). and refugee (Keely & Ewell, 198 1 ). The refugee class consists of conventional refugees as defined by the United Nations, and designated classes- persons deemed to be refugees by Canada under the terms of Bill C-55 and C-84

(Employment and Immigration, 1988).

Perhaps, the most significant development that resulted from the redefinition of Canada's immigration policy is the boost it gave to immigration from Third World countries which now accounts for over 70 percent of the total number of immigrants admitted into Canada yearly. This is siyificant considering that in the 1960s immigration from Europe and US was over 75 percent of the total number of people entering Canada. Now, immigration from those regions make up less than 25 percent while Asia accounts for over 53 percent of the total number of immigration into

Canada. The proportion from Africa and Latin America has also increased (Statistics Canada,

1993).

In recognizing this new dernographic and cultural reality, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau pushed for the endorsement of the policy of multiculturalism. The policy was supported by some assumptions that Berry. Kaiin and Taylor (1 977) have identified as: (1) a belief that ethnic cultures constitute living and lived-in reaiities that impart meaning and security to adherents; (2) encouraging diversity is not incompatible with the pursuit of comrnon national goals; (3) cultural differences are a reflection of the Canadian ideal, and a source of enrichment and strength; (4) ethno-cultural affiliation does not imply an element of lack of patriotism; and (5) individuals and groups secure in their respective cultural backgrounds will concede a similar rïght to others.

Consequent on these assumptions, multicu~turalismhas been pursued to promote peaceful race relations and inter-cultural exchanges: eliminate discrimination and promote national unity: to reduce the social and economic disadvantages of ethnic minorities; to assist ethnic groups in the preservation of their identities; and to educate the public regarding the merits of cultural pluralism

(Li. IWO; Fleras & Elliot, 1992).

The policy of multiculturalism has been seen to enjoy the support of Canadians for various reasons (Berry et ai.. 1977. Multiculturalism and Citizenship Canada, 199 1 : Elliot & Fleras, 1990).

Ethnic minori ties have taken advantage of multiculturalism as a platform for solving problems conceming 'culture' andor 'equality'. But, whereas invisible (European) minorities appear more interested in expressive concems such as cultural promotion and language maintenance (Bumet &

Palmer 1988). visible minorities tend to see multiculturalism as a resource for the attainment of practical social and economic goals (Bumet, 198 1; Special Cornmittee on Visible Minorities, 1984).

Also. visible minorities are increasingly becoming reliant on the tenets of multiculturalism as a resource to combat racism (Fleras & Desroches, 1988; Bumet & Palmer, 1988).

Even though the potential of multiculturalism as a cataiyst for stability within the Canada soci ety has been widel y acknowledged, the pol icy continues to attract criticisms from several quarters (Abu-Laban & Stasiulis, 1992; Bibby, 1990; Richmond, 1994; Bumet & Palmer, 1988;

McLellrui & Richmond, 1994; Peter, 1978; Kallen, 1982; Burnet, 1984; Bullivant, 198 1 ;Kalbach

& Richard, 1990). One enduring criticism has been the view that the policy of multiculturalism has ken very high on issues of culture while staying oblivious to social and economic factors that perpetuate inequality among different ethnic groups within the Canadian cultural mosaic. Kallen

( 1987) charges that the govemrnent is al1 too eager to lavish funds on folk festivals and ethnic perfoming arts. but is reluctant to support minority demands for collective rights or socioeconomic enhancement, and this, according to Li (1990) has only helped to preserve the prevailing unequal distribution of power and wealth. Arguing dong similar lines, somecritics have accused authorities of using multiculturalism as a tool for 'depoliticizing' minority groups' activism over political and econornic issues and CO-opting them into certain occupational structures and residential arrangements. thereby preserving the prevailing distri bution of power and wealth (Anderson &

Frideras. 198 1 ; Moodley, 1983).

Similarly, some critics argue that the persistence of intolerance and discrimination of racial. ethnic or religious nature attest to the failure of the policy to realize one of its enduring goals

(Ka1bach & Richard, 1990; Burnet & Palmer, 1988; Bolari & Li, 1988; Li, 1990). In a reference to this problem, Li ( 1990) has noted, for many racial and ethnic minorities, the idealisrn of the multi cultural society (promoting cultural uniqueness) is hard to reconcile with the reality of inequality, often induced by the cultural uniqueness of minority groups. Thus, Bolari and Li (1 988) and Meghi

( 1990) have concluded that it is paradoxical that by stressing the differences between groups, multiculturalism actually tends to promote or cause ethnic alienation and racism. Li (1990) has thus argued that if policies of multiculturalism are to be meaningful to immigrants and minorities, paralle1 efforts to eiiminate racism and discrimination will also be needed.

The criticism notwithstanding, the policy of multiculturalism has had important implications

for the education of immigrants and their children (Burke, 1984; Magsino, 1985. 1989). The policy

of multiculturalism has created the space and the opporninity for the constructive engagement of

immigrant families in the education process. By emphasizing cultural pluralism and inclusiveness,

mu1 ticulturalism potentially validates the knowledge, expenence and contribution of minority

groups, and in fact, invites such contributions and participation of minority groups in important areas of the Canadian society, such as the education of children.

As the earlier sections of this chapter demonstrated, factors that impinge on the academic success of children are multifaceted and inter-related. While some of the problems can be mitigoted with a tinkering of schools' cumcula or through a review of teachers' teaching styles, there are some very serious and fundamental issues which although prevailing within the larger society, go to affect how children leam and succeed within the school gates. It is therefore not reasonable to expect schools and teachers to be able to solve al1 the academic problems of minority children, even if they are inclined to doing so. It is of importance that parents of minority children be encouraged to take a pro-active stance, and supported by the provisions of the policy of multiculturalism, demand to be included in decisions that ultimately go to affect the children's leaming and thus their future social and economic mobility. The poIicy of multiculturalism underscores a view that makes the participation of minority parents in the education of their children not only desirable but expedient. The crux of the challenge is how to design a system that will not only pay lip service by just recognizing the potential contributions of immigrants but will go one more step to actually fuIly integrate them to benefit their children. According to Moodley (1995), prior to the introduction of multiculturaiism in Canada, the education of minotity children had been solely informed by the goals of deficit models which were to integrate the 'outsider'. However, with the introduction of multiculturalism, a relativist approach was introduced. The relativist approach has spurred approaches designed to help minon ty children better integrate into the society and succeed at school. Two of the most common approaches are rnulticultural education and its anti-racist cousin.

Multicultural education

Mdticltitrtrtrl eclrtcntiori was popularized in the 1960s to combat deficit thinking models that had informed longstanding remedial and compensatory approaches in the education of minority and disadvantaged children. According to King ( 199 1 ), the introduction of rnulticultural education was based on the proposition that the typical school experience for minority children lacked the validation and affirmation of their culture that would enable them transcend the conflict between

African American culture that, in effect, devalue and denigrate blackness and alienate blackstudents from themselves and frorn their own learning. J. A. Banks (1995) also notes that the major goal of multicuItural education is COreform school and other educational institutions so that students from diverse racial. ethnic and social class groups will experienceeducational quality (p.3). Muiticulturd education theorists are thus interested in how the interaction of race, class, and gender influences education (Banks, 1993; Sleeter, 1991).

iMulticultura1 education cornes under different labels, but according to Moodley ( 1995), the most commonly cited cross-cutting themes are education for cultural pluralism. education about cultural difference, education of the culturally different, education for cultural preservation and education for multi cultural adaptation. Many of these themes are not mutually exclusive and are often found in combination.

Mcleod (1 992) has categorized approaches to multicultural education in Canada into three main groups: ethnic specific, problem oriented, and culturaYinterculnira1. A distinctive dimension of the ethnic-specific rnodel of multicultural education is the preservation and development of specific group cultures, Their aims are to counteract assimilation and to increase knowledge and understanding of individual's ethno-cultural heritage. Ethnic-specific programs aim at promoting positive self-definition. In the problem-oriented model, two progrms are commonly offered: (a) proactive programs that help immigrants to adapt to Canadian society through, for exarnple, English as a second language programs or to promote positive race relations, such as multicultural leadership prograrns offered by boards of education (Samson, Yellin, & Mercer, 1987). and (b) reactive programs, which respond to issues of racism and other foms of inequality. The third model. the cultural/intercultural model, attempts to promote an ethos of multiculturalism throughout the education system. The goal of this approach is to help individuais enhance their self-esteem, transcend cultural barriers. and develop appropriate bicultural skills to function in aculturally plural context. Its overarching values are equality of access and shared ownership.

Magniso (1985) typologizes six models of multicultural education that serve to organize existing conceptions. The first model is education for an emergent society, which entails the reconstitution of cultural diversity into a new single national culture. It is in some way analogous to the melting pot. The second rnodel is education of the culturally different, which refers to special education of the culturally atypical child. The aim is to equalize educational opportunities by reducing the differences between home and school cultures. Third is education for cultural understandi ng, which aims at cultivating acceptance, understanding, and appreciation of different groups. Founh, education for cultural accommodation aims at ensuring the equdity of al1 groups.

This is accomplished by the public school's accommodation of the ethnic particularities in some form. though a regular mainstream cumculum is maintaineci. These inclusions may take the form of special-language instruction or cultural enrichment prograrns to bolster self-esteem. Fifth, education for cultural preservation aims at transmitting the cultures of groups whose identities are at risk. The sixth model categorized by Magniso, education for multicultural adaptation, seeks to educate for biculturd competency. Transcending group-specific identification, this approach values the ability to develop the necessary skills in cross-cultural communicative cornpetence by acquiring another ianguage and/or cultural Iiteracy.

According to Kehoe and Mansfield ( 1993), multicultural education has been envisaged to prornote the goals of equivalency in achievement, more positive intergroup attitudes, and pride in heritage (p. 1). Conceming the goal of equivalency in achievement, Kehoe defines the goai of multicultural education in terms of appropriate-langage education, fair assessrnent and placement procedures. unbiased curriculum, culturally compatible teaching styles, accepting learning environments, sound relations between the home and school, and appropriate teacher expectations.

Secondly. multicultural education is conceptualized to help improve attitudes towards different groups and cultures and thus help reduce prejudices and racism. The attention to differences, it is hoped, will reduce divisions arnong groups by increasing understanding and respect for each other.

In schools. i t is expected that changes to cumcula that recognize the contributions and perspectives of various cultures will enhance ail students' interest and achievement. More positive intergroup attitudes could be built by teaching the ability to recognize differences within groups, transcending external attributes, learning about cultural similarities, teaching critical thinking and reasoning skills, as well as promoting positive contact. Thirdly, multicultural education is designed to promote pnde in heritage. Developing pnde in heritage can be maintained through processes that valonze the student's culture by incorporating appropriate leaming materials within the curriculum and by offering instruction in heritage languages.

Taken together, mu 1ticuitural education attempts to foster pride in rninori ty cultures, helps minority students develop new insights into their culture, reduces prejudice and stereotyping, and promotes intercultural understandings (Rubalcava, 1991). But the crucial question, according to

Ogbu ( 1995), is how far can rnulticultural education improve the academic performance of those children who have not traditionally done well at school? In the view of Ogbu, like the core curriculum movement, the multicultural education movement is based on the erroneous assurnption that academic achievement is primarily the result of the transaction between the specific skills and abilities of the students and the teaching of the curriculum and the process of the classroom envi ronmen t, including teacher attitudes. These movements fai 1 to recognize that "the meaning and value students associate with school learning and achievement play a very significant role in determining their efforts towards learning and performance" (p.584 ). Furthemore, the meaning and value that students from different cultural groups associate with the process of formal education

Vary and are socially transmitted by their ethniccommunities. The Iesson, according to Ogbu, is that for any school interventions, innovations, and reforms to succeed in enhancing the academic performance of minority children, such attempts will need to be inforrned by an understanding of wh y children from speci fic groups are experiencing learning and performance difficulty. Villegas (1988) also suggests that the difficulties rninority students experience in school are

far more complex than "differences between language and culture of home and school" (p.262).

This is consistent with criticai pedagogues' (Cummins, 1986; Sleeter, 199 1 ; Olneck, 1990;

McCarthy. 1988; 1990b) position that multicultural education is handicapped by its failure to

problematize social relations within the larger society. The critics have argued that when

multicultural education focuses on the individual and the school as the main sites of investigation,

it effectively divorces students and teachers from the wider social, economic, and political: agendas

impl icated in inequality and racism. Giroux (1 983 a) criticizes muIticulturd education's capacity to absorb, assimilate. and depoliticize minority students, making schools highly unlikely to develop the "oppositional cultures which provide the basis for a viable political force" (p. 10 1 ).

In response to some of these criticisms, there have been recent atternpts within the mu1ticul tu ral education movement to arnplify and include the anti-racist program of reforms. So. whereas early multicultural approaches to inequality tended to understand the problem as one of prejudice, misunderstanding, and ignorance, present multicultural approaches seek to develop

CU 1tural awareness and promote the cultural and political interests of minority groups. Sleeter and

Grant ( 1987) have observed the need to expand the context of the discourse in multicultural education by moving beyond the 'individual classroom and school level' and address multicultural pol icy at the state and national levels. Multicultural education could be understood as empowering minority students when it validates their cultural identities, encourages democratic values, and teaches students to think critically and to act politically (Sleeter, 199 1 : 9).

In spite of contemporary formulations, the multiculturd agenda does not go far in addressing some of the fundamental causes of black and minority students' academic difficulties. The agenda continues to emphasize acceptance, tolerance and integration without complimentary emphasis on social justice. Multicultural education promotes cultural pluralism, but within acontext where some cultures are already subordinated to others and the views of dominant groups are more favored than those of the dominated. Multicultural education also fails to acknowledge a need for structurai and

institutional changes within the larger society as well as in schools to deal with systemic racism which has negative consequences for black and minonty students' leaming.

Anti-racist education

According to the Ontario Secondary School Teachers' Federation (1993) racism is a

'psychological violence' which erodes slowly the self-esteem of minority children. It is violence, the scars of which are hidden and which leaves its victims demoralized, denigrated. and often afraid to speak out. OSSTF also notes that racism affects leaming in so far as minority students see themselves as being set outside the mainstrearn. Minority children feel that they are placed in a situation where they have to constantly prove themselves so that the attainment of personal goals becomes difficult, and the perception invites internai stniggle and may lead to educational problems among victims (1993: 35)

The goal of anti-racist education concems raising awareness about racism and issues of social justice in schooiing and in the society at large. The approach argues after critical and cultural reproduction theories (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Bowles & Gintis, 1976;

Bernstein. 1977: Aronowitz & Giroux, 1985; Giroux, 1985) that assert that knowledge is not neutral but that it is constructed to perpetuate the hegemonic interests of the dominant group in society. But unlike theories which emphasize only the "reproduction" functions of schools, anti-

77 racist education takes the position of "resistance theory" (Giroux, 1983a; 1983b; Willis, 1977;

Heller. 1993: Dei. 1996) which recognizes the contradictions and conflicts inherent in the fùnctions of the school. and ais0 emphasizes a dialectical notion of the human agency that rightly portrays

"domination as neither a static process nor one that is ever complete" (Giroux, 1983a: 108).

McCrirthy ( 1988). for example, argues that the persistence of racism in schooling suggests strongly that schools themselves are significant sites for the formation and reproduction of racism. since they also double as sites for the production and reproduction of the ideological hegemony of the state. as well as the pol itical and economic interests of modem capital. Schools, as sites for the production and dissemination of knowledge, therefore share acomplicity in the marginalization and disempowerment of minority and disadvantaged groups in society.

According to anti-racist educators, if schools are sites for the production of inequalities, they could also be used to question such inequalities by empowering minority and disadvantaged groups to be aware and critical of how knowledge is constmcted and by whom. Anti-racist educators therefore argue that the focus of any viable educational agenda in a multicultural society is to recognize and exorcize racism from schooling (Troyna & Williams, 1986; Troyna & Carri ngton,

IWO: Edari. 1984: McCarthy & Apple, 1988; McCarthy, 1988; 1990b: Omi & Winant; 1986;

Thomas. 1984: 1987: Mukherjee, 1988: Dei, 1996).

The Ontario govemment in 1 992 (OMET,1993) by an Education Act, required al1 schools to develop and implement "antiracism and ethnocultural equity policies." The policies are based on the recognition that some existing policies, procedures, and practices in the school system are racist and therefore limit the opportunity of minority students and staff to fulfil their potential and to maximize theircontnbution to society, For exarnple, controversies exist in teacher practices in areas such as student evaluation, assessment and placement (Tator & Henry, 1991). According to the

Ontario Ministry of Education and Training (1993b), there is evidence that minority students are streamed into prograrns of low expectations because of inappropriate and culturally biased assessment practices. By introducing the antiracism and ethnoculturai equity policies, the govemment seeks to achieve an accurate picture of students' capabilities to maximize their leaming potential. The policies require teachers to take into account certain factors, such as, students' prior learning. cultural and linguistic background, including cornpetence in the language of instruction

(P. 15)-

Many schools have responded to the governrnent's initiative by implementing changes in the cumculum to incorporate and maximize the lived experiences of al1 children as part of "school knowledge-' (Thomas. 1984). Tator and Henry (1991), for exarnple, have reported anti-racist measures that are gradually been introduced in Ontario schools as including: increasing the representation of staffing from other ethnic groups, translating report cards into different languages, using interpreters for important parent-teacher communication, establishing a successful home reading program for students for whom Engiish is either a second language or a dialect. and increasing contacts with community agencies who nin school support programs. Also innovative curriculum programs to increase self-images of al! students and improve their skills and cornpetencies are also king implemented.

The anti-racist framework, unlike multicultural education, moves beyond the school level and invites some forrn of political action from parents to question how knowledge is produced in the larger society to benefit some groups while disadvantaging others. The anti-racist approach offers empowering potential for parents of rninority children. The approach gives minority parents the conceptual tml to challenge deficit thinking modeis that continue to define the kind of relationships

that schools establish with minority families, and to problematize the whole concept of education

and how i t is transmitted to benefit minority children.

3.4 Summary

An examination of both the micro-level or school and family level practices and macro-level

or structural processes within the larger society provides some insights into how schools function

to engage sorne students. while disengaging others. What is obvious is that the causes of black and

minority children's academic under-achievernent are far too complex and intricate for only one

theory to successfully isolate. It is evident that the deficit paradigm that has for decades defined the

ki nds of relationships that schools establish with minority families persists even today. Therefore.

more needs to be done by schools and policy makers to provide the kinds of environment that would

provide equitable opportunities and outcomes for ail students to succeed.

It is also obvious that regardless of how the academic problerns of blacks are analyzed, the

role of families in helping them succeed at school cannot be ignored, even though such a role might

be interpreted differently by the different approaches. For example, while transactional analysis

which situate the academic problems of minority students within thecontext of classroom processes

might limit the role of families to participation at the school level, structural analysis of school

failure might invite families to assume a more cntical role that goes beyond the school to question

the whole concept of hegemony and knowledge production and distribution. CHAPTER FOUR PARENT INVOLVEMENT IN THEIR CHILDREN'S EDUCATION

4.1 Introduction

This chapter reviews some of the major forces and actors that have helped focus attention on

the relevance of parent involvement in their children's education. The discussion is structured

around some major themes:

1. Historicai analysis of government sponsored initiatives on parent involvement &.3 Rationale for parent involvement: Theoretical perspectives 3 . Evidence from the field: Parent involvement and students' academic achievements 4. Barriers to parent involvement

The first theme, historicai analysis of govemment sponsored initiatives on parent involvement,

gives a background to how the topic has engaged the attention of governments and policy makers

in the United States and Canada (Ontario). The United States' experience is deemed relevant to this

study since policy and research studies from that country appear to collide with, and at the sarne

time influence, similar developments in Canada. This is illustrative by the frequency with which

such studies are cited by Canadian studies and vice versa. The second theme, rationale for parent

involvement: theoretical perspectives, reviews some of the most compelling conceptual arguments

that have been proposed to rationalize support for parent and community involvement in the

education of children. The third theme, evidence from the field: parent involvement and students'

academic achievement. examines results of field research that have shown that parent involvement

help increase the academic achievement of children. The fourth theme, barriers to parent

involvement, will attempt to show why parent involvement processes have not worked very well

8 1 for some families.

Government sponsored initiatives: Background

According to Hobbs (1 979),education in North America has dways occurred within a social context that was influenced by the home environments of students. Prior to the introduction of formai schools, parents were the educators of children and even with the introduction of forrnal education, schools were seen as extensions of the home. But, beginning from the 19th century, and as a result of the industriai revolution and rapid urban development, schools moved farther away from homes. and the relationship between parents and schools became more impersonal. The changes came with increased professionaiization of teaching with teachers asked to operate under the role of in Zoco parentis, performing many roles that had hitherto been performed by parents.

While teachers were expected to teach children in basic skills, parents wereexpected to instill moral values and promote social development in their chiidren (Moles, 1993).

Beginning in the 1890s. many parents' organizations sprang up to deal with local issues of home-school relationship. The prwess was typicali y controlled by middle-class women. In the

United States. activities of the National Congress of Mothers, later changed to National Congress of Parents and Teachers in 1924, led to the formation of Parent Teacher Associations. These parent groups promoted playgrounds, school-lunch programs, better sanitation, domestic science andother innovations (Moies. 1993: 23). In Canada, the Toronto Board of Education started inviting mothers into kindergarten classrooms as early as 1883. According to Dehli (1994) and Dehli, Restakis and

S harper ( 1988). Mothers' Clubs were organized by the Board as part of the work to educate parents as wei 1 as deveiop partnerships. Between 19 16 and 1940, the Mothers' Clubs were transformed into

82 the Toronto Home and School Council, a more militant organization, by rniddle-class women who were dissatisfied with the limited roles of parents as helpers to teachers.

According to Dehli ( 1994). even when intensified immigration beginning from the 1920s contributed to increased presence of minority communities in North America, no meaningful attempts were made by schools to reach out to minority families with the intent of incorporating their concems into the goals of education. Meanwhile, because of the differences in culture, teachers and new immigrants often viewed each other with distrust. Where schools began to consider issues relating to minonty families they were guided by the deficit thinking paradigrn as fed by the ideologies of the time. So, for example, when the behavior of minority children appeared i nconsisten t wi th the expectations of schools, 'foreign' mothers were required to 'adjust' their behavior because the behavior and poor academic performance of minority children were taken as

"evidence" of deficient rnothering (Dehli et al., 1988; Dehli, 1994).

The 1960s saw a rebirth of national experiments in social programming, the civil rights movement. heightened minority-groups consciousness, and a growing sense by consumers of the need for collective action. In education, minorityparents and others began to challenge large public- school systems to make schools more responsive to sub-cultural traditions and values (Moles, 1993:

24). A public dimension was introduced to the parent involvement movement as govemments, especially in the United States, increasingly became interested in forcing a national attention to the academic problems of minority and disadvantaged students.

The following paragraphs illustrate how governments in the United States and Canada

(Ontario) have sought to influence the direction of parent involvement in schools within the past three decades and whether these efforts have had any significant role in defining the forms of parent invol vernent that we find in communities across North Arnenca

4.2.1 Government initiatives in the United States

Factors that contributed to the emergence of a nationai interest in the question of parent

involvement children's education in the United States can best be surmised through various research

and policy studies, as weli as official government legislation and regulations that have been

documented since the 1960's and have now become important part of the literature on parent

i nvolvernent. From the literature, two important factors are evident as playing a critical role in

generating an awareness about parent involvement, as well as shaping the direction of the process

in the last thirty years. The factors are: 1) early research work on school effectiveness which

revealed a need for school reforrn, and 2) increased interest shown by the United States federal

government in the education of American children.

Beginning from the 1 %Os, many important studies heightened awareness about the

debi 1 i tating problem of academic failures of minority and disadvantaged children (N.I.E., 1979).

NotabIe among these inchde: Equality of Educational OpportunifyReport (Coleman et al., 1966)'

A nation ar risk: The imperativefor educational refonn (N.C.E.E., 1983)' Barriers ro excellence

(N.C.AS ., 1 985). and An imperiled generation: Saving urban schools (C.F. A, T.. 1988).

Most relevant to this study is Coleman et al's (1966) report which was commissioned under

the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and was based on a national survey of principals, teachers and

students in some 4,000 public elementary and secondary schools. The study concluded, among

other findings. that the home background of students bars a strong relationship with academic

achievement. The study noted that students' achievement test scores depended more on their family background than on whether they attended a school with the basic kinds of characteristics and resources measured in the study. Coleman et al's findings were widely interpreted as indicating that

"schools don? rnake a difference" and that there is nothing that schools cm do to overcorne the educational disadvantages produced by minority group status and poverty. The findings, which contradicted the onhodox thinking as fa.as the potential of schools was concerned, caused considerable controversy. This resuited in a number of attempts by researchers to re-anaiyze the study data, and to repficate or rehte the findings in other studies (Jencks. Smith, Acland, Bane,

Cohen & Gintis, 1972; Mayeske 1973; Mosteller & Moynihan, 1972).

Apart from revealing general deficiencies in public education for Arnerican children, Coleman et al ( 1966) and other studies helped debunk a prevailing myth about the power of education to distribute socioeconomic rewards and thus encourage social and economic mobility. The studies showed that although schools were seen as the great equalizer, in reality, individuals who begin school from unequal life conditions were likely to maintain unequal life conditions unless there is an intervention in the pattern (N-LE.. 1979 ).

The conclusions from the above cited studies and others helped States and communities to embark upon broad and far-reaching educational reform efforts, some of which involved the reorganization of school administration. Attempts were made to limit the control of school district staffs and grant more autonomy to principals, teachers and parents. In school districts across the

United States. school boards, administrators, faculty, parents, and community leaders began redesigning the processes of teaching and learning at individual school sites (Lunenburg, 1992).

For example, legislators in Chicago passed legislation creating powerful school-site goveming bodies. elected by the people within the attendance areas of Chicago schools. Flatter organizationai structures. more decision-making power at the school site, and less control from the central bureaucracy are al1 products of the school refom movement (Edwards & Allfred, 1993: 595).

The second factor that has had immense consequences on how parent involvement has been conceptualized and practiced over the past three decades has been the role that the United States federal government has played in pushing forward with various pieces of legislation as well as financial support for educational reforms. According to Harrison ( 1982:3), the basis for the inclusion of parent involvement in government mn progranis could be surmised as follows: 1) pxen t invol vement encourages improved academic performance by children ;2) parent involvement ensures accountability as to how programs are run; and 3) parent involvement has educational benefit for the parents themselves.

Early attempts to enhance public support for parent involvement in the United States was attempted through programs such as Head Startand Foilow Through. The two programs attempted to train rnothers in home teaching methods, obtain parent advice in planning the programs, and use parent support personnel in program operation (Moles, 1993: 24). The introduction of the

Elementa~and Secondav Education Act of 1965 (US. DOE, 1965) by the federal government gave a Iegal accent to officia1 public parent movement. Title I of the ESEA Act focused on giving federal assistance to the educationally disadvantaged. The provisions of Tirle 1, in agreement with

Coleman et al's ( 1966) findings, was borne out of the deficit thinking paradigm (see Chapter Two) that poor children perform poorly in school because they do not have similar educational opportunities at home as enjoyed by children from higher socioeconomic backgrounds. By supplementingthe educational experiences of disadvantaged students with compensatory programs and other services, authorities hoped to bridge the educational gap that existed between poor studen ts and students from richer socioeconomic backgrounds. Title 1 thus represented the first federal government's attempt to use a legai framework as a mechanism for intervening in the tradi tional relationship between socioeçonomic status and educationd attainment (N.I.E., 1979: 1).

Central to Title I is the provision of strong parent involvement. in Section 124, parents were permitted to participate in establishing programs; they were to be informeci of, and permitted to make, recornmendations conceming instructional goals and theirchildren's progress (N.I.E., 1979).

Evaluations of Tirle i programs in connection with parent involvement indicated that although some local education agencies had successfully coordinated the planning and implementation of the local program with community groups, there was no evidence that such coordination had taken place in many localities (US.DOE, 1966). Many low-income farnilies were not involved and educators began to believe that battles over parent participation were diverting attention from improving the schools themselves (Mole, 1993: 24). Other studies revealed that in many school districts, parent and community participation was virtually non-existent (Martin & McClure, 1969).

The most touted, yet controversial of Title I parental involvement initiatives concerned Parent

Advisory Councils (PACs). They were mandated primarily to give politicai clout to low-income parents. It was believed that this would make institutions that service low-income families more accountable as well as make federal compensatory programs effective because they would be based on better information, gained through the involvement of parents themselves (McLaughlin &

Shields, 1986). The community control concept gained in popularity in the 1960s when it becarne obvious that public education was failing urban black Americans (Pressman, 1966), and this led many community leaders to argue that the solution was to return control of schools from centralized bureaucracies to the community (Carpenter, 1975). According to Mole (1993), large urban school districts became the sites of intense stniggies to leave education decision making in the hands of families in the belief that bureaucracies could not deliver adequate services to poor and minority communities without parents* active participation.

The views of many community leaders, however, contradicted those of professional educators, wi th few exemptions, who were very doubtful about community control and were generally openly hostile to it. The National Education Association, for exarnple, through various publications, took a hardline approach in their opposition to community control of schools as far as the concept addresses the issue of policymaking about cumculum, staff hiring and firing (NIE.1979: 10). The ambivalence about Title 1 PACs could be attributed to the fact that it could be placed within a theoretical continuum from non-control-oriented forms of participation traditionally accepted by educators (e.g.,participation in PTA, serving as teacher aide, or volunteenng) to control-oriented panici pation (e.g. participation in the community control or community operated schools movement) (NE. 1979: 13). WhiIe many educators believed that the existence of PACs was detrimental to the operation of Title 1, others believed that the role of PACs was so arnbiguous as to preclude meaningful participation of Title 1 parents in the prograrn (NIE, 1979: 3). According to Carpenter (1975), many PACs exploded in conflict as teachers, administrators. parents and studen ts became embroiled in controversy because they were less understood .

in July 198 1, the US Congress passed the Education Consolidation and Improvemenr Act

(ECIA). Chaprer I of ECIA, which replaced Title i of the ESEA, was promulgated to strengthen the provisions of Title 1.The new law required that applications for funds shall be approved by the state if satisfactory assurances are made to the State Education Agency (SEA) that the "programs described are designed and implemented in consultation with parents of children king served" (Hanison, 1982:6). However, parent advisory council requirement in Title of ESEA was abolished because early evaluations of how the provision had been enforced were generally negative.

However. the new changes appeared not to have succeeded either as evaluations of Chapter 1 also came away with similar conclusions as were drawn about Title 1 (McLaughlin & Shields, 1986).

The next major attempt by the United States federal government to encourage the active participation of parents in schools was introduced when President Clinton signed the Goals 2000:

Edrrcure Arnericu Act on March 3 1, 1 994 (U.S. DOE, 1993b). The Goals 2000 Act sets educational improvement and participation as national priorities to be achieved through locai and state ingenuity, not federal control. The eighth goal States that by the year 2000, every school will promote partnerships that will increase parent involvement and participation in promoting the social, emotional, and academic growth of children. Goal 8 was developed on the rationale that

"parents can emphasize good work habits, value learning and good character, set high expectations for their children. stay informed about their children's progress, and monitor their children's activities" (U.S.DOE, 19945). To pursue parent involvement under Goals 2ûOû provisions, the federal government demanded that: 1) every state will develop policies to assist local schools and local educationd agencies to establish prograrns for increasing partnerships that respond to the varying needs of parents and the home, including parents who are disadvantaged or bilingual, or parents of children with disabilities; 2) every school will actively engage parents and families in a partnership which supports the acadernic work of children at home and shared educational decision rnaking at school; 3) parents and farnilies will help to ensure that schools are adequately supponed and will hold schools and teachers to high standards of accountability (U.S. DOE, 1994).

In October 1994, President Clinton again signed in to law, the Improving Americu 's Schools Act (IASA). which sought to extend and amend the ESEA and other federal legislations (US. DOE.,

1 993a). The new act, which was preceded by the Goals 2000= Educate Arnerica Act, was designed to encourage comprehensive education reform as it encourages the alignment of al1 the elements affecting teaching and learning so that the whole is greater than the sum of the parts (Riley,

1 995 :5 14). Among other amendments, IASA encourages greater involvement by parents and other cornmuni t y members through planning requirements, school-parent compacts, and required use of rit least I percent of gants for this purpose. The act States that: "schools alone cannot ensure that every child reaches high standards. It's going to take parents working much more closely with schools" (U.S. DOE, 1993a: 4). The IASA requires participating Local Educational Agencies

(LEAs) to develop and disseminate to parents a written policy on parent involvement in Ttile 1, that must inctude an annuai meeting of al1 parents, additional meetings for individuai or smaller groups of parents. and provision of information to parents on the program. including cumcuium and assessrnent results. LEAs are also required to inform and assist parents in supporting their children's education at home. The policy must also include a "school parent compact" establishing shared responsibility for improving pupil achievernent. The compact must address such topics such as parental responsibility for supporting their child's leaming, communication between parents and teachers, reports to parents on the child's progress, and parental access to staff and classrooms for conferences and observation.

According to Berger (1995), parent involvement was added to Goals 2000 because the evidence shows not only that parents are their child's first teacher, but that parent input and invol vemen t are essential for the child's educational success. In the publication Strong families. srr-mg scizool (U.S. DOE. 1994)- the authors concluded that when parents are involved in their children's leaming, the children earn higher grades and test scores, and they stay in school longer.

A survey by the National Assessrnent of Eciucational Progress, identifid three factors which when controlled or influenced by the family can account for 90 percent of eighth-grade mathematics test scores. These factors are reading materials available in home, student attendance or absences, and te levision w atching. farents cm help their children be more successful if they encourage their children to read at home, make sure that their children attend school, and restrict the excessive use of television (US.DOE, 1994: 6).

In conclusion, it could be surmised that even though traditional modes of parent involvement had existed in the United States for over a century, their apparent ineffectiveness, particularly in attracting poor and minority families (McLaughlin & Shields, 1986), necessitated various federal governments' intervention in the forrn of legal provisions. And while the role of the federai govemment in parent involvement has changed over the years, policymakers have not backed away from their belief in the importance of parents in educating their children. Various legislations have been designed to invcst in local communities and states by helping them build partnerships and put in place effective practices to augment their efforts. Past school reform efforts have fallen short of expectations partiy because educators have mistakenly assumed that schools could do the job alone

(Edwards & Allfred, 1993: 597).

The United States govemment's efforts in pushing parent involvement in the education of their children is important to this study. To the extent that the government's efforts have focused more on empowenng minority and disadvantaged families, they have recognized and legitimized the knowledge and cornpetence of these families as equal partners in the educational process. This has the poteiitial to help alter the culture of deficit thinking that has dominated how school authorities have related to disadvantaged families for decades. As minority groups in Canada,

including Ghanaians, struggle to have a voice in various aspects of the Canadian society, the

devance of the US experience to similar efforts in Canada cannot be understated. It is hoped that

t hrough the cross-fertilization of ideas through exchanges between Canada and the United States,

the US experience can help provide other perspectives and insights into how minority families can

be encouraged to become part of the education of their children.

4.2.2 Government initiatives in Canada (Ontario)

Even though the academic problems of black and minority children became a public issue in

the 1960s attempts to deal with them resided mainly within the initiatives of individual school

boards, SC hools, parents and community organizations. However, the provincial govemment began

to show some interest in the unique problems of black and minority children beginning from the

mid-1980s when through various ministries some specific programs were initiated to aid the

education of black and minority children (OMET., 1988, 1993a, 1993b; Ministry of Citizenship,

1 994: Moodley, 1 995; Tator & Henry, 1991 ).

For instance, in 1986, on the initiative of the Ontario Ministry of Education, an advisory

committee was set up to draft policy and guidelines to assist school boards in developing,

implementing, and monitoring initiatives aimed at achieving racial and ethnocultural equity. The

committee called for procedures to critically review existing materiai for racial and ethnocultural

bias. to educate students to understand the causes of racism, to ensure an inclusive cumculum and

school environment, and to offer heritage language programs as an integral part of the educational

experience. The committee also issued policies to specifically examine and monitor snident

92 services, assessment, placement, strearning procedures, as well as racial and cultural harassrnent

(Tator & Henry, 199 1 ; Moodley, 1995).

Provincial efforts to address the academic problems of black and minority children, however, appeared not to have considered the involvement of minority parents and communities as critical.

Historically, parents of school age children have been involved with the education system at the school level through a variety of formal and informai parent groups and associations. For exarnple, minority parents have histoncally organized to demand stnictural changes to address issues relating to racism in school as well as policy and curriculum changes (Brand & Bhaggiyadatta, 1986; Dehli et al, 1988; Dehli, 1994). And since the late 1970s, some school boards have attempted to work with various communities so as to enhance students' learning. In 1977, the Toronto Board of

Education established Heritage Languages and Black Cultural Prograrns (Toronto Board of

Education. 199 1 : 1 1 ). In 1986, the Board established a Consultative Committee on the Education of Black Students. Its rnembership included four Black parents, chosen by the Organization for

Parents of black children, trustees and staff. The task of the Committee was "to find solutions to the problems (with) the Black Heritage Program and the education of black students in generai"

(Toronto Board of Education, 199 1 : 15)

In a survey by the Ontario Public Schools Board Association (OPSBA) (1995: 4-3, it was realized that 45 percent school boards indicated that there was organized parent involvement in al1 schools in their jurisdiction while 52.2 percent indicated that there was organized parent involvement at most of their schools. The most common form of organized parent involvement is the Parent Teacher Association (PTA). The report also noted that only 25 percent of the responding school boards had established policies to help schools promote parent involvement. In another study, the Ontario Parent Council (WC)(1994) also estimated that less than 10 percent of families had an active parent involved in the school due largely to the fact tlat the level of parent involvement in Ontario school for a long time appeared largely determined by the individual school principal and parent input. While some schools viewed parent involvement in a positive light, others viewed parent involvement as intrusive and deny parents meaningful input in the decision making process. This did not permit parent involvement in a uniform or equitable fashion across Ontario. Moreover, the OPC's study also noted that in many jurisdictions in Ontario where parent involvement policies have been established, parents and community groups have been

1imi ted to an "advisory" role while" authority" and "responsibility" for major decisions resided with administrators and trustees (OPC, 1994: 8).

Consistent with previous studies, a recent survey concluded that aimost two thirds of Ontario parents believe the public has too little Say in how schools are mn. and that those who are closest to the classroom, parents. teacher and students, ought to have more influence (Livingstone, Hart &

Davie. 1995). Although most parents in Ontario were effectively excluded from their children's education, minority and disadvantaged parents suffered the most. In the OPC's (1994) study, it was discovered that the three categories of parents who were the least involved in their children's education were "parents with less education," "parents with less confidence. "and "parents with poorer communication skills." As part of efforts to make parent involvement work effectively, the

OPSBA, for example, recommended in the Reporr on educarion resrructuring: Policy and legislative arzalysis ( 1994, March), changes to the Educarion Act to allow schoof boards to estabiish advisory cornmittees of community members that would reflect local initiatives and flexibility and not be made to conform to one mode1 imposed upon school boards by the govemment. On the question of minority groups involvement, Dei. Holmes, Mazzuca, McIsaac &

Campbell ( 1995)- for example, noted that the 1980s saw increased state-sponsored or community-

initiated studies on Ontario education that affirmed minority student voices and questioned the

absence of an inclusive school environment. Many community groups such as the Organization of

Parents of Black Children (OBPC) (Board of Education, 1988), Black Educators Working Group

(BEWG, 1993), and the Canadian Alliance of Black Educators (CABE, 1992) pointed out that the absence of an inclusive school environment makes it difficult for some youth to connect to or

identify with the school.

It was against this background of increased parent unrest and desire for educationd change that the govemment of Ontario in May 1993 launched acomprehensive study to evaluate Ontario's education system with a view towards qualitative reforms. The Royal Commission on iearning was launched to reach out and 1isten to everyone committed to quaIity education including students, parents. educators, trustees, taxpayers, interest groups and individuals. In Iaunching the commission. the then Premier of Ontario, Bob Rae, noted "We need to see clearer accountability, we need to see more parent involvement, we need to see a clearer sense of exactiy what it is we're expecting our kids to lem and our teachers to do" (Newswatch, 1993).

After a 20 month study of the Ontario education, the Commissioners recognized the changing composition of the society and family, and with this in mind stressed a need to create communities of concern. These communities of concern recognized the public's responsibility shared with families, schools and communities to educate our children. The Commission stated:

We believe that when communities are empowered to solve their own problems. they function better ihan communities that depend on services provideci by outsiders. The challenge is to overcome the isolation of potential partners and, by redirecting their resources, capacities and, cornmitment, devefop communities concemed about raising OUT chiidren. We must rethink the partnerships required in educating Our children (RCOL, 1995: 35).

The Royal Commission On Learning's (RCOL, 1995) report in lamenting the fate of

minority students in Canadian schools, argued strongly that: "there is no doubt in Our minds that

schools would benefit significantly ifthe views and concems of parents were solicited in a regular

and systematic way" ( p.46). The Commission believed that the process of learning must extend

beyond teachers. principals and the school. Education must continue into the community, local

business, al1 levels of government and most importantly into the home with the encouragement of

the parents becoming actively involved in the educational process.

The Commission therefore called for the establishment of aschool-community council in each

school in Ontario. Each school-communitycounci1wouldconsist of parents, student (from grade7), teachers, religious and ethnic representatives, service providers, and business sectors and each principal would be responsible for devising and establishing the council. A second recommendation was that the schooI boards provide support and assistance in the establishment and maintenance of school-community councils. Another recommendation called for the provincial governrnent to devote a policy framework for collaboration to facilitate partnerships between the community and the school. Also, the Commission recommended that the Ministry of Education and Training, teachers' federations and school boards take whatever actions are necessary to ensure that community liaison staff persons are sufficiently available to assist principals in strengthening school-community linkages (RCOL, 1995; 3349).

While the Royal Commission on Learning's findings were yet to be released, the Minister of

Education and Training announced the establishment of the Ontario Parent Council (OPC) on

September 7, 1993, to provide advice on education-related issues. The eighteen ( 18) members of

96 the OPC were appointed by the Minister on November 29, 1993. The Ontario Parent Council was conceived to promote local involvement in the education system and is exjxcted to give advice on elementary/secondary school education policy and program issues to the Minister. The OPC filfils its mandate by reaching out to parents in a variety of ways such as public forums and presentations, as well as by assisting parents in identifying education issues and communicating them to the

Minister. Appointments to the Council reflect the various regions of Ontario as well as the broad range of diversity arnong the population. The council may form sub-committees invoiving Council, as well as non-Counci l members, to undertake research projects and develop outreach strategies in order to meet its goals and objectives (OPC,1994).

On February 8, 1994, Mike Faman, the Associate Minister for Education and Training, asked the Ontario Parent Council (OPC) to investigate the establishment of local parent councils across

Ontario schools. The OPC retained the services of Avebury Research and Consulting Ltd.. to conduct research aimed at understanding how parents are presently involved in schools across

Ontario and how they would like to be involved. The research was used to enhance the Council's evaluation of the structure and experience of existing school parent councils in other jurisdiction.

Major findings of the study included:

Many parents want to be involved in decision-making within their children's schools: The current structure neither permits nor promotes parent involvement in a uniform fashion. As a resul t. many parents are not as involved as they wouid like to be; Parents indicate that the positive attitude of the principal and staff is the key element to successful parent involvement; In order to ensure a uniform ability for parents across the province to participate in the education system, the governrnent rnust mandate, through legislation, a well-defined role for parents in local schools. Many jurisdictions in Ontario where there is a policy of parent involvement limit parents to an advisory role, while authority and responsibility for major decisions are left with admi nistrators and trustees; Legisl ation that would provide parents with decision-making authority also must define clearly the responsibilities and liabilities of those parents (OPC, 1994: 3)

With information and insight gained from the findings of the Royal Commission's report, and the OPC's study, the Ontario Ministry of Education and Training issued its Policy/program

Memorandurn No. 122 in April 1995 requinng al1 school boards in the province to have in place policies regarding the formation of school councils by June 1996. The functions of school councils is to give voice to parents and members of the community by removing some of the major aspects of the administration for an individual school from the purview of a central board of education. The authority for policy-making in those particular areas is then transferred to a local panel or cornmittee which may consist of the school principal, parents, teachers, and occasionally students, non- teaching staff members. and members of the community at large (Gittell, 1980; Hess, 1995; Russo,

1995). Ontario school council rnembers are expected to k consulted on many of the matters that direct1y affect children's education, such as "curricu1 um goals and priorities; codes of student behavior: school budget priorities: extra-curricula activities; the school year calender; and the selection of principals" (OPC,1995: 6).

Supporters of school councils argue that they help forrnalize relationships among parents, communities and schools in ways that extend the traditional boundaries of home and school and paren t-teacher organizations, The OISE Survey of public attitudes towards education in Ontario estimated that 85 percent of people polled supported the setting up of school councils in neighborhood schools, although parents prefer to "leave the main decision-making for education with school boards" (Livingstone et al., 1995: 5).

Even though school councils are still in their formative years in Ontario if the experiences of other jurisdiction could be any instructive, then the fùture of Ontario's school councils is not very

98 encouraging. In New York (Gittel, 1980), and Chicago (Hess,1995), evaluation results have been

inconclusive. Critics have noted that, at bat, the powers of these councils remain highly advisory

and that actual policymaking authority vested in most school councils is iilusory or minimal at best

(Gittel, 1980; Davies, 1 987: Fine, 1993; Mailen, 1995). Martin (1 99 1 ), for example, has argued that

when school councils function in purely advisory role, decision-making continues to be top-down

and involvement becomes meaningless and frustrating for ail members (p.6 1).

The govemment's efforts to make parents and communities equally responsible for the

education of children is a good step forward. However, to make this work for al1 families, certain

issues must be raised. By focusing entirely on school councils to the exclusion of other forrns of

parent involvement, the government appears to have bought into the theory that some forrn of a

committee that meets regularly is the answer to the question of whether a group would have their

concems aniculated by how we envision education to serve al1 groups in a multiculturai context.

How the committee is formed and what agenda the committee pushes appears to be of a secondary

importance. But. we live in a society where historically, certain groups, because of their racial, cultural or economic backgrounds have ken "excluded or have "selected themselves out" of the

processes of negotiating how institutions work, or should work, to serve the entire society. In view of Ontario's developing cultural admixture, this historical reality should have served as a backdrop to how school councils were envisioned and constructed to serve the people of Ontario. This

awareness could have alerted the proponents of school councils to the idea that there may be a need

to consider other alternatives of involvement if the intent to serve al1 the people of Ontario was to

be realized. The govemment seems to believe that once school councils are in place, other forms

of involvement, such as parent advocacy or the simple things that parents do at home that consciously or unconsciously influence their children's learning, would follow. While this rnay be true for some groups, it is still questionable if it would have the same outcome for minority groups.

Again, by limiting the role of the school councils to advisory functions, there is a real danger that their influence on decision-making and governance of schools would be highly questionable.

For exarnpie, by leaving in the hands of sçhool authorities the power to decide which pieces of

'advice' by school councils rnay be implemented and which could be ignorecl, we have affirmed school authorities' powers while limiting that of families and communities. Second, the fact that principals automatically qualify to be members of the school council further raises questions about their ability to serve the interests of families and communities. The presence of the principal, an authoritative figure, on school councils rnay intimidate some parents and make them agreeable to views that are supported by the principal, even if they have their own doubts.

Ontario's CU 1tural diversity would require models of parent and community involvement that reflects the diverse student and parent groups. For some, getting the time to go and participate in activi ties at the schooi rnay be a luxury they cannot afford. Also, some parents rnay be excluded by virtue of their limited understanding of any of the official languages. Yet still. the whole culture and ambiance of the school may intimidate some people sirnply because they are unfarniliar. So, the question of who participates in school councils and whose agenda are presented and adopted need to be questioned.

The above observations have many far reaching implications for how we attempt to get minori ty groups involved in the education of their children. More research is therefore needed to identify the kinds of parent involvement that would work best for minority parents and parents who are new to Canada (Singh, Bickley, Keith, Keith, Trivetter & Anderson, 1991). 4.3 Rationale for parent involvement: Theoretical perspectives

The cal1 for increased partnership between parents/communities and schools has also been

propel led by theoretical models which adopt ecological or systems approaches to rationalize a view

of the inseparability of a living organism, e.g. the child from hidher natural environment, hence a

need to integrate the concerns of groups and institutions charged or interested in the raising of

children. Relevant theories reviewed here include: Epstein's theory of overlapping spheres of

inflttence, Schaefer's theory of Lve-time and Ige-space, and Brofenbrenner's theory of family-

scltool ecolog_\..Other relevant theories reviewed here are of social and political significance and

i nc 1ude, Coleman ' s theory of replenishing social capital, and the theory of citizenship participation

ilt ecltccatiorl.

4.3.1 Epstein: The theory of spheres of influence

Epstein ( 1992) has presented four concepts to capture the possible kinds of relationships that

one can expect to exist between families and schml. These include: separate influence, sequenced

influence. ernbedded influence, and overlapping influence. The notion of separate influence views

schooIs and families as more efficient and effective when their operators pursue independent goals.

Based on this assumption, teachers may never contact parents unless the students have serious

learning or behavior problems. The second notion, the sequenced influence, identifies a sequence

of critical stages in which parents and teachers contribute to student development. It assumes that

parents undertake the responsibility for the first critical stages of learning that prepare children for forma1 education at school in the later stages. Then school teachers take over the responsibility.

Later, young adults assume the major responsibility for educating themselves. Embedded influence reflects the notion of interactive influence from multiple environments and focuses on student development influenced by other settings and the broader cultural system. The fourth, the overlapping influence model, analyses influence by pushing together and pulling apart the spheres of impact. According to this model, the extent of influence overlap is affected by children's age. grade level. and background characteristics. interaction may occur when the spheres corne together, for example. when schools invite parents to a meeting.

The theory of overlapping sphere of influence of farnilies and schools on students' learning and development is supported by a growing number of studies. For example, Dauber and Epstein

( 1993) noted that parents' level of involvement is directly linked to specific practices of the school that encourage involvement at school and guide parents how to help their children at home. The researchers noted chat when teachers adopt a more positive attitude and make parent involvernent part of their regular teaching practice, they report a higher success rate in involving hard-to-reach parents including working parents. less educated parents, and single parents.

Ghanaian families may fit the description of hard-to-reach by virtue of Our location outside the mainstream Canadian society. Apart from king largely concentrated in the lower echelons of society. just Iike many other Canadians, we are further removed from the mainstream culture by biological and cultural markers such as skin color, language, values and world views. Because of

Our background and socioeconomic location, we rnay have concerns that are not shared by other groups or the mainstream society, thus the kinds of parent involvement that may work for parents C of the mainstream culture may not have the same results for us. As stressed by Epstein (1992) t herefore, i t is important that teachers*practices of parent involvement be informed by an attitude

that is supportive of ail parents regardless of their family circumstances.

4.3.2 Schaefer: the theory of 44Life-timeyyandLife-space"

Schaefer (197 1 ; 1972; 1974; 1977) has advocated the wisdom of taking a broder view of

education that extends beyond the classroom. He contrasted his "life-time and life-space

perspective" with the more traditional "classroom perspective." Schaefer (1974) makes reference

to the significance of Studdard's (1973) definition of ecology to his theory of child development.

Ecology is defined by Studdard as the science of the interrelationships of living things to one

another and to their environment.

Schaefer' s t heoretical constmct has ken informed by research findings that beginning from

the 1960s have helped raise awareness about the significance of the environment to intellectual

developrnent (Hunt, 1961); the early stabilization of levels of intellectual functioning @loom,

1964); as well as the importance of the parent's role in the intellectual development of the child

(Hess, 196% Schaefer, 1972). The work of Brofenbrenner (1974) and Schaefer ( 1972) on child

cen tered in tervention research also helped in the development of the theory of "life-space and life-

time". The latter works indicated that early intervention could produce short-tenn increases in

mental test scores (Brofenbrenner, 1974; Schaefer, l972), but parent-centered intervention, even

though producing equal short-term effects, had long-term effects upon child development

(Brofenbrenner, 1974). Thus, concluded Schaefer, the accumulating evidence which justifies the

importance of the child's early expenences and the major contribution of the family environment

to the child's continuing education pointai to a need to supplement the professional-institutional

1O3 approach in education with a smio-ecological and deveioprnent approach emphasizing the child's

interaction with his environment (1977: 9).

According to Schaefer (1974, 1977)- the current focus of psychology upon the individuai,

frequently without adequate analysis of the social context, has led to research, training and service

prograrns that are concemed with development, diagnosis and treatment of the individual. Schaefer

beiieves that a shift in focus upon relationships in dyads and triads and in family and cornmunity

systems might lead to different emphases in many different fields. An ecosystem analysis of child development, according to Schaefer, would recognize that both the family and the school are

invotved in the child's education. Studies of the child's relationships and interactions in the family, the school. the day care center, the hospital and witb the institutions and professionals that relate to chiidren and families will provide a basis for planning and evaluating intervention research and more effective chi ld care, chiid hedth and education programs ( Schaefer. 1974: 1 5)

According to Schaefer (1974), many studies in psychiauy have justified the need to abandon the "professional institutionai perspective" on education that views education as the school age child in the classroom with a professional teacher, in favor of his ecological "life-time, life-space" perspective. He continues that acommon sense analysis of characteristics of family care of the child which include priority, intensity, duration, continuity and responsibility as contrasted to professional care supported the face validity of increased emphasis of professional efforts upon family care.

Schaefer (1977) thus advances a new perspective that is emerging from research on parents and children. They are: a socio-ecological perspective of delivery of services within a farnily. cornmunity and cultural context as opposed to the individual perspective of delivery of services to an isolated individual; a family and comrnunity perspective of strengthening and supporting families and community interactions as opposed to the professional-institutional perspective of direct care to the isoiated individual by the professional; and a developmental perspective of identifying; deveioping. and rein forcing strengths, skills, and adaptive behavior as contrasted to the pathological perspective of screening, diagnoses, treatment, remediation and preven tion of specific pathologies

(p. 3)

in conclusion, Schaefer (197 1.1972,1974, 1977) argues that current roles of professions and institutions in child care should be integrated into a comprehensive system that includes a major focus upon the contribution of family and comrnunity, as well as upon the role of the profession and institutions. Schaefer argues that in the past the family and community had responsibility for child care. health, education and welfare. With the rapid growth of the professions and institutions, there has been increasing supplementation and, occasionally. supplantation of family care. but little integration of family and community care with that of the professionals. He thus advocates for a new synthesis in which the professions and institutions strengthen and support the family and community, supplement family care when necessary but avoid activities that might weaken or supplant it.

The Ghanaian popuIation in Canada, king a fairly ment immigrant group, appears to be in a transition from one knowledge and belief system to another. By leaving Ghana, we have lost some important traditional structures that supported Our lives within the community and in our homes.

In the meantime, since we have ken unable to fully integrate into the Canadian society, we have been unable to take advantage of institutions and professions that could replace those we left behind. Schaefer's theory addresses the dilemrnas that we face as an immigrant group in Canada. B y advocating a system which integrates the various functions of family, comrnunity, institutions

and the professions, the researcher recognizes the inseparability of the goals and interests of these

groups towards the raising of children.

4.3.3. B rofenbrenner: The theory of family-school ecology

Brofenbrenner ( 1974,1977,1979) proposes a broader and comprehensive research in human

developrnen t that focuses on the progressive accommodation, throughout the life span, between

the human organism and the changing environments in which it actually lives and grows. The

environment in Brofenbrenner's theory includes not only the immediate settings containing the

developing person but also the larger social contexts, both formal and informal, in which these

settings are embedded.

Brofenbrenner (1 977) refers to the study of the human organism and hisher changing

environment as the ecology of human development: "The ecology of human development is the

scien tific s tudy of the progressive, mutual accommodation. throughout the life span, between a

growing human organism and the changing immediate environments in which it lives, as this

process is affected by relations obtaining within and between these immediate settings, as well as

the larger social context. both forma1 and informal, in which the settings are embedded" (P.5 14).

Brofenbrenner conceives the changing relation between person and environment in systems terms

and advocates that environmentai structures, and the processes taking place within and between

them. must be viewed as interdependent. Brofenbrenner's framework contains the following

i n terdependent systems : microsystem. rnesosystern, exosystem and a macrosystem. 1. Microsystem- is the complex of relations between the developing person and environment in an immediate settings containing the person (e.g. home, school, workplace, etc)

2. Mesocstem- comprises the in terrelations among major settings containing the developing persons at a particular point in his or her life. Thus, for a 12 year old, the mesosystem typically encompasses interactions among families, school, and peer group; for some children, it might also include church, camp, or workplace. In sum, a mesosystem is a system of microsystems.

3. Exosystem is an extension of the mesosystem embracing other specific sociai structures, both formal and informal, that do not thernselves contain the developing person but impinges upon or encompasses the immediate settings in which that person is found, and thereby influence, delimit, or even detennine what goes on there. These structures include the major institutions of society- the world of work, the neighborhd, the mass media, government agencies, informai social networks, etc.

4. Macrosystern refers to the over-aching institutional patterns of the culture or subculture, such as the economic, social, educational, legal, and political systems, of which micro-, meso-, and exo-systems are the concrete manifestations. Macro systems are conceived and examined not only in structural ternis but as carriers of information and ideology that, both explicitly and implicitly, endow meaning and motivation to particular agencies, social networks, roles, activities, and their interrelations.

In Brofenbrcnner's ( 1974, 1977, 1979) theory, a study of the child's development must

necessarily provoke questions about the child's location within the environmental structures which

may include the family, community resources, including neighborhood, church, child care, work

setting, housing and medical care. Thus, questions about school and home relationship must be

prompted by the awareness of the ecological embeddedness of child and family functioning.

At school, Brofenbrenner argues that, policymakers should be aware of the links between

children's academic performance and the quality of their farnily's ecological support system. Such

an awareness will lead to obvious questions about role, if any, schools rnight assume in

strengthening the family's child-rearing competence. Whether and how schools alter their relations

with families to encompass a broader interest in family functioning are crucial questions faced by schools and their constituencies.

Brofenbrenner's theory becomes relevant when one considers the social and economic circumstances of most Ghanaian families in Canada. In a study in North York, where many Ghanaian families reside, Gould (1981) noted with concern the poverty and desolation that engulfed the minori ty communities in the area. He noted that "poverty of such an order had a profound impact on the children, Such a world turns of initiative and dulls the eagerness that more fortunate youngsters can bring to learning" (p. 15). Although dated, the finding of this study is as valid today as it was more than a decade ago. It is important that attempts to help Ghanaian and other minority children succeed at schools be combined with efforts to understand where they are coming from by involving their parents. We need to investigate the kinds of institutions that impinge on the lives of Ghanaian families.

4.3.4 Coleman:The theory of Replenisiting Social Capitcrl

Ramsay and Clark (1990) have defined social capital as the network of relationships surrounding a child. The network is comprised of the child's family and community relations and predicated upon common beliefs and values about the nature and role of education. Coleman ( 1987) notes that social capital in the community exists in the interest of one adult in the activities of someone else's child. It can be expressed in ternis of "enforcing noms imposed by parents or the community, or lending a sympathetic ear to problems are not easily discussed with parents "(p.36).

Social capital engenders in a child inputs which Coleman (1987) identifies as: attitudes, efforts and conception of self. These inputs contribute to the child's school performance. Coleman identifies a second set of inputs which he labels as opportunities, demands and rewards. These

1 O8 inputs are provided by schools as their contribution to the socialization process. For a child's effective learning and functioning, Coleman envisages that there should be a batance between the two sets of inputs.

However, according to Coleman (1987), conternporary social and economic changes as evidenced by the increased division of labor compelling households to concentrate in careers, and thus, leaving to the school the tasks of sociaiization, has led to a mismatch between the two sets of inputs. Because while there has been an intensification of the inputs of opportunities, demands. and rewards, evidenced by the growth of human capital and increases in educational attainment, the other set of inputs which interact with them- the attitudes, effort, and conception of self - has been ignored as witnessed by the absence of adults in the home, and the range of exchange between parents and children about academic, social, personal and economic matters. Coleman has called this phenomenon the "erosion of social capital" available to children and youth within and outside the family.

In the community, Coleman continues, the erosion of social capital as defined by effective norms of social control. adult-sponsored youth organizations, informa1 relations between children and adults has increased. The author attributes the erosion of social capital in the community to the

'migration' of men and women into the labor force. This, he continues, has reduced participation in community organization, like the PTA, Scouting, and others. Also, another symptorn of theerosion of social capital in the community is the 'invasion' of advanced individualisrn, whereby the

"cultivation of one's own well-king has replaced interest in others" (Coleman, 1987: 37).

In view of the changes that have led to the erosion of social capital within and outside the family. Coleman ( 1987) proposes an alternative view which although not discounting the role and influence of families, argues for the establishment of other systems that provide children with

experiences that heretofore have been within the realm of the family. In this regard, Coleman has

proposed the establishment of a new institution which may look like schools, but should go beyond

schools "for the social capital that is now eroding leaves a more fundamental vacuum" (p.38).

Coleman proposes child care, al1 day, from birth to school age, after school, everyday, until parents

return home from work; and al1 Summers. They must be institutions that induce the kinds of

attitudes, effort, and conception of self that children and youth need to succeed in school and as

adults (p.38).

The Ghanaian community has succeeded in establishing several civil and church organizations

a.. part of its attempts to meet its social and spiritual needs in Canada. These organizations are

playing important roles in our lives, especially in fostering support networks. But these have

generally focused on the needs of the adult community with minimal attention paid to the needs and C

concerns of the children. Considering that it is the children who are mostly affected by the conflicts

and discontinuities around us, it is important that we work with institutions and professionals to

corne up with support systems that woufd cater to their needs.

4.3.5 Public participation in education

Parent involvement in their children's education has also been rationalized by arguments that

suppon public participation in education (Levin. 1990; Dahl, 1961 ; Murray, 1993). They have

argued that existing structures and levels of authoritative control do not adequately represent the

interests of the majonty of citizens. Parents feel threatened by the authority of the school and not see it as a responsive institution. Sarason (1995:58), for exarnple, argues that the existing structure of education is so stratified each of the different layers in the hierarchy views those beiow them as

"irredeemable in terms of what they understand and have to contribute to the decision-making process." Murray, also lamenting the lack of parent and student participation in decision making education, recommended shifting power to users by "strengthening user groups, sharing information, and promoting discussion" (199357). Hargreaves (1994) has also argueci that the decentralization of authority and the devolution of decision making to the site level is a necessary component of restructuring education to provide more effective student outcomes.

Apple ( 1985) observed that present hierarchical and bureaucratic character of parent-school relations serves to reproduce the hierarchical and unequal relationships in the larger society, and also to produce social class, gender and race ideologies in school. Some of the inequalities that school perpetuate include: differential treatrnent of children through financiai, pedagogical, curricula and other processes, for exarnple, different tracks, labeling of students, and so on.

Therefore. teachers and administrators' differential power and privilege in traditional school organization refiects social, political and economic inequities.

Schools can also act as change agents when they take on a proactive role in questioning the kinds of knowledge and values that they impart to children. To ensure that schools become change agents and not passive transmitters of prejudiced information that perpetrates the disadvantaged position of some groups, it is important that ail groups find thernselves represented when the business of education is negotiated and constmcted. Supporters of public participation in education have therefore argued for breaking down some of these inequities by refrarning democratic rights and participation (Henry, 1996: 62). Ghanaians, by virtue of our race, cultural background and social class status within the

Canadian society, do not feel adequately represented by institutions that have been charged to look

after the interests of the society in general. Schools are major institutions in Canada that propagate

the interests of the mainstream society. Andeven though most parents in general are not adequately

represented in the schools, some are more disadvantaged than others (OPC, 1994). It is important

that Ghanaian families are encouraged to become aware of the potential of schools to change the

status quo if they (the parents) can become actively involved where necessary to redefine the

direction of education in Canada.

4.4 Evidence from the field: parent involvement and academic performance

Probably. the defining moment in the increase in the support for parental movement has been

the advent of a research tradition that has focused attention on the link between the home and school

and has generally determined that students' academic attainment is a function of that link.

According to S harrock ( 1980), interest in the connection between home and school was shown even

before World War 1 1. and the immediate pst-war period. However, real interest in the home-

school link began in the 1960s where educational research devoted an increasing arnount of

attention to discovering the kinds of variables that could account for variations in educational

performance which were not the result of differences in innate ability nor school characteristics.

Perhaps, the most important study in this respect in North America was Coleman et al's

Eqrrnlip of Educational Opportunity Repos ( 1966). The study, which paralleled others in Europe (Central Advisory Cornmittee for Education, 1967; Douglas et al, 1968; Bernstein, 1961; Douglas,

1964), appeared to have provided the basis for the development of extensive and diverse research tradition that has in the 1stthree decades corroborated the theory that there is a positive relationship between parent involvement and students' academic achievement (Waiberg, 1984;Berrueta-Clement et al, 1 984; Henderson, 198 1, 1987; Bloom, 1985, Dombusch & Ritter, 1988; Sattes, 1985; Snow et al, 199 1 ; Swap 1987; Nardine, 1990; Rich, 1985; Haynes, Corner, & Hamilton-Lee,l989).

Walberg ( 1984) reviewed twenty-nine controlled studies on school-parent programs and found that family participation in education was twice as predictive of academic leaming as family socioeconomic status. Walberg also found that some parent involvement programs had effects ten times as large as socioeconomic status and benefitted both older and younger students.

Henderson (1 98 1, 1987) similarly reviewed 36 studies in 198 1 and 49 in 1987 and concluded that the evidence is now beyond dispute: "parent involvement improves student achievement. When parents are involved, children do better in school and they go to better schools" (1987: 1). She explains that there is no one best way to involve parents, but "what works is for parents to be invoIved in a variety of roles over a long period of time" (1987:2). Henderson continues that "the form of parent involvement does not seem to be important as that it is reasonably well-planned, cornprehensive, and long standing" (1987:2).

Sattes ( 1985) reviewed 40 studies that link parent involvement with increased student self- esteem, fewer behavior problems, and better school attendance. Sattes explains that programs are rneaningful to prents when they can see direct benefits for their children; when they sense that teacher and administrators are committed to the importance of their presence in the program; and when they feel that their involvement makes a difference (p.2 1).

Modem studies on parent involvement have demonstrated that over-al1 student academic achievement is improved by parent involvement in so far as the process enhances certain factors conducive to student iearning. These include: psychological factors, positive school behaviors, and enabling home learning environment. Rich (1985), Sattes (1985), and Haynes et al. ( 1989) found that parent involvement in education help produce increases in student attendance, decreases in the drop-out rate, positive parent-child communication. improvement of student attitudes and behavior. and more parent-community support of the school. Parent involvement enhances these indirect benefits because problems that the children face at school are better deal t wit h before t hey get out of hand or cause imparable darnage.

Studies have aiso identified other behaviors that enhance student academic achievement through prirent involvement to include: student sense of well-king (Cochran. 1987): student and parent perception of classroom and parent climate (Haynes et al, 1989); positive student attitudes and behavior (Becher, 1984; Leler, 1983; Henderson, 1987); student readiness to do homework (Rich. 1988): increased time students spend with parents (Rich. 1988); parent satisfaction with teachers (Epstein. 1984, 1988); and parents' support for school mission in programs (Epstein. 1988, Henderson, 1987. Davies, 1988).

Several studies have aiso demonstrated that prograrns and practices that help parents strengthen the home learning environment have been shown to be successful in raising student achievement among low-income and minority families (Henderson, 1987; Walberg, 1984).

According to Moles (1993) these programs seem to work by "stirnulating a variety of family interactions." These, according to Moles, have been labeled differently :(1) "cu~culumof the home" (Walberg, 1984) (e.g. leisure reading, family conversations about everyday events), (2)

"linguistic capital" (Clark, 1988) (e-g. parental instruction and guidance in Ianguage skills dunng everyday home activities), and "social capital" Coleman ( 1968) (Le., the continuing personal interest and intense involvement with children's development).

Parent involvement enhances certain intangible psychological factors that are deemed pertinent to students' academic success. Comer (1986) has developed the view that there is a correspondence between the 'comfort* level of children and the involvement of their parents with their elementary school. Comfort level refers to the enhancement of the educational environment of a school, which increases or decreases, depending on both the quality of educational services and the perception of the children that home and school are bonded. The comfort level is provided by the experts of the school and the non-experts of the school community who, together, develop the educational environment. Children can show a high level of comfort (exemplified by behaviors such as greater cooperation, respect, wiIlingness to learn) when they perceive that their parents are actively involved in the school environment. In another study, Comer (1988) describes an intervention program in two inner city schools in new Haven, Connecticut. The prograrn which required fostering positive interaction between parents and the school staff encouraged bonding which was accomplished through the joint decision making of a management team composed of the principal, staff, and parents. The process promoted students' psychological development, which encouraged bonding to their schools and produced significant academic gains in the students.

Coleman and Hoffer ( 1987) introduced the concept of fmctioml cummunity to explain why some schools do better than others. The functional community is "a community in which social noms and sanctions including those that cross generations, arise out of the social structure irself, and bo th rein force and perpetuate that stnicture" (p.7). The researc hers investigated important educational issues such as 'social divisiveness' and 'segregation' and the effectiveness of public and private schools by measuring students' achievement in basic academic skills and found that

"Catholic private schools" were the most effective in terms of student achievement, followed by

"other private schools" and Public schools in that order. They explained that Catholic private schools were successful because they were an "outgrowth" of the families and the church. The forces of family, church joined together to forrn a "functional community". The researchers continue that Catholic private schools, "a religious body to which the farnilies adheres" provided common grounds for parents, students, teachers and people in the community to interact (Coleman & Hoffer,

1987: 24 1 ). These social relations and the social network provided "social capital" to bond dl people together and contrasted with what obtains in large uhan public schools because the latter served a broad sector of the population, they represent shared values which may not necessarily bond students. parents and the school.

Fowler and Walberg ( i 99 1 ) and Bell and Sigsworth ( 1987) indirect1y supported the concept of "functional community" contributing to school success even though they emphasized "school size" as the catalyst in the promotion of partnership between parents and schools. The researchers found that schoot size was the third strongest predictor, only after district socioeconomic status and the percentage of students from low-income families, on a variety of school outcome measures.

They explained that the strong effect of school size may be because smdl schools are "friendlier institutions. capable of involving staff and students psychologically in their educational purposes"

(p.200). Similarly, Bell and Sigsworth (1987) observed that a small, rural school, in contrat to a large urban school, has more opportunity to build a close relations with the community because it can identify itself with the conununity and respond to local situation with ease.

After reviewing eight research projects, Berlin and Cienkus (1989 ) came to the conclusion that "where the size of the schooi district, school or class is controllable, smaller seems to be better" (p. 23 1). They suggested that "those situations in which parents, teachers, and students are bonded together in the pursuit of learning are likely to be the most productive" (p. 231). Small schools, and small school districts are better placed to reach that condition. In many cases, small size also increases the probability that the school will refiect a genuine community. if one accepts the assumption that densely populated areas are more Iikely to have larger schools and a more heterogeneous population.

The need for commonality in the values and goals of students and their parents and schools to ensure students' academic success is further illustrated in studies by Matute-Bianchi (1 99 1), Hale

( 1982). Fordham and Ogbu (1986), Ogbu (1978). These researchers have acknowledged that the lack of consistency between the values and goals of the schoot and those of minority students and their parents can contribute to students' disengagement from schoohg. The oppositional values that schools on one hand share with minority students and their parents brceds mutual suspicion and distrust. While minority students and parents tend to give up on schools, teachers and schools tend to stigmatize and typify the students and their parents in pathological terms. Supporters of parent involvement in education argue that to avoid such aconflict there is aneed to make parents partners in the education of their children. Henderson (1987) may have agreed with this position by noting that even though al1 children benefit from family involvement in education, minority children and children from low-income homes have the most to gain. This may be so because minority children and children from low-income homes carry more of the brunt of society, a 'social and economic bagage' w hich may impede their leaming. By getting involved in the education of their children,

parents of minorities and low-income homes can bring a certain level of appreciation of the peculiar

problems of their children.

Although there is no statistics to support this, it is generally believed that most Ghanaian

children in grade school in Metropditan Toronto started formd education in Ghana before

immigrating to Canada. As it was noted in the introductory chapter of this study, the children corne

to Canada with different abilities and levels of preparation but they generally tend to have weak

acadernic foundation due to the poor system of education in Ghana- On their anival in Canada, the

children are confronted with cultural dissonance, social prejudice and educational discontinuities

that tend to overwhelm their efforts to integrate into the Canadian society and their learning. It

becomes important therefore, that, we as parents, work with teachers and the schools to reduce the

pressures that the children face so as to enhance their academic learning. In the least. we cm help

teachers understand conditions from which our children have irnmigrated to Canada, Our analysis

of the problems they may be facing and how, working together, we cm corne up with strategies to

help the children cope with their learning.

4.5 Barriers to parent involvement

Even though researchers, educators, parents, students and public officiais are calling for more

parent involvement in education this is not happening for certain groups. Epstein (1990). after

reviewing the iiterature on parent involvement, noted that "most parents cannot and do not

panicipate at the school building and few parents participate directly in school decision-making as

leaders or representatives of other parents" (p. 108). The National Center for Education Statistics'

Il8 survey of 24,600 eight graders in 1,000 public and private schools across the United States, noted

that half of the parents had not attended a sçhool meeting dunng the year, and barely one third

belonged to parent-teacher organizations (Hafner. 1990). Similar conclusions were reached by the

Ontario Parent Council's (OPC) study of parent involvement in Ontario public schools. The study

noted among other things that: " the current structure (in Ontario) neither permits nor promotes

parent involvement in a uniforrn fashion. As a result, many parents are not as involved as they

would like to be" ( 1994:3).

The low level of meaningfûl contact with the schools among disadvantaged parents has

prompted many educators to conclude that such parents lack sufficient interest in their children's

education and do not want to corporate with the schools (Elam & Gallup, 1989). But this may not

be necessarily so as some researchers and educators have argued strongly that al1 kinds of parents

are interested in meaningful collaboration with the school (Henderson, Marburger, & Ooms, 1986;

Rich. 1988; Chavkin, 1989a). Joyce Epstein, in an interview, defended the view that aimost ail

parents. even those from economically depressed communities, are committed to their children's

education. Epstein noted: "parents say they want their children to succeed; they want to help them;

and they need the schools and teacher's help to know what to do with their children at each grade

level" (Brandt, 1989: 27). If minority parents are as equally interested in the education of their

children what accounts for the infrequency of their (the parents) involvement?

4.5.1 Philosophical tension

In the view of Cibulka (1993)- the problem of linking schools, families and communities is rooted in tensions in the debate between 1ay persons and professionals. Cibulka identifies two levels at which this tension is refiected. One, it is a tension born of conflicting knowledge bases about children, families, and communities, and the different understanding of the "problem" that flows from this knowledge base. At another level, it is a problem rmed in the professionals' membership in public schools, an institution with its own traditions and organizational interests. Further, the poten tial for partnership between parents and schwl officials is complicated by problems of race and class tu the extent that they influence the professionals and lay persons world views and experiences and thus their expectations of one another. The lay person-professional tension arises primarily because unlike teachers who are responsible for an entire class of students, parents are concemed mainly for their own child's welfare. Parents have special knowledge about their child that may be unavailable to the teacher. and vice versa. Teachers clairn special knowledge in pedagogy and content, which some parents are inclined to challenge.

The temptation exists therefore for teachers to see their relationship with parents as "separate" rather than "embedded" (Epstein, 1992). instead of seeing the roles of schools and parents as conflicting. there is a need for emphasis on the complementarity of such roles. Teachers need to be mindful that involving the parents of children has the potential to make their work a little easier.

Similarly, parents need to be reminded that teachers are trained professionals who are dnven by a desire to see their students succeed. It is only when this is recognized that parent involvement could be seen as positive for students and not as a threat to the positions and authority of both parents and school officiais.

A long tradition has existed in Ghana which supports the view of separation between the home and the school and between parent's and teachers's knowledge. This tradition is consequent on how education was introduced into Ghana by the European Missionaries and perpetrated by

colonial education officers. As a result of this tradition, the most common forms of parent

involvement in Ghana include getting children ready for school, buying text books and paying

school fees. A few parents participate in Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs). A key task for

schools in Canada which have Ghanaian students is to make their parents aware that their

responsibility towards their children's education is embedded with, rather than separated from, that

of teachers and schools. This awareness generation is necessary if we can expect any cooperation

and involvement from many Ghanaian parents. But, teachers and schools also need the attitudinal

change to make the acceptance of parents as equal partners in the education of their children

possible.

4.5.2 Conceptual weaknesses

Critics have charged that assumptions underpinning the concept of parental involvement is

weak because it over-simplifies the relationship between the home and the school. First of dl, it

has been irnplicit in parent involvement assumptions that any school will become more effective

simply by improving home-school relationship. Secondly, it is assumed that the benefit in home-

school relationships comes partly when parents corne to the school and acquaint themselves with

what goes on in the school. These uncritical assumptions have contributed to situations where

instead of seeking ways to effectively incorporate the views of parents, they are impressed upon

to accept the school's view and the value of its initiatives (Lecompte & Dworkin, 199 1).

Anti-racist educators, while supporting parent involvement, have suggested that by

conveniently assuming that parent involvement in the schools will have a positive impact on

121 students' behaviour and achievement, the dynamics of social difference, differential privileges and position of power that parents occupy in the society, have rarely been incorporated in the debate about improving home-school relations to achieve educational effectiveness (David, 1993; Dei,

1993). Anti-racist educators also argue that the emphasis on parent involvement which has been focussed on the need for quality in education, while important, has served to marginalize a critical discussion of the institutional and systemic barriers that block minority students' success and achievement as well as alienate parents from the schools (Gaskell & Machen, 1987; Forman, et al,, 1990).

The charge of conceptual inadequacy has arisen partly because the concept of parental involvement has been applied to emphasize a "process" without comparable attention to the

"content" of involvement; issues about who controls the process and whose interest is best served by parent involvement appear not to have received needed attention. It seems to have ken assumed away that once parents and schoois got together, they will find the right issues and probtems to discuss. WhiIe it may well be so in certain situations, the potential is real for parent involvement to be reduced ro a symbolic act of just getting together to discuss the mundane while sidetracking issues that are important to minority families. The potential dso exists for parent involvement to be organized to serve the interests of a .vocal few who have the resources and the cultural capital to encounter schools and teachers and push through their agenda.

As minorities in Canada, we are disadvantaged by our backgrounds and location within the

Canadian society. Our circumstances invite several barriers, both open and hidden, that restnct Our participation in many aspects of the Canadian society, induding the education of our children. Some barriers may corne from school policies, tacher attitudes, school environments that may be intimidating, un-welcoming or unsupportive of minority parents. Others may come from our own

inhibitions. Yet still, time constraints may limit opportunities for participation because, for

exarnple, some of us have to work at two jobs in order to satisfy our family's survival needs. These

are real issues for Ghanaian farnilies and other Nnority groups and need to be articulated by

conceptions of parent involvement-

4.5.3 Organizational nature of schools Don Davies (1987) of the hstitute of Responsive Education (IRE) notes, after 12 years of

studying why schools are resistant to citizen participation, that the nature of schools as organization

naturali y inhibits their adaptability and responsiveness to change. According to Davies, schools

because they arc organizations, exhibit four important characteristics:

1. organizations perform their functions through routines or standard operating procedures that make it difficult to respond to crisis or changing external demands, such as a required citizen participation;

2. organizations try to avoid uncertainty and seek stable interna1 and external relationships;

3. organizational procedures and repertoires of activities usually change only incrementally and new activities typically consist of marginal adaptations of existing programs and activities:

4. organizations will usually ailow only a limited search for alternative solutions to problems and generally will choose a course of action that "will do" rather than one that might seem to be optimum but would require higher risk or more change in standard operating procedures (p. 158).

Added to these four organizational charactenstics, Davies (1987) adds four more school-

relevant factors which he argues help to explain schools' inability to respond to demands for citizen

participation. These include: 1 the goals of schools are diffuse, multifaceted, and subject to widely varied inteipretations (as contrasted with example, the pst office whose goal is to deliver mail);

-3 - the 'technology' of achieving goals is fragmented with responsibilities divided among administrators, counsellors, teachers, families and the students themselves, and the connection between a particular activity and a particular desired goal are often uncertain;

3 the informal noms of schools are particularly powerful. The noms and specialized language of teachers as a professionals group are buttressed by teachers' training and by their professional associations and unions;

4 the formal structure of schools is unique. The various levels of decision-making activity- federal, state, county, district, school, and classroorn- operate relatively independently of one another, with Iimited coordination. Due to this "loosely coupled" nature of schaols. mandates from one level to another are never self-enforcing (p. 159)

In the view of Davies (1987). the organizational realities of schools make the introduction of

any form of citizen participation a difficult enterprise. The researcher notes that, for example, the

introduction of a school advisory council into schools is potentially doomed to failure because it

would requi re a major deviation from standard operating procedures while introducing a strong

element of risk. Explaining further, Davies argues that the risk factor cornes from the fact that the

"activity is well beyond the current repertoire of school activities, with neither teachers nor

administrators prepared for it by experience or training" (p. 159). Also, there is an inherent concem

that cornes with the introduction of citizen participation because "the regular fiow of information

is intempted, and there is risk that the comrnittee will achieve too much power or create conflict"

(Davies, 1987: 159).

Davies' ( 1987) organizational framework helps explain why attempts to make schools involve

parents in the education of their children appear to falter. He argues that this framework offers a

much more satisfactory explanation for the absence or ineffectiveness of citizen participation

programs in schools. Davies downplays the importance of theones that explain the Iow level of

1 24 citizen participation in schools in terms of educators' incornpetence or mean-spiritedness and parents indifference or ignorance. Davies then cautions that to make citizen participation work, the organizationd realities of schools must be taken into account.

Davies' ( 1987) organizational framework appears plausible considering that parent

involvement is low among al1 classes of farnilies (Epstein, 1990). However. since paRicipation rates are much lower among low income and rninority families, it can be conjectured that middle class families are better able to negotiate their way around barriers that organizational structures of schools pose to families. Since schools tend to promote the language and culture of middle class families, it is easier for such farnilies to get involved in the activities of schools. On the other hand, minority and disadvantaged families find it difficult to get involved in the schools because they do not possess the language or the cultural capital with which to access the schools' organizational structure

Two factors potentially limit the participation of Ghanaian farnilies in schools due to their organizational nature. We do not have a good understanding of the organizational nature of schools in Canada. Having been mostly educated in Ghana, any knowledge that many of us have about the organizational culture of schools in Canada are gleaned from stories told to us by our children. Aiso, the fact that we do not share with schools similar language and culture potentially makes ourefforts to participate in schools difficult. Unlike middle class farnilies who have the cultural capital and therefore the leverage to confront schools with their concerns, we are disadvantaged by our social and cultural location within the Canadian society. Any attempt to encourage Ghanaian parents to participate in their children's school must thus take into account the cultural resources that we may need to negotiate barriers inherent in the organizational nature of schools. Social class bias

Lareau (1989) has examined the issue of social class as it relates to parent involvement in education and argues strongly that middle-class parents play a more active role than minority and disadvantaged parents in school activities and programs. This view is supported by Halinger and

Murphy ( 1986) who similarly found that parent involvement was at a much higher fevel in high-

SES (Socio-Economic Status)schools than in low-SES schools. In a study reviewing its anti-racist education project (Cheng, 1W6), the Toronto Board of Education noted that although minority parents expressed feelings that they were welcome in schools, they were not as active in many aspects of parental involvement, and do not initiate contact with school authorities, as often as

White parents.

Davies ( 1987) has argued that parent involvement by its nature favours middie class parents for some reasons: One. it is argued that when it cornes tu decisions conceming choice among schools, programs or courses. the moreexperienced aparent has with an education system the better he/she is predisposed to making inforrned choices. And since middle-class parents tend to be more educated, they tend to be more aware of the processes of education and thus are better positioned to make inforrned decisions on behalf of their children. Secondly, school activities and meetings involve activities that are often familiar to middle class parents, for example, setting agendas, studying reports, etc, etc. Again, helping a student with hisher school work at home is presumed to be much easier for middle-class parents than for lower class parents. Finally, organizing to advocate for a cause requires time, money and political skills, which are ingredients often more available to middle-class parents than to those who are poor.

Mi non ty and disadvantaged parents may have limited knowledge about school processes or

1 26 protocol and mighf thus find them intimidating. The feeling of inadequacy andior rnistmst on the

part of parents may combine with other factors to impede effective interaction with teachers,

understanding of school work, and ability to assist children academically at home (Corner, 1988;

Chavkin & Williams. 1988).

A combination of factors may cause many of us to feel we are unqualified to directly

participate in our children's education. These may include: pre-immigration educationai experiences

which teach Ghanaian children to see teachers as the ali-knowing experts; pre-immigration

socialization experiences which teach children to subordinate their views to those of people in

authority; and post-immigration internaiization of assigneci status of inferiority. These factors may

interact to make us feel chat our knowledge and experience are inconsequential to Our children's

success at school. Consequently, we may limit our role in our children's education to gening them

ready for school, welcoming them from school, supe~isingtheir homework and occasionally

responding to a teacher's invitation for a meeting. It is obvious that the question of social class

differences need to be considered in any attempt to get minority parents to participate at school. The issue becomes even more critical where the parent has limited official tanguage speaking abilities.

Institutional culture of the school

The institutional culture of the school can also act to bar minority and disadvantaged parents

frorn participating in their children's education. Lightfoot (1978) alluded to this problem two

decades ago. Epstein ( 1990: 109) also addressed this problem when she noted that it is a teacher's

practices that can either invite disenfranchised communities into their schools or discourage them

from approaching the schwlhouse doors. She argues that the evidence suggests that "school policies

1 27 and teacher practices and farnily practices are more important than race and parent education in

determining whether parents continue to be part of their children's education." Fine ( 1993) has also

commented on the "stifling environment for exchange" which often thwart efforts at parent

involvement. The author noted that "parents enter the contested public sphere of public education

typicall y w ith neither resources nor power. They are usually not welcomed, by school, to the critical

and serious work of rethinking eciucational structures and practices, and they typicdly represent a

srnall percent of local trtrpayers" (pp.682-683).

On one Ievel, the existence of this problem has been attributed to exclusionary measures directly or indirectly imposed by school systems mi,et ai., 1995; Dei, 1996; Cummins, 1986;

Chavkin, 1 989a; Rich, 1985; Cheng & Soudack, 1994). The traditional open house which allows parents the opportunity to corne into the school to discuss their children's progress is not enough

(Henderson. Marburger & Ooms, 1986; Chavkin & Williams, 1993). Smrekar ( 1996) discovered that teachers' interactions with parents in Kentucky are typically short, irregular, and unsatisfying.

In a report review by Chavkin (1989a), she discovered that families of minority and low socioeconomic groups were seldom asked to provide input in planning involvement and as a result were given no choice about the types of involvement, the scheduling of activities. or the location of the events (p. 120).

As observed earlier on, Ghanaians by being fairly new to Canada, rnay not be very farniliar with how schools work. Parents may feel that they are welcomed in the schools but may not be aware of hidden codes and the culture of difference or indifference which may impede their efforts to get involved in the education process. It is important that schools recognize that it is not every parent who walks through the school gate that understands how things work at the school. Some parents rnay not have the required resources or time cornmitment consistent with what a school may

require from parents for effective participaiion at the schwl. Such an awareness is necessary if

schools are to work towards changing institutional culture and practices to conform to the needs of

al1 parents.

Psychologicai constraints

Subt le psychological factors may act to inhibit minority and disadvantaged parents from fully

participating in the education of their children. Regarding psychological problems, research has

shown that the negative attitude of school staff towards disadvantaged parents and their children

has been the most persistent (Corner, 1986, Lightfoot, 1978). These psychological attitudes include

negative expectations, typecasting and stereotypicd images. In a survey by the National Education

Association ( 1 979) teachers overwhelmingly blamed children 's home 1ife 8 1 percent more often

than the children 14 percent, the school 14 percent or the teachers themselves two percent when

posed the question "who is to blame most for the poor performance of minority chiidren." (Cited

by Moles. 1993:34). Teachers have Ii ttle faith in disadvantaged parents and blame them for the poor

performance of theirchildren because they see such parents as overwhelmed by problems. Teachers

have also been shown to project ont0 children the stereotypes they held about the chiid's abilities

(Lightfoot, 1978).

There is also ample evidence to suggest that due to the negative attitudes that school staff have

for minority parents and their children, tbey maintain different kinds of relationships with disadvantaged and middle-class parents (Lareau, 1987; Ogbu, 1974). An illustration of this

relationship is the view that teachen invite parents to school only when there is a problem involving

1 29 their children (Smrekar, 1996). The type of relationship that teachers establish with parents ofien

leads to a fundamental distrust of schools on the part of minority and disadvantaged parents.

(Henderson, Marburger, & Ooms, 1986; Lightfoot, 1978).

In a study of black and other immigrant children in Canada, Ramcharan (1975) noted "bften teachers are unabie to comprehend the social, cultural or emotional problems of immigrant children," leading to a process where an immigrant child's low academic performance on culture- bound intelligence tests is taken as evidence of low intelligence. This designation, according to the author. follows the "syndrome of special education classes, early dropping out and an eventual attitude of hostility towards schools*'(p. 100). Since the academic and social problems of Ghanaian chi ldren (Yeboah, 1 998) appear to reflect those of other black children who have ken in Canada much longer. it is possible that Ghanaian children may not escape designations and images that teachers have had for black children for years. This has the potential to affect the Ends of relationships that teachers establish with Ghanaian families. We therefore need to investigate the kinds of attitudes that teachers hold about Ghanaian families and whether these help in fostering working relations with the families.

Cultural barriers

There may also be cultural bamers that work against the involvement of disadvantaged parents in the education of their children. These cultural barriers include differences in language, values, goals, methods of education, definition of appropriate roles, etc, etc. According to Corbett,

Wilson and Webb (1996) beliefs and perceptions of cultural differences between parents and school officiais can lead to power expectations, a lack of respect, and resistance on the part of both

130 faculty and parents. Teachers, who do not understand and rnay therefore denigrate the culture of disadvantaged students. rnay expect less from such students and rnay resist efforts to bnng them into sustained and meaningful contact with parents. Parents, on the other hand, rnay expect the worst from the institution of schooling, rnay believe teachers do not understand the realities of their

Iives or respect their values, and they, too, rnay tesist efforts to involve them in a system that they feel has not served them well historically.

In Ghana, such as elsewhere in Africa, Asiô or Latin Arnerica, there is a clear separation between the home and the school. Parents are not required or expected to take part in decisions concerning children's education as such decisions are made soiely by the ministry of education with

Iittle input even from schools. The cumulative effect of this on parents is to make them see the school as an alien institution to which they are inadequately prepared to contribute. Such an attitude becomes ingrained and difficult to shed off once parents from such regions immigrate to North

America and elsewhere. According to Corbett et al. (1 996), this situation rnay be self-perpetuating and lead to misunderstanding because of the lack of shared experiences.

Within the Ghanaian community, the attitude that a parent's role in a child's education occurs only at home is widely held. The idea that a parent can go into the school that hisher child attends and question policies or practices that rnay appear inconsistent with hislher beliefs is not well understood by many of us. Much needs to be done to raise Our level of awareness about our responsi bi 1i ty and potential contributions to our chi ldren's academic achievement. Another constraint that inhibits the frequency of interaction between minority and disadvantaged parents and schools concems time limitations. For example, in the Toronto Board of Education's study (Cheng, 1996) it was concluded that the low participation of racial minority parents was not due to the lack of efforts on the part of school staff, but mostly due to parents' work and other commitments (p.37).

Time constraint potentially cunails the amount of time available to us to use for ourchiidren's education. In many families, both parents work outside the home, while some work at two jobs.

This makes it difficult if not impossible for many families to attend school conferences and meetings scheduled during the day. Fine (1993) lamented the fact that oppominities to meet with minority parents and gardians were exclusively available at school, rather than in the communities where students lived. We may have to envisage a way of increasing interactions between teachers and Ghanaian families by bringing schools and teachers close to the community.

Sumrnary

This study investigates how Ghanaian immigrant parents get involved in the education of their children. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to provide a theoretical understanding for the study. Today, evidence about the relevance of parents and communities in the education of children is mounting. Extensive research studies are increasingly leading to the conclusion dl groups of people can be encouraged to participate in education to benefit their children.

Thus, school have been asked to welcome al1 classes of families to get involved in the process of education by becoming sensitive to their differcnces or diversity. Especially for immigrant families, whose backgrounds and prior socialization and learning experiences influence so much of their beliefs, it is important that efforts are made to anticipate and incorporate such factors in any conceptualization of parent involvement. Also, because immigrant families tend to be relatively new to their present environment and thus not very well versed with the culture and demands of institutions that are charged with taking care of their needs, we need to be sensitive and anticipate this problem when reconstmcting parent involvement. CHAPTER FIVE RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

5.1 Research design

To begin the study, I studied the literature on the education of minority children in a

rnulticultural context and parent involvement. 1 had also been talking to Ghanaian parents. in an

informa1 way, on a wide variety of problems that affect their chiidren's stay and education in

Canada. While engaged in these two processes, I had in mind questions such as: How have the

acadernic problems of minority students been conceptualized and dealt with in the past and in

present times? How do Ghanaian parents understand their role in the education of their children?

How can parent involvement help in ameliorating the academic problems of minonty children?

What are the obstacles that prevent rninority parents from a meaningful participation in the

education of their children?

To provide answers to these questions and others, several research design options were

considered. These included: 1) interviewing Ghanaian parents and teachers to compare their views

and t houghts about parents' involvement in the education of their children, 2) assessing the

influence of Ghanaian parents involvement by examining the academic achievements of their

children. and 3) interviewing Ghanaian parents only to assess their views and involvement in the

education of their children.

The third option was considered the most appropriate for the study for reasons that have ken

articulated in Chapter 1 (see "Rationale" section). The reasons, in summary, converge on a view

that the incorporation of the interests and world views of minority parents in the education of their ch ildren has been dismal because their concems have traditionaily been neglected, or less sought, by schools. To reverse this trend, more studies that focus exclusively on the lived experiences of minority parents as far as the education of their children were concemed, are needed. It was thus decided that while options One and Two hold some inquiry merits and interests they would be more useful in other studies.

To buttress issues that have ken identified in the litetanire and through informal disc~ssions with Ghanaian parents, 1 considered useful getting the perspectives of Ghanaian school children who i believed could help uncover some of the nuances in their daily educational experiences likely to be missed by parents and the adult community. Their responses were thus considered relevant in so far as they could help provide some depth and insight to the questions and thus ennch the nature of the inquiry. 1 invited a group of 5 Ghanaian youth to my house to share with me their perspectives and experiences in their respective schools. The youth aged between 16 years-old and

19 years-old. attended four different high schools, three within the public school system and one in the Separate school system.

The meeting was arranged for me by my 18 year old 'niece' who told her friends about my interests and invited four of them to join her in an informai visit and discussion in my apartrnent.

Ama. rny 'niece', is not blood-related to me but we come from the same village in Ghana and it is normal for children to refer to adults who are family friends with their family in relational terrns so she calls me "Uncle". Her friends knew about my role at the African Connection newspaper so they were al1 too eager to come and share theirexperiences with me. 1told them before the interview that

1 would do a write-up of the interview in the Afncan Connection so they should be as candid as possible. They did not seem to mind, in fact they were excited about the possibility of having their picture and story in the newspaper. The interview lasted about 4 hours, over pizza and coca cola,

and covered a wide range of issues relating to their expenences in Canada. While the goal was to

explore their day-to-day adjustment and ducatimal experiences, and to ascertain their level of

expectation in tenns of their parents' involvement in their education, the meeting helped me isolate

many crucial questions which helped shaped the structure of the subsequent interview with

Ghanaian parents.

5.2 Methodology

In this study, 1 attempted to investigate the role that Ghanaian parents play in the education

of their children. Since the nature of the goal of this study required a thorough description and

anal ysis of the objective and subjective behaviours of a group of people. case study methods were

deemed most appropriate. An overview of the methods is offered in the preceding paragraphs.

The crise study method has ken described as a context-sensitive (Cronbach, 1975) and

iongitudinal (Davey, 199 1 ) research strategy (Yin, 198 1a), or a process (Wilson. 1979), which is

aimed at a detailed and comprehensive description and analysis of a bounded system (Merriam.

1988: Bogdan & Biklen. 1992; Guba & Lincoln, 198 1 : Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Eisner, 1991 ; Yin,

1 98 1 a: 198 1 b; Davey, 199 1 ; Wilson, 1979; Cronbach, 1975). A bounded system, or a 'bonded

phenornenon' as it is otherwise known, is a social unit in which the 'boundaries have a cornmon

sense obviousness" such as individual person, a program, a school or a society (Adelman, Jenkins

8i Kemmis, 1983, cited in Memam, 1988: 10).

Like other research methodologies which are subsumed under the qualitative research paradigm, the case study is based on the assumption that experience of the world is defined by multiple realities because the particular context- social, cultural, economical, environmental, etc,- in which people find themselves ultimately influences the way they think and act (Smith, 1987).

The role of inquiry then is to describe, understand and explain the various perspectives that people bring to interpret their social world (Yin, 1989). The ontology of qualitative case study is thus contrary to that of the positivist or experimentd research which assumes the existence of a single identifiable 'reality' that can be pursued through deductive methods.

Because the case study method is geared towards a holistic understanding as well as the illumination of meaning. it offers a framework for investigating complex social phenornenon containing multiple variables that are grounded in real life context (Merriam, 1988). Thus, it has been recommended as a good strategy for studying knowledge utilization (Yin, 1981b) and educational evaluation (Guba & Lincoln, 1981 ; Patton. 1980; Wilson, 1979; Welch, 1981).

In spite of its utility and wide applicability. the case study has not ken without controversy.

Lincofn and Guba (1981) and Memarn (1988) have cautioned researchers against a myriad of difficulties that may confront them in their studies. These range from the length of time and the cost required to do a good case study to the view that findings cm 'oversimplify' or 'exaggerate' a situation. Also, according to the authors, researchers can be deluded into thinking that case studies are accounts of the whole when in fact they are but 'a part- a slice of life'. While some of these problems require good planning which this study recognized in its design, an awareness and a conscious effort of avoidance was enough to deal with others.

Critics of the qualitative case study also point to the difficulty of ensuring interna1 validity, reliability and extemal validity as key problems that confront the method. Intemal vaiidity de& with the question of how one's findings match reality (Memam,1988). According to Yin (1989)

intemal validity is achieved when one succeeds in establishing a causal relationship whereby certain

conditions are shown to lead to other conditions. Reliability of the data refers to the extent to which

one's findings can be replicated, while externd vaiidity refers to the extent to which the findings

of a case could be applied to other situations (Memarn, 1988).

With regards to internal validity, the generai response of case study researchers has been that

since the goal of case studies is to understand the different perspectives that people bring to interpret

their experience of a phenornenon in its natural context, it is "inappropriate to assess the

isomorphism between data and the 'reaiity' from which they were collected as a determinant of

validity" (Memam, 1988). ln agreement with this contestation, Lincoln and Guba (1 985) have

advised that ensuring internal validity in case studies shouid be understood in the sense of the extent

to which researchers are able to demonstrate in their findings that they have 'adequately' represented the 'multiple constructions' in their studies, that is, where multiple constructions refer to the reconstruction of the constructions of their infonnants (p.296).

Since this study aimed at representing the 'constructions' that Ghanaians bring to the education of their children. it was interested in seeking a close match between the data and the various perspectives that they (the infonnants) represent. To achieve this, the study was inforrned by strategies suggested by Goetz and LeCompte (1984) and Memam (1988). The first strategy is

1 triangulation*,- which is the process of using multiple sources of data, investigators or methods to confirm the emerging findings. This study used multiple sources of data with the intent of

improving the probability that interpretations of data will be credible by converging upon the truth about the studied phenornenon (Mathison, 1988: 14) Attempts were made to cross-check the findings of the study with the informants throughout the process of data gathering and onalysis to ascertain from them that the findings were plausible

(Guba & Lincoln, 198 1). Further, because information on parent involvement in education have accumulated for several decades, enough data was collated and distilled for evidence that either contested or supported the findings in the study.

There is also a probIem when the test for reiiability is applied to case studies. But, as noted by Merriam ( 1988),the fact that the case study researcher is the prime instrument of inquiry coupled with the view that reality is emergent and multiple make it difficult to establish a bench mark by which one can take repeated measures for the purpose of applying the test of reliability. Lincoln and Guba ( 1985) have therefore advised that rather than demanding that outsiders get the same results, one should be interested in seeing that, given the data collected, outsiders agree that the results make sense, that is. they are 'dependable' and 'consistent' (p.288). Guba and Lincoln (1 98 1 ) have suggested strategies that could be used to heip strengchen the chances that the findings of case studies wi 11 be consistent or dependable. These include the advice that researchers should clearl y outIine the various assumptions and theoretical dispositions underlying their study. Also, the authors have recommended that triangulation and 'audit trail' should be built into the study design.

Audit trail is the process of describing in detail how data were collected, how categories were derived and how decisions were made throughout the inquiry ( 1981 ). The existence of audit trail makes it possible to examine the procedures of the study in order to venQ its consistency and credi bi 1 i ty by an independent external auditors and as well, make it possible to reproduce the study at another time (Owens, 1982: 13).

Since this study attempted to use the findings to help infom the development of policy at the level of public schooling, the test of consistency was of panicular importance. The study followed strategies proposed by Guba and Lincoln (198 1) so as to be able to demonstrate that the findings of the study tmly reflect what is happening in the participation of Ghanaian parents in the education of their children and that whatever lessons that are gleaoed from the findings are as 'correct' as they could possibly be given the nature of the case and the study. This was to help prevent the temptation of extrapolating lessons that may be tainted and thus not reflect the true picture of the behaviours of Ghanaian parents in the education of their children because the process of arriving at them was flawed.

Cntics have also noted that single cases offer a poor basis for generalizing. in experimental research the ability to generalize to other settings is built into the design through pre-determined methods such as control of variables and sarnpling techniques. But a case study attempts to understand a particular phenomenon 'in depth' and not because "one is interested in discovering what is generally true of the many" (Memam, 1988: 175). Therefore, Patton ( 1%O), for example, has suggested that case studies should aim at providing "perspective rather than the truth" and

"context bound information rather than generalization" . Cronbach (1975) however proposes that the concept of 'working hypotheses' should replace generalization to enable case study researchers put proper weight on local conditions which influence phenomenon.

While generally agreeing that it is not a goal of a case study to generalize its findings, some authors have argued that the concept of generalization could be applied to case studies but in the sense that studies in one context can be used to help forrn judgernents about others in different contexts. So. Stake's (1978) concept of 'naturalistic generalization', Guba and Lincoln's (198 1) notion of 'fittingness' and Goetz and Lecompte's (1 984) theory of 'comparability and 'translatability' have al1 ken supportive of a view whereby lessons learned from studying a specific case in great

detail couId be used in a comparative manner to assess cases in different contexts. This notion of

'iocalized' and 'focussed' generaiizability of the case study may be applicable to this study because

it validates an indirect goal of assessing how the experiences of Ghanaian immigrant parents cm

be of instructive relevance to the study of the experiences of other immigrant African groups. It

is the belief of this study that a holistic description and analysis of how Ghanaian parents support the education of their children both at home and at school, detailing what works and what does not

work and why some things work and others do not, has the potential of revealing some salient points that could be useful in forming judgements about how to go about studying the expenences of other immigrant groups in Canada-

Yin (1989), has even suggested that case studies may lead to 'analytical generalizations'. whereby instead of generalizing to other case studies, an analyst tries to generalize findings to theory (p.39). Although I did not propose to generalize this study's findings in the sense of producing universal laws and theories, 1made the attempt to assess how the findings held up against inherent assumptions and concepts in the Iiterature on minority students' education and parent involvement.

Negotiating an entry

From the beginning of the study, 1 recognized that the CO-operation of members of the

Ghanaian community in general would be crucial not only for the success of the interviews, but also for the collection of other relevant background information. Negotiating an entry into the Ghanaian community to identify potential participants thus became a top priority for me.

England ( 1994) and Hatnip (1 992) have argued that field research is a personai experience, and that one important issue that is often raiseci is that the mearcher's biography, personality and background tend to play a central role in the research process. This general observation applied in my case. One, king a Ghanaian, 1 pssess an 'insider status'. Second, 1 am close to the majority of Ghanaians in Toronto by virtue of the fact that I share with them common linguistic and cultural forms embedded in the "Akan" culture, the largest single hguage group in Ghana. It is estimated that Akans form about 80 percent of dlGhanaians in Canada. This advantage helped me break a lot of communication and cultural barriers which 1 may have experienced if 1 were to be from a different culturai and linguistic background.

Funhermore. my position as the publisher of the locai Afrïcan newspaper has made me very visible within the African community in Canada in the last 6 years. Not only am 1 visible but my views and opinions are treated with some level of respect and legitimacy. For instance, my views are often sought on government policies that directly affect the African community such as immigration laws. welfare refotms, housing and employrnent. I have interacted with Ghanaians and other Africans at different levels by participating, or reporting for the newspaper, various cultural, educational and civic programs that have been sponsored by diverse African organizations and churches in Toronto. At the Ghanaian community leveI, 1 have attended various social gathenngs such as child-naming ceremonies, parties, cultural dispiays, barbecues, picnics, and funerals. I have also interacted with many Afncans at the persona1 level in connection with either sharing ideas, or putting out announcements or advertisement in the Afncan Connection.

As a first step in the process of entering the community, 1made Ghanaian adults aware of the study through three main methods: 1) visits to the work places of self employed Ghanaians such as mechanics. hair dressers, lawyers, accountants to discuss my study with them 2) using opportunities at community forums to inform Ghanaian parents about the study; 3) placing an advertisement in the African Connection newspaper infonning readers about the projet.

These methods not only gave me relatively easy entry into the community, but they also enabled me to establish some benchmarks for making decisions concerning who was to be interviewed: what were the issues and how were they to be framed. The initial entry gave me the opponunity to personally engage Ghanaians in discussions concerning the academic and social problems that Ghanaian children are experiencing in Canada Most often, potential participants were so interested in the issues implicated by my study, discussions run into hours, often intemipted by their need to attend to a business cal1 or serve a waiting client. It was more interesting at mechanic shops and beauty parlours because in addition to discussing the issues with the business owner and hisher two or three employees or apprentices, there were usually other Ghanaian clients

(anywhere from 2-5) who were waiting to be attended to, and were al1 too glad to wade into the discussion. It was also more interesting at these work places because the workers did not have to interrupt their work as they could talk while for example, fixing a problem under the hood of a car or washing a clients' hair.

The initial interaction with Ghanaians enabled me to identify some of the thought processes they go through, and perspectives that they bring to issues conceming the problems of Ghanaian children in Canada. 1 was able to collect information that helped me to determine those Ghanaians who 1 believed could be more useful in providing the various perspectives and understanding to inform the study. For example, there were people I encountered who had very good insight about the social problems of Ghanaian children but had no children of their own and thus could not be

very useful to the study beyond providing some theoretical perspectives.

5.4 Selection of participants

The Toronto Metropolitan Area wâs chosen as the setting for this study because it has the

largest Ghanaian immigrant population of al1 metropolitan areas in Canada. in 1991, almost two-

thirds (65%)of ail Ghanaian immigrants in Canada lived in the Toronto CMA (Statistics Canada,

1992).This allowed for the selection of participants which, in theory, was adequately representative

of the Ghanaian population in terms of their demographic and socioeconomic characteristics

Since. 1 was employing case study methods, it was considered impossible for me to know, on

the onset of the study. al1 those who will eventually become participants. 1 therefore followed the

advice of Lincoln and Cuba (1985) and Glesne and Peshkin (1992) who have maintained that

decisions about who participates and for what reasons be made as the study evolves. However,

because 1 was interested in seeking an in-depth understanding of the perspectives that Ghanaian

parents who have children in grade school bring to their education, rather than to generalize in the

statistical sense, 1 was able to pre-determine that non-probabilistic sarnpling, rather than random

sampling, strategy wili be most suitable for the selection of participants (Memam, 1988 :48). A

forrn of non-probabilistic sampling which has been variously labelled 'purposeful' (Patton, 1980).

'purposive' (Chein. 198 1 ) and 'criterion-based' (Goetz & Lecompte, 1984) was considered adequate

for my purposes. Non-probabilistic strategy is based on the assumption that one wants to discover,

understand and gain insight, and therefore needs to select a sample from which one can leam most

(Memam. 1988: 48).

1 44 The adoption of a purposive approach ensured that participants reflected the diverse social,

econornic, and cultural backgrounds as represented in Toronto by Ghanaian immigrants. For

instance, it was anticipated that the views of a recently admitteci Ghanaian refùgee may differ from

a Ghanaian immigrant who came here on a different immigration labei, and who hm been here

longer and has therefore had the opportunity to integrate better into the Canadian society. The

variations in the level of involvement of the participants in their children's education was also

anticipated to be a function of parents' educational background, nature of household (single parent

versus dual prirent), socioeconomic location and employment status, or the school where the

children attend school. Fifteen (15) families were identified and asked to participate in the study.

One important decision 1had to make was whether to interview both parents in each farnily,

or only one. It was almost impossible to get both parents (when available in a household) to be

physicâlly present at the sarne time. interviewing both parents at separate times was also not a

viable alternative because of time and resource constraint. 1therefore decided to interview only one

parent in each family, but at the same time, not to object if the other parent wanted to participate

in the interview.

5.5 The families 1 talked to

Before discussing Ghanaian parents' attitudes and involvement in the education of their

children. 1 considered it consistent with the research methods adopted for this study to briefly

introduce the participating families, by sketching their background, to give readers a sense of each

individual families' unique history and social and economic location within the Canadian society.

This exercise. 1 rationalize. would help reveal the point of reference of individual participants and

145 thus provide a better understanding of the kinds of understanding and perspectives that they bring

to interpret and deal with issues affecting the educaiion of their children. To protect the identity of

participants, they were assigned fictitious but common Ghanaian narnes. The study aimed at

inte~iewingfifteen families but one family dropped out because of an emergency visit they had

to take back to Ghana.

Family One: The Atîahs

Mr. Attah came to Canada to study as an undergraduate student at an Ontario university in

1970. After graduating in 1974, he decided to settle in Canada He got rnarried during a visit to

Ghana in 1978 and successfully brought his new wife to join him in 1980. The couple have only

one child. a 13 year old in grade 7 in the Catholic school system. After working for the federal

governrnent for 15 years, Mr. Attah opened his own business providing financial services to

Ghanaians and other Canadians. Mrs. Attah is a high school graduate and a businesswoman.

Because she is frequently on the road doing business, they both agreed that Mr. Attah is more

involved in their son's education. He agreed to participate in this study and the interview took place

in his office after official working hours.

Family 2: The Gyamfis

The Gyamfis came to Canada as political refugee claimants in 1988. He is a middle school

ieaver and she attended a commercial school, which in Ghana is a second cycle secretarial

institution. They have three children: a 16 year old teenage daughter, and two boys aged 7 years and

4 years. The Gyamfi children attend a public school. Mr. Gyamfi trained in Canada as a cook between 1990 and 1991 but gave up on the profession afier unsuccessfully trying to obtain

employrnent in the Hospitaiity hdustry foroverone year, while receiving social assistance. in 1993,

fie took up a position as a machine operator in a factory. Mrs. Gyamfi upgraded the secretarial

training she received in Ghana by taking short computer training courses. She completed the last

one in 1997. She has never found a permanent empioyment, but works from time to time through

placements by employment agencies. She likes it this way because it gives her the flexibility to

choose the hours she wants to work so as to attend to the needs of their younger children. She

spends more time with the children. at school and at home, so she agreed to do the interview. The

interview was held in the farnily's apartment.

Family 3: The Kwakyes

Dr and Mrs Kwakye came to Canada together as a refugee claimants in 1984. Both are

university pduates, he a medicaI doctor, she a Chemistry major. But, like many other Ghanaian

refugee claimants, they experienced some terrifying immigration procedural hearings before king

granted the permission to stay in Canada. They had to work long hours at various factones where

employment agencies cared to send them to make ends meet. Between 1986 and 1989. Dr. Kwakye

studied to qualify to practice medicine in Canada. But, the children, ail boys. came dong, four in

eight years. ranging from ten (10) years, the eldest, to three (3) years, the youngest. Mrs. Kwakye

has never worked in Canada, prefemng to be a home maker and taking care of the children. After

al 1. Dr. Kwakye's present income is enough to take care of their needs. Two of the children are in

grades 4 and 2 in the Catholic school system while the remaining two, aged 5 years and 3 years

attend Kindergarten and Day Care respectively. The family agreed that Mn. Kwakye was more knowledgeable about theirchildren's education and that it was best if she did the interview with me.

The interview took place in the family's home.

Family 4: The Fellis

In the Felli's household, there is only one parent, a mother and one 8 year old second grader

in the public school system. Ms Felli was sponsored to corne to Canada in 1988 by ber husband,

but the marriage broke down six (6) years later, in 1994. She is a secondary school graduate from

Ghana but went through a North York Board of Education ski11 training prograrns to be trained and

certified as a Cook. She works long hours (sometimes 60-70 hours per week) for a major restaurant

chain in Toronto, as such, the son is often picked up from school by a Nanny and stays with her

until Ms Felli gets home. The interview took place in the family's two bedroom apartment.

Family 5: The Akatsis

The Akatsis came to Canada as political refugees in 1989. They have two teenage children,

a 15 year old grade nine girl, and a 13 year old grade 7 boy who are in the Catholic schml system.

Both chiIdren came to join their parents in 1994 when they were ten years and eight years

respectively. Mr. Akatsi completed secondary school in Ghana and works as a machinist for a big

industrial firm while she qualified as a nurse in Canada. Both work long hours, including regular

shift hours on the weekend. She appeared more involved in the education of their children so she

agreed to do the interview. Family 6: The Agyemangs

The Agyemangs came to Canada as political refugees in 1983. He was a teacher in Ghana and

she was a petty trader. In Canada he worked as a machine operator until injuries he sustained in an

automobile accident placed him on disability. Mrs. Agyemang, a petty trader in Ghana, changed her

profession once in Canada. She studied hair dressing and now rents a chair in a salon for her

practice. The couple have one 16 year old tenth gnder who was bom in Canada. He attends a

public school. Because of Mr. Agyemang's injuries he is confined to the house, apart frorn the

couple of hours per week that he goes for ueatment and check-up. But, because of his background

and the fact that he lives in an apartment building inhabited by many Ghanaian families, he

organizes classes in his apartment for Ghanaian children who needs help in various subject areas.

At the tirne of the interview, he was tutoring five Ghanaian children ranging from grade 4 to grade

to grade 10. The interview took place in his apartment while Mrs. Agyemang was away at work.

Family 7: The Bonsus

Mrs. Bonsu came to Canada in 1992 to join her husband of ten years. The husband emigrated

first to Canada in 1990 and later sponsored the farnily to join him. Unfortunately, the mariage

collapsed in 1994 when the husband retumed permanently to Ghana. Mrs. Bonsu refused to go with

the husband because she felt the farnily was not economicaily well prepared to re-locate to Ghana.

She is now a single mother of three boys, aged 10 years (from a previous relationship), six years,

and five years. The children are in the public school system. After working in a retail store for five

years. Mrs. Bonsu went back to school to earn a diploma in nursing. At the time of the interview

she was in the final year of her program. The interview took place in her apartment. Family 8: me Senyos

Mr and Mrs. Senyo have four children. Mr. Senyo came to Canada as a political refuge in

1987 and brought his wife and two daughters to join him after successfully going through the

immigration process in 1992. The two girls who were then aged 11 years and 10 years when they

arrived in Canada are now 18 and 17 and in grade 12 and 11 respectively in the Catholic school

system. In Canada, the couple have had two more children, a boy aged seven years, also in the

Catholic school system. and a four year old girl. Mr. Senyo, a Sociology major from the University

of Ghana, Legon, has been a taxi driver since 1990 because he realized that his degree from Ghana

was not recognized by prospective employers. Mrs. Senyo is a hair dresser who has her own salon.

Both parents participated in the interview which took place in their farnily's home.

Family 9: Tlt e Pankeses

Ms. Pankese is a middle schooI leaver and a single mother with two children, a 15 year-old

daughter in grade 9 and a 13 year old son in grade 7, al1 in the public school system. Ms Pankese

came to Canada to join her husband in 1982 as a sponsored family member. The husband relocated

to the United States when the marriage broke down in 1988. Ms Pankese works at two low paying

jobs w hile raising the two children. The interview took place in the family's apartment.

Farnily 10: The Narîeys

Mr. Nartey was brought to Canada by his uncle when he was only in his early twenties in 1974. His

uncle has resettled in Ghana since 1990. Mr. Nartey trained to be an auto-body repair man at a

community college and has since 199 1 owned and operated his own workshop. He is a single father with four children, three girls aged 19 years, 14 years, and 1 1 years, and a teenage boy aged 16

years. The oldest daughter studies at a community college while the others, dl in the public school

system, are in grades 8,5, and 10 respectively. The interview took place at his workshop.

Family II: The Gyedus

Mr. and Mrs. Gyedu have been married for 20 years. The family was however separated for

over eight years between 1987 and 1995 when Mr Gyedu arrived in Canada to further his education,

leaving behind in Ghana Mrs. Gyedu and their three children. After graduating with a master's

degree from an Ontario university in 1990, Mr. Gyedu decided against going back to Ghana because

of the difficult political and econornic situation. He successfully gained admission as a refugee and

brought the family in 1995. On arrivai, the children, 2 two boys and one girl were aged 13 years,

1 1 years and 9 years respectively. The children are now aged 17 years (in grade 12), 15 years (in

smide 9) and 13 years (in grade 7) respectively and attend Catholic schools. The couple have since

had another chilci, a girl who is now only 18 months. Mr Gyedu has ken working for a non-profit

organization in Toronto since 1991. He has also ken volunteering his services to various

community and non-profit groups within the African cornmunity in Toronto. Mrs. Gyedu, in

addition to taking care of her new bom at home, informally babysits between three to four srnail

babies for Ghanaian parents who have to go out to work. Both parents participated in the interview

but most of the responses were provided by Mr. Gyedu.

Farnily 12: The Nirnos

Ms. Nimo is a single rnother and a welfare recipient. She completed middle school in Ghana before joining her sister as a sponsored relative in 1987. In 1989, she trained as a hairdresser while

her two children were still in Ghana. The children, two boys, were only five and three years when

iMs. Nimo left Ghana. After working bnefly in various salons, Ms. Nimo saved enough money to

bri ng her chi ldren in 1 992. Now aged 17 years and 1 5 years, the two boys are in grade 12 and grade

9 respectively, in the public school system. Even though she is qualified and experienced as a hair

dresser. Ms. Nimo cornplains of Iack of work because "there are just too many people now plying

t hat t rade." She has t hus been forced to go on welfare w hile considering her options- The interview

took place in her apartment.

Famify 13: The Mohommeds

Mr Mohammed is a lawyer who has Iived in Toronto since 1970. He originally came to study

in Canada but decided to settle in Canada permanently for personal reasons. He met his wife, a

Ghanaian and a social worker, in Canada in 1980 and the couple have had three children; two boys

aged 17 years and 14 years, and a 10 year old girl. The children attend public schools and are in

grades 1 1.8 and 4 respectively. The interview took place at the home of the couple and both parents

participated.

Family 14: The Lampteys

Rev. Lamptey is the resident Pastorof a Protestant Ghanaian church in Toronto. Mrs. Lamptey

is the leader of the Women's Fellowship. The couple came to Canada in 1994 at the invitation of

the church's congregation, and on a secondment by the parent church in Ghana. Even though they

were supposed to stay for a tour of four years, the congregation in appreciation of the couples' work at the church requested for, and were granted, permission to keep the Lampteys for another tour

of four years. Rev and Mrs Lamptey have two children, a son aged 8 years in grade 2 and a

daughter, aged 6 in grade 1. The children attend public schools. The interview was done with Rev

Lnmptey and it took place in the couples' apartment.

5.6 Methods of data coI1ection

The main aim of this study was to capture the thoughts, feelings and perceptions of Ghanaian

immigrant parents about the education of their children and the role they play in it. It became

apparent that the nature of the goal demanded that in-dept interviews be carried out with the

parents. My data collection methods were thus inforrned by Lincoln and Guba ( 1985), Rist ( 1982)

and Yin (198 1 b) who have suggested that the data for case studies are best gathered through

document and record analysis, interviewing, observation and non-verbal cues. The case study

research recommends 'exploratory' and 'inductive' approaches in the gathering of data because it

recognizes that the social milieu is so complex that it is impossible to identify al1 relevant factors

a priori cf research study. Other methods, such as asking parents to complete questionnaires, were

considered and abandoned because they could not provide the depths nor the candour which a study

of this nature required.

In this study. 1 camed out personal interviews with Ghanaian parents for the purpose of

exploring the complexities of, and identifying the salient issues, that affect their involvement in the

education of their chiidren. In the selection of an interview strategy, the general interview guide

approach seemed the most appropriate in view of the nature of the issues and objective to be

pursued in this study. The approach invohes determining a set of issues that are to be explored with

153 inforrnants before the interview begins. The issues in the outline need not be taken in any particular

order and the acnial wording of questions is not determined in advance. The guide serves as a

c hec klist during the interview to ensure that al1 relevant topics are covered. Another advantage of

this approach is that it is flexible enough to allow the researcher adapt both the wording and

sequence of questions to specific respondents (Patton, 1980: 198). A semi-stmctured interview,

utilizing open-ended and unstructured questions, was deemed more appropriate for studying this

problem since it allowed me to explore the perceived needs and expectations of the participants in

an in-depth and interactive manner, while remaining informal and non-threatening as possible.

I interviewed most participants in the privacy of their homes. In three cases. 1 interviewed the

parents at their places of work. I was usually received very warmly by the parents. For al1 of them,

this was the first tirne that anyone from within the Ghanaian comrnunity had shown an interest in

their personal experiences as far as their children's education was concerned. The interviews

themselves were almost always pleasant and enjoyable. as the parents appreciated the opportunity

to talk at length about theirchildren's education. Some parents took the opportunity to ask me about

man y issues. especial 1y proposed educational reforms.

Except for two families, interviews were conducted in a local language. This allowed me to

further explain and make questions more understandable to the respondents. and ta make the

interview process less formal and more interactive. As a result of the interactive or dialogic nature

of the interview process, many respondents volunteered spontaneous, but relevant information. This

helped to shape and reshape the scope and objectives of the research, as some of the spontaneous comments revealed important issues that would not have ken explored otherwise.

The parents were encouraged to express their views freely and îùlly. Each interview was tape- recorded using a small portable tape recorder. None of the parents objected to this. 1 assured the

parents of complete confidentiality and made it clear that nothing they said would be reporteci back

to the school or to anyone. It usually took between 45 and 60 minutes to complete each interview,

although it sometimes took longer if a parent became particularly enthusiastic or detailed in their

replies.

1 also used documentary sources such as books, journal articles, reports, and unpublished and

published papers. school letters to parents, and so on. Through a content analysis of relevant

documents. 1 gained the advantage of using an unobtrusive method to get data which revealed to

me something about institutional practices as well as peoptes' conscious and unconscious attitudes

and belief systems. This represented data which may otherwise may not have been available

through other sources.

5.7 Data analysis and organization

The process of analysis was one of making sense of the data in ternis of participants'

perspectives (Lecompte & Goetz, 1992; Strauss. 1987). It is the process of systematically

searching and arranging the interview transcnpts, field notes and other materials to increase one's

understanding of the data so as to present the findings to others (Bogdan & Bikien, 19%: 153). One

of the biggest tasks in this study was to analyze the large amount of data that I had collected from

parents so as to moke sense of the parents' views and attitudes.

In this case study, the analysis of the data occurred simultaneously with its collection. It was

an on-going process beginning with the acquisition of the first set of data right through to the

treatment of the data. Owens (1982) has described this process as 'datacollection king overlapping

155 rather than simultaneous'. The simultaneous collection and analysis of dataenabled me to focus and direct the study by revising and refining ideas based on what I have found in the field.

Considering the organization of the data, the process was informed by Guba and Lincoln

( 198 1 ) who suggest that case study researchers use 'coding categories' and take steps to 'converge' raw data, among which include 'looking for recumng regularities'. The regularities fom tentative categories which are then tested for their interna1 homogeneity and external heterogeneity. The categories are 'fleshed out' until the data are exhausted or until the categories become 'saturated'.

The analysis also involved the use of concepts to describe phenornenon. This process involves a systematic classification of the data into some sort of schema consisting of côtegories, themes, or types. According to Memarn (1988), the categories describe the data, but to some extent they also interpret the data. This level of analysis permitted me to assess how the data is aligned with the theoretical underpinnings of the study and the literature.

The interplay of my daily experiences- time for reflection and writing following time in the filed: reading the literature; trying on a variety of explanatory frames; talking with participants to test those ideas- was an essential part of the research process. Throughout the fieldwork 1 was also sometimes in a teaching role in that the questions asked, the issues addressed, and the talks 1 gave contributed to an ongoing dialogue with the Ghanaian community.

To derive meariing or information from the data collected 1 was constantly comparing incidents from one family, source, or event with other incidents, searching for and considering identical cases for al1 the themes presented. The data was grouped and regrouped in analytic categories and more data was generated to help refine the analysis. The process (working between data and theory) continued throughout the snidy. 5.8 Confidentiaiity and ethics

The goal of my study was to present the perspectives of Ghanaian parents about the education

of their children in Canada. Stacey (1988) has argued that ethics in ethnographie work is critical

because "fieldwork represents an intrusion and intervention into a system of relationships" (pp 23).

It was recognized that the task of the study would require dealing with the rather dicey issue of

balancing the need to safeguard the privacy of individuals with the study's need to investigate the

various positions, points of views, motivations and interests that they might have about the subject

under study.

My strategy in this and al1 other issues of ethical concems were informed by Parlett and

Dearden's ( 1977) advice: ( 1 ) to do to others what 1 would have them do to me; (2) to look actively

for an seek to represent al1 the different points of view encountered; (3) not to pressure people to

participate if they objected, even if this meant a less than full sample; (5) to ensure that, after the

study is concluded, al1 would feel that they had been enhanced, leamt from and enjoyed king

involved. that they had been listened to, that their views had been fairly expressed. and that the

process was seen to have built on strengths rather than isolate and pubiicize weaknesses. The

following ethical procedures were thus observed to protect the interests of participants in the study:

(a) informed consent; b)confidentiality of people and places (and the use of pseudonyms); and c)

the right to withdraw at any time. There is one other ethical issue that 1 had to deal with. One of

the problems in conducting any kind of research is that the process may have some kind of

distorting effect on what is king researched. In this case, the danger was that, by repeatedly asking

parents detailed questions about issues surrounding their children's education, 1 might have been

157 making them unusually sensitive to these development. This could merely have increased their interest in what is going on, but it could also conceivably have resulted in their taking some action- such as confronting the school on a particular issue. 1tried to evaluate this possibility at the end of the final interview by asking the parents what effect they felt my interview had on them and on their

interaction with the school. The most cornmon response, given by nearly al1 the parents, was that the interview had made them think more deeply about the issues involved. At the same time, there were a few who felt that king involved in the research would definitely change the way they had actually behaved but for the better. It seems reasonable to conclude that my research had not had a major effect on the parents' behavior or on their interaction with the school. At the same time, it seems to have made them more thoughtful and aware of the issues involved. CHAPTER SM PARENTS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS EDUCATION

6.1 Introduction

I assumed in this study that for an effective involvement in a child's education his/her

parent/guardian must be aware of the broader (macro) educational issues that impinge on how the

educational process is actually crafted and delivered to children at the school site level. As it was

observed in the introductory chapter, the direction of education, which includes school

administration and classroom practices, has been greatly irnpacted by the educational policies thus

far introduced by the present Provincial government. That king the case, it was reasoned that the

level of awareness among Ghanaian parents concerning the broader provincial educational policies

should be of interest to this study. How Ghanaian parents perceived the direction of education in

Ontario, it was rationalized, would affect how they would participate in the education of their

children. To assess this, 1 focused on the following questions:

What do Ghanaian parents think about education in general? What do Ghanaian parents think about education in Ontario? How do Ghanaian parents feel about provincial educational policies on cumculum, the new high school program, availability if textbooks, inclusive education, testing, assessrnent and placement, report card, discipline and religion? What is the level of satisfaction of Ghanaian parents for teachers of their children? How do Ghanaian parents perceive their role in the education of their children?

Attitudes towards education

The parents in this study appeared unanimous in their opinion that every child deserves the

opportunity to have a good education. The parents are aware that the world is changing so

159 dramatically, and that a good education is the key to the sacial mobility of their children in Canada

The parents agreed that since low paying jobs do not lead to upward mobility, and may even be

phased out in the hiture it is necessary that their children are encouraged to pursue higher education

in relevant fields.

1do not enjoy working 12 hours a day standing on my feet and operating a machine. 1 do not enjoy king told what 1can do and what 1can't do every half hour because somebody thinks 1 am incapable of thinking for myself. 1 do not want my children to go into something that 1 do not enjoy doing. 1 want them to dream a dream much higher than what 1 have. And in this society, the only way that can happen for them as blacks is to be very well educated (Ms. Pankese).

The parents have high academic aspirations for their children and hoped that their children will complete high school and proceed to pst-secondary education. Some of the parents regretted the educational opportunities they had and wasted in Ghana as children.

We always tell Our children that the way things are going, the only people who will be working in the future are those with very good and relevant education. Al1 others will be replaced by motorized or computerized machines, that would be cheaper to keep and maintain. 1 tell them that things have aiready started changing if you consider that potential employers now demand a 'resume' when dl what you want to go and do is to wash dishes or clean the floor! (Mrs. Gyedu).

When we first came to Canada, there were so many jobs you could quit a job today and pick one up the next day. But it is no longer like that. Things are changing for the worse and from how they are changing, everyone will need some sort of high education before one can get a job, even jobs that pay minimum wage. This is something 1 keep telling my son (Mr. Agyemang).

However, the parents are not entirely obiivious to the fact that as blacks the outcome of education may not necessarily be the same for their children as for the children of the mainstream culture. They are aware of overt and covert ways through which ernployment opportunities are restricted for blacks and other minorities even when they have good academic credentials. Ghanaians now make up about one-fourth of al1 taxi cirivers in Toronto and many of these guys have degrees and diplornas from universities and colleges in Ghana which are not recognized in Canada. niere are other Ghanaians who were educated hem but end up working in low paying jobs. Al1 these exarnples becorne very discouraging to others and this explains why many Ghanaians are very reluctant to pursue further education here and prefer to work hoping they'll Save up enough money to open their own businesses in the future (Mr. Senyo).

This perception unfortunately poses a big dilemma for many Ghanaian parents. On the one hand. their endorsement of Ogbu's (1978; 1981) "perceived labor market explanation' theory decreases their interest in higher education for themselves, but, at the same time, they recognize the need for their children to obtain higher education to increase their econornic and social mobility within Canada. One parent put the contradiction this way:

One day I found myself ridiculing one of my friends who had decided to quit his factory job and go to coilege. 1 was saying things like, how can you go back to school when you will not even get a job upon completion. Of course, 1 did not entirely mean it. 1guess 1 was making him aware of the barriers he should anticipate upon completion of the program. But 1realized that my seven year old was standing right by me and the message 1 was sending to my friend was not right. At that point 1changed the topic to encourage my friend and wish him al1 the best (Mrs. Gyamfi).

Some parents appeared not to be too concerned about the prospect of their children not getting jobs in Canada because they believe they could go elsewhere around the world to seek employment once they are properly educated. Mr. and Mrs. Mohammed were particularly insistent on this view.

1 always tell the kids to look at the big picture. 1don? support the argument that because jobs are scarce for blacks or minorities, their children should not aspire to highereducation. 1know many Ghanaian professionals who after their education in Canada relocated to the USA and are now happily employed earning good incornes. The world is getting smaller and smaller each day so why should children define their education and career goals in terms of the opportunities avai lable in just one country? (Mrs. Mohammed).

The emancipatory function of education also features in Ghanaian parents assessment of the goals of education. They agreed that education enlightens and broadens one's outlook, making

hirniher confident and aware of many issues while remaining open-minded.

We teach the children that education is not only for secunng jobs but it is also for protection. Especially in Canada where relationships are constructed around rights and responsibilities, the lest educated are always ignoreci because while you will be remindeci of your responsibilities, no one emphasizes your rights. You have to be aware of your rights and fight for them. Educated people are better placed to know the difference (Mr. Mohammed)

There seems to be a struggle within the Ghanaian community to define the purposes of

education. This is because while a realistic appraisal of their own situations within the larger society

makes it difficult for them to want any formal education, they are mindful of the fact that their

children's future within the society wouid depend on how well they (the children) are educated.

There are, however, a rninority group who seem to be unequivocal about the goals of education, but

such people tended to be better educated (university graduates) than the average Ghanaian.

6.3 Attitudes towards education in Ontario

The current provincial government's educational refoms appear to be based on the

assumpt ion of w idespread parent dissatisfaction schools. This theme featured prominently in the

June 1999 provincial eiection. Ghanaian parents were therefore asked of their opinions about the

education system in Ontario. Their responses were mixed but predominantly critical. The responses

of the participants have been reported below under various sub-headings.

6.3.1 The core curriculum

Curriculum encornpasses learning experiences such as values, attitudes and behaviors

162 inculcated into students. One of the important features of the Ontario school cumculum, at both elementary and secondary ievels, is the clear emphasis it places on language, maths and science.

These three subjects are explicitiy defxned as forming the 'core' of the curriculum, and have been

given particular prominence in the standardized assessments.

Most of the parents were aware that language, maths and science are given priority in the grade school cumculum. But, an overwhelming majority did not feel comptent enough to offer detailed views on the school cumculum. In this instance, the parents prefened to defer to the authonty of teachers and principals.

When you corne to think of it, Canadian education we are tojd is among the best in the world. If this is true, then 1 am inclined to believing that the experts must be doing something right (Mrs. Kwakye).

Only one third of the parents felt confident enough to comment on the school cumculum.

These parents generally supported a return to the basics. They would like to see more emphasis on

'traditional methods' of teaching maths . English and science.

1 am not sure if they teach the children old fashion English grarnmar and spelling. 1 see a lot of creative writing stuff but the kinds of English that the children speak around and their spelling really surprise me. Back home in Ghana, when the quality of education was still good, a student was expected to leam, write, and speak good grarnmar and it showed in how people spoke and wrote. I am not sure that is happening here (Mr. Agyemang ).

Canadian education emphasizes creativity and freedom, but what about basic skilIs? 1 don't understand why teachers do not take the time to correct children's writings for errors in grammar and spelling. Sometimes my son comes home with his homework and figuring out what he has copied form the chalk board is an assignment in itself, because the teacher does not make sure students have copied their home work correctiy (Mrs. Bonsu).

The majonty of the parents admitted that they were ignorant about what goes on in their children's classrooms. They had not taken the trouble to study the subject areas of their children in order to monitor their progress or even offer any critical analysis of the content or the pedagogy

of the classes. This may be due in part to lack of knowledge, but even arnong the relatively well

educated parents, there was a sense of a general lack of awareness that it is their right and

responsibility to scrutinize what theif children are learning and how they are being taught in order

to assess their suitability to their children for themselves.

6.3.2 Availability of textbooks

A major puzzle for Ghanaian parents is why schools do not permit their children to corne

home with their textbooks to help in their home work and home tutoring. Since school boards have

riiandated outcorne-based learning for al1 students from Kindergarten to Grade 9, textbooks are not

considered the main resource for teaching. The theory of outcorne-based iearning supports a view

that students should not find information for the sake of knowing the information but to develop

the ski11 of finding information when needed. Students are thus expected to develop skills in

different areas such as, note taking, and as well, use other sources of information, such as joumals,

the Interriet etc. This contradicted what Ghanaian parents have been socialized in Ghana to believe

as the main function of a good education.

In Ghana, schools may not supply you with textbooks, but they will give you a reading list containing al1 the books you are supposed to and purchase for your child. 1 think schools here need to practice something Iike that (Mrs. Gyamfi).

Because they do not bnng any books home, my children have ready-made excuses as to why they do bot nad at home. 1 think schools should supply books to the children to help us make thern study at home (Mrs. Bonsu).

1 was surprised to learn the fint time that children are not supplied with textbooks. When my boy told me 1could not believe it, until 1contacted a guidance counselor at the school who explained the situation to me. But having taught rhool al1 rny life in Ghana, it was hard to swailow that children can leam effectively without having access to textbooks in their homes (Mr. Agyemang).

The parents have long been made to intemalize a view of education that unfottunately means

information dissemination and that a good student is one who is able to regurgitate back to the

teacher what helshe has painstakingly taught them. In this type of education, textbooks are the main

tools for teaching. To talk about developing the skills of finding information, as in outcorne-based

education, or engendering creativity among children is sometimes a confounding philosophy.

Unfortunately, this philosophy has not been comrnunicated to parents in plain and simple language.

6.3.3 Testing and the report card

The Govemment of Ontario has announced a province-wide literacy test for Grade 10 students

scheduled to take place in 2000-01. According to one rationale of the testing, it is king done in

Grade 10 so that students have time to do remedial work before the end of high school if they don?

meet the provincial standard. htroducing the policy, the then Minister of Education, Mr. Dave

Johnson, argued that the province-wide literacy test is a response to calls from parents and

employers for strong literacy skills upon high school graduation (OMET, 1998 ).

1 was interested in what Ghanaian parents had to Say about the provincial testing and its

implications for Ghanaian children. Many Ghanaian parents in the study had a hazy knowledge

about the proposed provincial testing. Without an advance knowledge of the form and manner the

testing would be organized, the parents could only express general views about the role of testing

and possible implications for Ghanaian children. There were two general views. The first one

165 showed support for testing. The parents recognize the value of testing, especially in math. science and language. They are interested in finding out whether teachen are doing their job of preparing children for future studies or work.

Testing is fundamental to any education, as it is for most things we do in this world. We conduct tests to assure ourseives that we have done, or are doing, the right thing. For example, when 1 repair a customer's car, 1test it to see whether 1 have done the job right. School testing allows teachers to know when they are succeeding and where they are fading, the strength of students, as well as their weaknesses. In my Ghanaian language we Say that " a person who constnicts a bush path often is not aware fhat it is crooked." The only way a person can see that his bush path is crooked is by Iooking back at hisher work, in this case, what he/she has already constructed, or by having someone foilow and tell himher. 1think 'looking back' at ones work is analogous to 'testing' in schools because it can make you aware of your accomplishment and failures (Mr. Nartey).

1 have long wondered why Canadian schools do not seem to have a standardized national or provincial examinations for al1 class levels. For example, as we have in Ghana, I would have expected a common test for al1 students graduating from primary to junior high, or from junior high to high school. Such examinations have the potential of helping students and parents compare the quality of schools in the province simply by looking at the test results of each school. As it obtains now, interna1 tests do not Say much about the quali ty of teaching at each school (Mr. Senyo).

While recognizing the relevance of testing, some Ghanaian parents, warned of possible abuses and misuse of test results. They pointed out that tests could be biased against Ghanaian and other minority children and rnay not be measuring what it is supposed to rneasure.

Provincial-wide testing rnay not take into account the fact that students' ability to learn depends on several factors that rnay not be uniformly present in al1 communities or schools. As such any attempt to draw conclusions in tenns of rating schools and students rnay be unfair to some schools (Mr. Agyemang).

In Ghana, the content of national examinations sometimes get leaked to some schools or students before the examinations are held. 1guess they rnay have better security and control mechanisms here but the possibility exists that national examinations rnay not be tmly fair to al1 schools and students (Mrs. Kwakye). Another area of concem to Ghanaian parents was the design of report cards. Although the

Govemment has introduced a new report card which supposedly simplifies information that parents

need in order to follow their child's progress (OMET,1998). Many Ghanaian parents in this study

still felt the new report card is still too complicated to understand. The parents find the categories

on the card to be unclear. The parents expected to find a "ranking" arnong students, for them to

appreciate how their children were doing against other children. The 'ranking* system is what

Ghanaian parents who attended school in Ghana are used to and understand very well.

The first time 1 saw my daughter's report card, 1 expected to find her overall standing in the class. 1 wanted to be able to Say that she was first, second and so on, but what 1 saw was totally confusing and unexpected. Al1 those percentages make me daze. Initiaily, she did not understand the card herself as what she told me about a mark in one category turned out to be false. She is able to interpret it to me now (Mrs. Akatsi).

Also, Ghanaian parents complained about teachers' use of unfamiliar jargons and phrases because

the space provided on the card for their comment was too small. One parent wondered why a

teacher would write that his child "finds a subject dificult" as a sufficient comment to write on a

report card. The parent retorted "would my child be in school, if every subject he took was easy?."

The parent expected the teacher to provide useful ideas on how his child could be helped instead

of just making that observation without any f'urther comment. The parents also resented what they

called the "spin" that teachers put on theirchildren's academic performance. Ghanaian parents find

it confusing to read comments that appear to send mix messages, especially when they are aware

that their children are not doing very well in school. One parent remarked:

Even though 1 knew that my daughter was struggling, 1 would find comments such as "she aIways tries hardWonher report card. Well, is that good enough or what.? Obviously it is not, because my daughter can't read very well and she is in grade 1 1.1 want to read about how and what we can do to help her. This " she always tries hard" comment is very deceiving because it does not reflect in her scores, beside it can make her think that she does not need to do anything further (Mr. Senyo).

Parents support testing but they want it to be used in a way that is fair and conveys educationai

messages helpful to teachers, students and parents. There appears to be aconsensus that assessrnent

and reporting practices are not able to convey the kinds of information that parents would want to

know about their chi ldren's abilities and progress through the education system. Parents find the

present system too ambiguous because it is unable to tell them exactly where their children are in

their education.

6.3.4 The new 'high school program' in Ontario

In early 1998 the govemment released details sf Ontario's new high school program which

came into force in September 1999. The new program makes high school a four-year program, and

re-introduces streaming in another forrn. Instead of the old practice of grouping students into

advanced. general and basic streaming categories that was reviewed in 1993 by the government,

students will be streamed into pathways leading to university, college, apprenticeship and work at

the end of high school. According to the program, students will have the flexibility to move between

strearns, particularly in Grades 9 and Grades 10.

The role of parents has ken emphasized in this new program to ensure that their children

choose appropriate career pathways. Students will be assigned teacher-adviser who will work with

the student to prepare an annual education plan that will be shared with parents. The plan will

outline a student's goal and ensure that he or she is making appropriate decisions on which courses

to take to meet that goal (OMET,1998). Parents were asked to comment on various aspects of the new hi@ school prograrn and their implications for Ghanaian children. Just under hdf of the parents appeared to be aware of the new high school program. Participants generally identified the similarity of the new high school program to the Junior Secondary School system operating in Ghana. While the respondents generally supported the rationale behind the new program, they were cautious about the new program's implication for Ghanaian children. These views were reflected in such comments:

One thing 1 have realized since I came to Canada is the importance that is accorded middle level manpower or technicaily skilled professionals such as mechanics, technicians etc, etc. Unlike in Ghana where such jobs are not respected, technical people here are well paid and live as comfortable a life as lawyers, doctors, teachers, et cetera, et cetera. I think this new high school prograrn recognizes this and thus attempts to give students who may not be good in academic courses the option of gaining some training in certain technical areas so as to earn a comfortable living in the future (Mr. Agyemang).

The new high school program is similar to the Junior Secondary SchooI system in Ghana 1 think the new program will benefit many Ghanaian children who are new in Canada and went through the JSS system in Ghana. They are already farniliar with the concept behind the system so it will not be too difficult to make the connection and transition. We should however be alert to how students are strearned into the various streams. A Nigerian educator (1 have forgotten the narne) once said that "when educationai policy makers in Africa think of vocationalizing the school cumculum, they are usually thinking about other peoples' children." This is very applicable here, and 1 think we should be careful Ghanaian children are not denied the option of pursuing the academic Stream if they want to, throuph some insidious school and classroom practices that we often hear about (Mr. Mohammed).

However, some participants saw the new high school program as a repackaging of the old

'streaming' practice that discriminated against black children and was opposed by minonty groups in the 1970s and 1980s. Questions about unfair evaluation, assessrnent and placement practices that have characterized theeducational experiences and debates of black students were raised. Ghanaian parents are concemed that racial and ethno-cultural biases and stereotyping rnay still be present to influence the determination of what students may be capable of achieving. and thus which category of the prograrn he/she should be enrolled in. One parent noted::

When streaming was practiced in the school system. many black children were routinely strearned into programs that denied them opportunities to attend universities or prepare for professional careen. And 1tell you without many of our children entering into the professions we would always be at the bottom of the social order. The oId streaming practice also led to a very high dropout rate arnong black children. This new high school program is nothing but re-packaged strearning and labeled differently to make it look attractive to unsuspecting parents. 1 think we need to be very cautious about how the new prograrn is implemented (Mrs. Kwakye).

The fact that streaming starts half-way through Grade 9 is also a cause for concern for some parents .

1 am concemed about the fact that we will be compelling 15 year-Olds to make such an important decision about their future; a decision that may never be reversible. Even though the prograrn provides for advice from teachers and parents, 1 still believe that 15 year-Olds should still be explorhg most of the opportunities available in this modern world instead of king compelled to decide whether they want to be doctors, engineers or mechanics. 1 think it is just wrong (Mr. Gyedu).

Mr Gyedu was reminded that the new high school program permits a student who changes hisher mind. as a result of changing interests and goals, to take 'transfer course' in order to switch to the new pathway that the student now wants. Transfer courses will allow students who are taking one type of course in Grade 10 or 1 1 to switch to another type in the sarne subject in the next grade.

Tramfer courses are more focused and shorter than regular courses, as they are designed to cover only the additional course content that bridges the gap between two course types. However, he remained unpersuaded as he felt extra courses wiIl compound the studies of transfemng students.

He was also concerna about the nature of the quality of the courses to be taught to transferring student. It is clear that many parents understand the general rationde of the new high school program

because they can compare it to the secondary school system in Ghana But, there is lack of

understanding about the details of the new program. There is also not a clear agreement on the

implications of the new system for Ghanaian children. Parents are womed about old institutional

practices that might still persist to restrict the opportunities of the children.

6.3.5 Inclusive education

The question of inclusive education in the sense of incorporating the experiences of other

minority groups into the education system has been rationaiized by multicultural and anti-racist

educators. It is argued that the inclusion of the contributions of minority groups in education could

help enhance the self-confident and self-esteem of minority children, and as well counter the

persistence of prejudice and racism inherent in the education system.

When parents were asked of their opinions about inclusive education, an overwhelming

majorïty felt strongly that there was a need for such an education. They noted that most of the racist

and prejudicial treatment that minority groups, especially blacks, receive in Canada is premised on

the distorted view that these groups are always on the receiving end and have never contributed

anything to human development.

To be honest, the first time my son asked me if a black person had ever invented anything that is commonly used today, 1had to pause before answering him. Even then 1couldn't give him an immediate answer. Al1 that 1 did was to be evasive and give myself some time to do some research. 1think black children should be taught al1 the great things that their people did and continue to do. Once they have that knowledge they'll know how to use it to defend themselves. Iarn less concemed if somebody else wants to leam my culture or mycivilization, but 1 wiIl be deeply concerned if my own son does not know that he is just as great as the next person (Mr. Attah). 1 think it is a good idea for sçhools to teach about the experiences of al1 groups in Canada. Textbooks and teaching materials should al1 acknowledge the presence and and the contributions of ail peoples in the society. In schools where we have large populations of minority students, there should be rninority teachers teaching there, because they will be better placed to identifi and understand the problems that minority children face in their education (Mm.Felli).

1 think schools have to reflect the communities they serve. So, for example, while a school in Rosedale may reflect the rnainstream white culture, it will not be appropriate to have such a school in Say, the Jane and Finch comdor where the ovewhelming majority of residents are from minority communities (Mr. Agyemang).

Even ttiough the majority of the participants supported the principles of inclusive education, they had no idea about anti-racist and multicuitural education and were not sure whether the policy of multiculturalism has done much to further the goal of inclusiveness in education. They intimated that nidticul turalism has allowed minority groups to freely use their language and practice their culture, sometimes with the support of the govemment, but it has not done much to change schools' curricula and processes to reflect the diversity of ethnic groups in Toronto and Canada.

1 hear a lot of talk about multiculturalism and how Canada is different from the USA because in Canada groups are encouraged to promote their cultures. 1 am not sure though if multiculturalism is practiced in the schools and whether that helps al1 students (Mr. Agyemang).

However, some respondents considered the global implication of the problem and argued that even in Ghana the education system is pnmarily Anglo-Saxon in orientation. They narrated their experiences of learning about the "Prairies" and themûrratLakes" of Canada in secondary schools in Ghana, when they had no knowledge of the northern part of Ghana. But, they agreed it will probably be erroneous to compare the situation in Ghana to that prevailing in Canada, as far as the education of minority children are concemed. This is because in Ghana, the education system probably treats al1 cultures similarly by its relative neglect of indigenous and Afnfan knowledge systems. Secondly, because in Ghana al1 children are socialized into an alien culture and value system, one could argue that while school children may be privileged by their family's social and economic backgrounds, they are not necessarily privileged by their cultural backgrounds since ail the social and economic classes of Ghanaians are made up of a cultural mix.

In Ghana, al1 children are treated equaily by schools as far as cultural background is concemed. The difference is richer families from al1 cultures are able to afford better education for their children. But, in Canada, it is not only one's econornic and social class, but one's cultural background can influence the kind of education one gets (Mr. Senyo).

When the participants were asked whether they would support a school especially set aside for Ghanaian chi idren, there was an overwhelming negative response. This was a proposal that was senously çonsidered by the North York Board of Education working in partnership with the

National Council of Ghanaian Canadians in the early 1990s.

1 believe an exclusive school for Ghanaian children will reduce discrimination and bring the students up. But 1 am concerned about how the outside world will view such a school Will it be seen as comparable in quality to other schools? (Mrs. Nirno).

The parents argued that since Ghanaian children were king educated to work with different people from different cultures in the future, it would be a mistake to seclude and shield them in exchive Ghanaian schools.

As good as it sounds 1 cannot support a school like that because it will expose Ghanaian children to open ridicule. People will not tmst the quality of education in an dl-Ghanaian school and 1believe it would be more difficult for thechildren to qualify into highereducation institutions. Besides, ernployers would be suspicious and may not hire graduates from such a school (Mrs. Felli ).

1 would have supported a school like that .ildren were being prepared to go back and

173 work in Ghana But if they are to stay and work here in North America, they need to socialize early with the people they would be meeting and working with at various work places. 1 am suspicious of anything that pretends exclusivity because exclusivity tends to lead to narrow-mindedness (Mrs. Akatsi ).

Ghanaian parents believe their children belong in schools that have the general population

represented. They agree though that structural and institutional changes are needed to make black

and minority children feel as king part of the general school population and the general Canadian

society. They agreed to cumcula changes, and as well the hiring of more black and minority

teachers. especiaily for schools where minority groups make up a significant portion of the generaI

student body.

6.3.6 School discipline

Recent research has supported a Iink between school discipline and academic performance

(Milne, Baker & Ginsburg, 1986). In Ontario, school discipline has ken a great concern to policy

makers and educators in recent times. The government reported chat there were 2,500 incidents of

assault in Ontario schools in the year 1996- 1997. The govemment argued that those figure, coupled

with statistics showing a huge jump in crime involving youths, point to the need for laying out the

rules for everyone who attends school in Ontario. In connection with this, the government said it

might consider introducing uniforms and code of conduct for students because such measures can

add a "tone of authonty and discipline to a school and make for a better leaming environment,"

(Mallan, 1999, February 1: Al).

Each of the parents in the study expressed some concerns about the seeming lack of discipline

among students in Ontario. The parents agreed that school indiscipline affects learning and that

1 74 something ought to be done to ensure that the right atmosphere for learning prevails in Ontario. The parents were quick to situate their discussion within the context of recent spate of shooting in schools in the United States and feared the phenornenon might soon spi11 over to Ontario. They further agreed that present school boards' policy on behavior expectations and punishment are not effective. in this regard, the parents agreed with recent pronouncements by the provincial governrnent concerning introducing new measures to stem the incidence of indiscipline in schools.

An indiscipline student often disrupts learning for al1 students. Hdshe can take too much attention and resources away from the classroorn, where learning should be happening. We are al1 living witnesses to what has been happening in United States schools within the last year or so. Do we want that kind of a school atmosphere in Ontario? I would want to see stiffer disciplinary codes for school to be enforced across the board to ensure that students who want to leam do so in a congenial atmosphere. What they presently have is a joke (Mrs. Bonsu).

I once witnessed a student tafking harshly back at a teacher and I shook my head in disbelief. How could that happen? Now it is not just talking back but threats to life and sometimes physical assaults on teachers and students. 1 think something needs to be done real quickly before our schools becorne combat zones (Mrs. Akatsi).

One of my greatest shock when I arrived in Canada was to see schooi children smoke in the school yard. 1 asked myself what is going on here? 1 remember back in Ghana dunng my days it was a complete no- no for elementary and secondary school students to smoke. Anyone who tried to break this nile got suspended or dismissed immediately. I believe over here they would not associate smoking with indiscipline but 1 disagree. 1consider smoking to be a very bad habit and if one of the purposes of education is teaching students to know the good from the bad, then we are failing in this duty (Mrs. Nimo).

The first time our daughter went to school, after only two weeks in the country, one of the students threw a chair at a teacher. Although he missed the teacher, it was quite a traumatic experience for her. She couldn't stop talking about it and Ieven overheard her over the phone teliing one of her friends in Ghana how 'spoilt' Canadian children were (Mrs. Senyo).

The parents supported the government's initiative to introduce school unifonns as a way of sternming the tide of indiscipline in schools

1 think making al1 children Wear school uniforms is a very good starting point in instilling discipline in school children. The uniform is a constant reminder to a student of who he or she is. I do not buy this argument about uniforms depriving the children the opportunity to express their individuality. 1 think the students have more time outside school hours to express that individuality if they so wish (Rev. Larnptey).

The parents also recognized that while it appeared that it is in the schools that children's behavior problems get publicized. such behaviors are evident everywhere, at home, in the community and in the society at large. The parents therefore beiieve that it should be the responsibility of all, not just teachers and schools, to instill discipline in children.

There is a limit to which schools and teachers can do. If parents close their eyes to acts of indiscipline by their children. chances are such children would not pay attention to anyone and wouId cmon untii they are totally out of control. 1 don? believe we can continue to expect Our teachers to be solely responsible without support from parents and the society in general, to impart the kinds of responsibility and values in our young people (Mrs. Akatsi).

The indiscipiine in the schools is a reflection of indiscipline in the whole society. The children are products of society. they do not descend from Mars. Any society that romanticizes violence, whether in movies or in sports should expect to produce a violent culture and a violent generation. We al1 need to take a good hard look at the society and what we raise Our children on (Mr. Agyemang).

The different conceptual frame with which the parents bring to analyze discipline and the enforcement of it in schools appears to contradict the rationale behind disciplinary practices in

Canadian schools. It is evident that Ghanaian parents do not understand how and why the tradition of school discipline has evolved to its present status in the education system in Canada. The parents need to be made aware of the bais of schwl disciplinary practices. This can help them participate more effectively in present and future debates surrounding the issue. and as well, participate in the enforcement of discipline at the school level. Religion in Schools

For parents the lack of prayers in the public school system is a perplexing political issue. The philosophy of the separation of the staie and religion canot be rationalized in the minds of parents.

They believe that a good education should embrace mord development which can only be found in religion. On this issue, they appeared to be in agreement with conservative commentators in

North America who trace the generai moral decadence and violence in schools and within the society the absence of religious instructions or prayers for school children. This thinking is one of the reasons why many Ghanaian parents enrol their children in the Separate school system even when they, the parents themselves, are members of other Christian groups.

In Ghana, like elsewhere in the third world, many major problems can be attributed to the fact that most people are very poor, thus there is constant pressure to fight over scarce resources and this could lead to stealing or outright civil wars. But, in North Amerka the problem is not 'material poverty' biit 'moral poverty'. It is very important that Our young be taught early the difference between the right and the wrong, and religious instructions are the best way to go (Rev. Lamptey).

It was very difficult for us trying to explain to our children when they arrived that over here, unlike in Ghana, they do not have to recite the Lord's Prayer and sing hymns while marching to class every morning before instructions began. 1 rnean, how do you explain to a ten year old and an eleven year old, fresh from Ghana, who have had al1 their entire life king made to believe that Jesus Christ is the only source life, and have seen pictures of Jesus Christ as a white man, that people in Canada do not believe that Jesus mattered that much as to pray to Him every morning before school began? (Mrs. Senyo).

The parents want religious instructions in schools regardless of the ethos of the system. They want parents to be given the opportunity to decide whether they would like their children to receive religious instructions and prayers.

1believe families should be given the opportunity to choose prayers and religious instructions

1 77 for their children. 1 think school boards and schools cm institue a plan to let al1 children practice their religion at school. If schools are meant to reflect what we do in the larger society, then it is wrong to leave religion out of sçhools (Mr. Gyedu).

The parents see religion as a buffer to the many depressing moral signals that are emitted to children through television, music and various lifestyles which ultimately go to affect the children's world view and their future. They ais0 see religion as an antidote to disciplinary problems arnong students.

There is no question in my mind that most of the disciplinary problems we have at school and in the society stem from this religious-free education we promote here in Canada. 1 think it is very logicd to expect a child who is brought up on the moral teachings of hisher religion to cause less problems for society than those who live a religious-free Iife (Mrs. Gyarnfi).

Even though the majority of the parents agreed to the common argument that religious instructions or prayers could be handled privately by families, communities and their churches, they added that because the signals chat are transmitted and shared among students within the school yard have such an indelible influence on how children perceive the world around hem, it is important that whatewr is taught at school be harmonious with what families, cornmunities and churches attempt to teach children.

Attitudes towards teachers

Parents in the study expressed mixed feelings about the teachers of their children. The majority of the parents expressed the view that teachers in Ontario are weIl trained professionals who try their best to help students make the grades. Here, the emphasis was more on an evaluation of the professional skills, motivation and dedication of the teachers. Some of the responses of the parents included:

Teachers here are very professional and enthusiastic about their work, They appear to do their best under vsry trying circumstances. for example, their treatment by the provincial government and lack of respect from students. They tend to be creative as well, doing lots of different things with the children. They listen to you once you get the chance to meet with them (Mrs. Pankese).

But, there were a few of the respondents who were suspicious of teachers' sense of duty and dedication to their students, espeçially towards minority children. One respondent put it this way:

The teachers do not have time for the children. They think about their mortgages and do as Iittle as possible to get away. Particularly, 1 am suspicious if they could care less about the progress of minority children. 1 am suspicious if they are not just there seizing on every opportunity to label black children and thus justify their inability to help the students any longer (Mrs. Felli).

Even though the ovenvhelming majority of Ghanaian parents in this study believed that teachers in Ontario were dedicated to their work, they however, did not trust the kinds of relations that the teachers maintained with minonty families. The parents noted that their children, on the instigation of their teachers, 'spy' on them and report their treatment of them (the children) to school authorities who then cal1 in the Children Aids Society to investigate. In one instance, a mother reported her shock when she got a cal1 from a child services worker because her 1 O eleven year old son had written in an essay, on what students did on a specific day, that her mother made him "clean up the mess" that his four year old brother had made in their bedroom. The teacher apparently reported the case to the child services worker who then called to advise the mother against making the son do any house chores because he is "still a kid who should only be learning and playing." The mother had difficulty with such a proposition because it contradicts how she was brought up in Ghana and what she was taught to do as a child. This is a case of a clash of

1 79 cultural values and frarnes of references.

It is shocking to meet a grown adult who will proudly tell you "1 cannot cook" because they were not trained by their parents to cook. 1 find this wrong because it affects the life of many people. They eat out ail the time because they cannot cook! (Mrs. Kwakye).

This "Canadian" culture spoils the children. Back in Ghana a child is supposed to know a lot of things before helshe turns ten or twelve. This is more so the case for girls than for boys but generally we tend to train our children to be independent eariy. 1believe this helps people cope with a lot of difficult situations later on their lives. Over here, children are not supposed to lift a finger and this gets into their heads. 1 am nasurpris& people tend to get depressed easily in this society. I am convinced that many of the problems that people face back in Ghana on a daily basis will kill many people here (Mrs. Gyedu).

Ghanaian parents also felt that teachers have this fundamental believe that Ghanaian farnilies are inherently 'abusive' and have thus asked Ghanaian children in their schools not to hesitate in calling 9 1 1. The parents believe teachers teach children of othercultural backgrounds to use the 9 1 1 system in case of fire, or health reasons but they teach Ghanaian children to use the service when they are being disciplined by their parents. The parents felt that some children have taken advantage of this situation by abusing the 91 1 system. The children do not hesitate to threaten to cal1 91 1 and in some cases actually call on the slightest misunderstanding between them and the parents.

They (the teachers) tend to believe the children more than us. What they forget is that some of the children are so ctever they have learned to use "9 t 1" as a weapon against their parents. They want to be able to do anything they like and get away with it because they can call "9 1 1 " (Mr. Attah).

The parents attribute the suspicion between them and the teachers of their children to the lack of teachers' understanding of the social and economic circumstances of Ghanaian families. Lareau

(1989) has argued that social class is critical in schools because those parents who are most distanced from schools are working class. Within the Ghanaian community social class differences

1 80 between teachers and Ghanaian parents appear to influence the views of the parents in diverse ways.

This feeling was evident in this cornmens:

When 1 objected to my son making friends with certain individuals, his teacher was not too happy. He asked me why 1wouldn't let my son play with the other children and 1told him that he does not understand Our circumstances. 1 made him aware that unlike him (the teacher) who lives in the suburbs, we live in a low cost area where there are al1 kinds of characters who can easily influence the behavior of your child in the wrong direction, thus 1have to be very particular about the fnends my son makes. 1 told the teacher that 1 am not against my son making friends, 1 am just cautious about who he makes friends with (Mr. Agyemang ).

Hadden ( 1987) in her study noted that most teachers sajd they needed more help to understand

the culture and expectations of minority parents. They suggested a period of emersion in the

community to help teachers better understand its needs. This may equally apply to the Ghanaian

community. The social distance between Ghanaian families and teachers has created a feeling that

does not support partnership building between the two groups. So, even though parents feel teachers

are well trained professionals, with the potentid to help their children succeed, the kinds of

relationship that needs to be developed to support the efforts of the two groups is non-existent.

6.5 Attitudes towards parent involvement

Provincial educational policies have within the last few years evolved to emphasize parent

responsibility and involvement in the education of their children. To complement the themes

investigated in this chapter, and as well introduce the next chapter, 1 asked the parents about what

they think of the whole concept of parent involvement in the education of their children.

AI1 the participants agreed that it is important for parents to be involved in the education of

their children. The parents believed that helping the children at home with their school work, monitoring their learning and playing habits and regular visits to school could al1 be beneficial to their children's education. The views of the parents were supported by the findings of Chavkin and

Williams ( 1993) who obsetved that African-American and Hispanic parents agreed very strongly with the importance of king involved in their children's education (p.76).

Whenever 1 read the Toronto Star 1realized how powerful parents can be. The other time 1 read that some parents have decided not to let their children go to school because the classroom, what do they cd1 it, 'portables', were not safe for their children. In Ghana, parents are usually not even aware of what is happening in their children's school. They send the children to school and hope for the best. But here, it is a different story. 1 think it is very good that parents become aware of what their children are going through in their education so chat they can help where necessary (Mrs. Kwakye).

The parents believed that parent involvement is particularly important for immigrant groups such as Ghanaians.

Parent involvement is an excellent idea. Because this country is made up of different people frorn different countries and cultures, we have different ways of looking at the sarne problem. Therefore, you have to be on the look out for your own otherwise no one will protect your interest (Mrs. Akatsi).

Because Ghanaian parents beiieve in the rationale of parent involvement, there is enough community self-censorship about the seeming lack of participation by many Ghanaian parents in community initiatives devoted to helping the children with their education.

Many Ghanaian parents would rather be at an 'outdooring' party or a funeral celebration rather than at a workshop that discuses the education of their children. This is wrong. This mentality that the education system in Canada takes care of al1 students equally is false and Ghanaian parents must be made aware of this (Mr, Nartey).

1 think it is the responsibility of every Ghanaian parent to find out what the child is doing at school and how they can be part of it. We tend to make too many excuses about why we cannot do this or that, but the point is some people are able to get around the excuses that we make, so why can't we? (Rev. Lamptey). But, a few expressed the view that Ghanaian parents are already involved in their children's education. This view was expressed thus:

1 believe al1 parents are involved in the education of their children by virtue of the fact that it is the parent who ensures that the child is properly cleaned, fed and sent to school each day. After school, it is the parent who ensures that the child has done hidher homework. Some parents are able to cal1 the school and discuss their child's problems with teachers and principals. So, 1 think every parent is involved but the level of involvement depends on the parent's circumstances ( Mrs. Felli).

Even though the majority of the parents supported the rationale behind parent involvement, their understanding of the concept was limiting. Some of the responsibilities the parents identified for themselves in terrns of their children's education included: ensuring that their children have a bed-time so as to get enough sleep during school days; making sure children are clean, well dressed, fed and readied for school on time; welcoming children from school with already prepared meals; making sure the children did their home work; enforcing rules concerning how much time the children could piay or watch television; making sure the children went to the Iibrary; takingchildren to extra-curricula activities; contacting teachers where there is a problem involving their children.

The views of the parents regarding parent involvement generally reflected traditional conceptions which supported the view of a separation between the home and the school (Epstein, 1992).

Summary

In this chapter, 1 have reported Ghanaian parents' views about education in general and the education system in Ontario in particular. 1 have also reported how Ghanaian parents perceive parent involvement in their children's education.

First, Ghanaian parents believe in the potential of education in general and also believe that

183 their children need good education in order to prosper in this society. However, the parents are cautious in their assessrnent of the relevance of education to their children because of their social

and cultural location within the Canadian society. Here, Ghanaian parents believe that they have

a role to play to ensure that their children are treated equitably by the education system.

Secondly, Ghanaian parents do not appear to be sufficiently informeci about changes within

the education system. Particularly, the parents are completely in the dark about the new high school program which started in September 1999.

Thirdiy, 1gained some insight into the criteria which parents use to judge an education system.

Their responses suggested that their experience with Ghana's education system still functions as yardstick by which the education system in Ontario is judged. Their responses placed more emphasis on the less tangible aspects of school life such as teacher attitudes, religion, teachiog practices. than on tangibles such as resources and facilities. For instance, whiIe the parents admit that teachers and principals are professionals in their jobs they also noted that there is much to be desired in teachers' attitudes and relationships with parents.

In the next chapter. 1 report the actual practices of parents in terms of getting involved in the education of their children. This wilt give me the opportunity to analyze whether the practices of

Ghanaians, for example, reflect their views as expressed in this chapter. CHAPTER SEVEN GHANAIAN PARENTS' INVOLVEMENT IN THE EDUCATION OF THEIR CHILDREN

7.1 Introduction

As discussed in Chapter 3, the literature is virtually unanimous in saying that it is beneficial

for children to have their parents invoived in some way in the school. Schools and families both

exercise "spheres of influence" (Epstein, 1992) over student academic achievement. Studies are

accumulating to show that family practices regarding their children's education are far more

important for helping students succeed in school and in generd than are famil y structure, economic

status, family size, and age of children (Clark, 1983; Corner, 1980, 1988; Epstein, 1986, Scott-

Jones, 1987). Families can assist in their children's learning in diverse ways. These may include:

creating a conducive homeenvironment that supports learning; monitoring out-of-schooi activities;

modeling the value of learning, self-discipline, and hard work; and encouraging reading, writing,

and discussions among family members at home (Swap, 1993; Chavkin, 1993)

In this chapter, 1 report the kinds of strategies that Ghanaian parents use in their attempt to get

directly involved in the education of their children and the kinds of obstacles they face.

7.2 Choice of schools

The idea behindparent choice is that it is in the best interest of children for parents to choose

the school they want their children to attend based on their assessrnent of criteria such as the quality

of academic prograrns, proximity, safety, etc. In a society where there is unrestricted fdomto

185 choose where to attend school, al1 these factors can be seen to interplay to influence decisions that

parents make concerning the schools their children attend (Henry, 1996).

In Ontario, parent choice can be understood at two levels: choice of a school system and

choice within a school system (Lawton, 1992). By choice of school system it is meant that parents

can choose among three school systems: the public, the Roman Catholic separate, and the private.

Whereas al1 parents can opt to send theirchildren to the public system only Roman Catholic parents

are assured the right to choose the separate school system at the elementary level.

The parents exercise some level of choice between school systems. Out of the 14 families

interviewed in the study, about two-thirds supponed the public school system, while one-third had children enroiled in the private school system. This appeared to somehow agree with the breakdown of the number of students in the various school systems in Ontario which in 1992-1993 stood at

68 percent (public). 29 percent (Catholic) and four percent (private) (Ministry of Education and

Training. 1 994). However, none of the parents interviewed had a child in a private school.

It was interesting to note that reasons assigned by the parents for the choice of a school system for their children reflected whether they chose a public school or a Separate school system for their children. So, for exampIe, at the high school level, whereas most of the parents chose the public system for its 'proximity', or 'based on the recommendation of a public school board.," the remaining parents chose the Separate school system for its perceived 'quality of education' and/or

'discipline'. Thus, at the high school level, a minority of the parents use some forrn of evaluative criteria in deciding where to enrol their children. At, the primary school level, some of the parents who used such criteria behaved atypically by baptizing their children Catholics even when they (the parents) themset ves are of a different religious faith. The parents took this initial step to ensure that their children are eligible for admission into a Roman Caiholic primary school when they becarne of school going age.

When it came to choosing a school within a system, parents in my study did not believe that they had very much of a choice in where their children attend school. School boards where the

Ghanaian parents had their children enrolled maintain a school attendance area policy which States that students residing within the school catchment area attend the school in the area. A permission can be sought however, to attend alternative school if space is available at the receiving school and the school perrnits it. The parents said in most cases it was more of a question of finding a school that will take their child, than looking for one that they liked.

When our two daughters arrived from Ghana, they were recommended to go to three schools in priotizing order and based purely on proximity to Our house. The official said if they were nor admitted to the first recommended school, we should try the second (after infonning them) and the third in that order. But, fortunately, both of them got adrnitted to the first recommended school which happened to be closer to our home than the other two (Mrs. Senyo).

Also, the parents have realized to their surprise that unlike in Ghana where a parent can send hisher to any school in the country, provided the child meets the admission standards of the school and the famil y can afford the school's fees, it is different in Canada due to the heavily decentralized form of school govemance. A Ghanaian parent reported his shock when he realized that his child would have to pay fees like a foreign student if he had to attend school in Mississauga while the family resided in the Toronto inner-city. The parent had thought about sending his child to the school in Mississauga because he had a teacher friend who taught mathematics at that school and had been helping the boy on some week-ends. He had hoped chat by king in the same school with his son, his friend would be better able to monitor the boy's performance in maths. The parent was

187 so concerned about the child's performance in inathematics that he wunot bothered by the prospect of paying extra transportation cost for the boy to cornmute between Mississauga and Toronto via

Go Rail. But he was not ready to re-locate due to job demands.

When I suggested to my friend that 1 wanted rny son to enrol in his school so that he (the teacher) can help him with bis maths, he told methat 1would have to take up residency within the catchment area of the school, else pay fees Iike non-resident of the region. When 1called the Peel Region Board of Education to inquire about fees for non-resident students I realized it was comparable to fees paid by foreign students. 1thought this ,was very ridiculous. This whole funding formula for school boards and schools should be reviewed. 1 think it is one thing going to another province to go to schooI but why can't parents send their children to any schooi they choose so long as the school is in Ontario? (Mr. Attah).

Since it is not easy for many parents to easily change residency, as we saw in the case of Mr.

Attah, they are stuck with neighborhood schools. Parents larnented the fact chat they, for several reasons, cannot "shop around" as in many daily activities in Canada in order to select the best school for their children. About one-third of the parents expressed serious concems about the schools their children attend. Topping the list of concerns was the perception of "students' indiscipline". The parents were concemed about students' appearance, their choice of language in their conversation and how unruly they seemed to behave when hanging out in the school yard or in neighborhood shopping malls. These parents noted that because they cannot re-locate, they have to be "very vigilant" in order to protect their children from falling into bad Company.

Every time your child leaves for school, you do not stop praying until he retums home safely. There are some strange characters in our neighborhood and in the school system. It is not easy thinking that something could happen to your child while at school (Mr. Agyemang).

A few of the parents appeared indifferent in their views about the schools their children attend. They said they would appreciate the opportunity to be able to choose from among several schools after a tour of the schools, but they were not too sure if that would rnake any difference since "al1 public schools in Toronto appeared to look the same." They noted that in Ghana one can see gaping differences arnong schools by making a cornparison based on indicators such as buildings, laboratory and equipment, availability of cornputers, quality of library, qualifications of principals and teacher and students*results at national examinations. The parents noted that because in Canada there are no such serious differences among schools in terms of schools' resources and teacher qualifications, it is very dificult to tell one school from another,

1 personally find it difficult to tell one public school from the next. The buildings are similar, their teachers are mostly trained and have similar qualifications. When you go into the schools expect to find similar resources and teaching materials. and they can give you a few statistics about how many of their graduates have qualified for college or for athletic scholarships. in the end, it becomes difficult to compare ( Mrs. Akatsi).

in the case of two families who had changed residency, their assessrnent of the qudity of schools was done by looking at intangible factors such as "principals' attitudes" and 'children's happiness". The first couple felt that the principal of their children's new school was "very wm and sensitive" and made it easy for them to approach the school anytime they had a problern to resol ve. The second couple noticed a "big di fference" in their children's outlook when they enrolled in their new school. The children had told them that, unlike their old school, they liked their new school very much because the "teachers were very nice" and they had met some "real cool friends."

My study of Ghanaian parents' choice of schools for their children reveais that the parents do not feel that they have any realistic choice options. While many would appreciate the opportunity to choose among different schools, a few are indifferent because according to them, schools in

Toronto appear to be sirnilar. Those who would appreciate the opportunity to choose schools tend to be more concerned about disciplinary issues and the general outlook of the school rather than the

189 academic performance of students.

7.3 Participation in 66assessmentand placement"

When immigrant children arrive in Canada they are first assessed before king placed in their

respective classes. There were thirty-two children in the fourteen families who were involved in this

study. Out of this figure thirteen had part of their education in Ghana and as a result had to be

assessed and placed in various classes when they first arrived in Canada This study was interested

in finding out about the part their parents played in the process and how they felt about it.

The parents reported that their role in the assessment and placement process was limited to

giving basic in format ion about the previous educationd background of their children to school

board officials. The entire process is handled by the school board which places children in classes

according to their age. Even though tests are administered to determine the academic standing of

new immigrant children. the results are used to identify academic areas where they might need

remedial hel p. Extra lessons in Maths and English-as-a-second language (ESL) are often

recommended to Ghanaian children as a way of making them catch-up with their cohorts in their

respective classes.

Surprisingly, this practice does not sit well with the majority of the parents interviewed, who

have had children join them from Ghana within the last two years. The parents complained that

because of the poor education standards in Ghana, the children come unprepared to be in the same

classes that their age group students are in Canadian schools.

It is a good idea to join your age group in class if you have had a similar foundation as they got in Canada. But, because of the poor education system in Ghana the children come poorly prepared to be in the same class as their age group mates in Canada. The differences in accent complicates the problem even further. Those who are able to make it are those who have sharp minds and are able to catch up quickiy. But most do not and they get fnistrated and lose interest in school. If they play sports then they are always lwking forward to doing that when they go to school instead of foçusing on their learning (Mr. Attah).

1 think children should be placed according to their standing not their age when they first arrive from Ghana. They can be re-evduated after a Semester or two, to see if they have adjusted properly to be in the same class as their age-group mates, then they can join them (Mrs. Akatsi).

Because of the tendency to place immigrant children according to age rather than abilities and because they corne to Canada not very well prepared, Ghanaian children often find themselves enrolled in 'general*rather than 'advanced' level courses, especially in English and maths. Children in pnrnary schools are usuaIly placed in ESL classes which often combined children from al1 different class levels.

This practice disturbs parents because they felt once the children are placed this way it is very difficult for them to get out of that designation and join the advanced level cIasses, and this lirnits their opportunities for university education. Keating and Oakes (1988) were of sirnilar view when they noted that assessrnent and placement begin a process of 'grouping and a tracking' practices which foreclose opportunities for enriched course work for minority children because they are systematically placed in low-ability, non-college-bound tracks.

You need to go to this high school in Etobicoke. The school is teeming with Ghanaian children who have been recommended to go there because they cannot handle the regular school. Sadly, al1 that they teach the children there are so-called vocational courses which include bakery, for the women, and carpentry for the men. Most of the Ghanaian children who go there are recent arrivals who were placed in age-defined classes and thus could not handle the course load (Mr. Agyemang).

Mr Agyemang's view was corroborated when 1 tdked to a teacher in the Etobicoke School Board system. He added that parents have the right to refuse to let their children go to this particular

school but most are not aware, so they readily accept recommendations that they enrol their children

at Central Etobicoke.

Ghanaian parents ovenvhelmingly preferred to "have theirchildren repeat a grade" rather than

proceed as normal and take remedial classes. The parents argued that remedial classes often do not

help the children and that "once they are behind, they almost always stay so" until they graduate

with poor grades or get fnistrated and drop out of the system. This attitudes of Ghanaian parents

agreed with Gien's (1992) conclusions in a study in Holland arnong Moroccan immigrant students.

The study confirmed that a year's transitional program for the new students was more effective than

placing the children in a regular class with remedial support.

However, the youth in the YFG interview, expressed a different opinion.

Lf you were placed in a class where the other kids are younger than you, you better pray that they do not find out about your real age. Because if they do, you are dead. They wilI not care to understand why you are not in an upper class. They will simply tease that you are a dummy that is why you are behind your age group mates (Youth, YFG Interview).

To the youth. the educational implications of their assessment and placement appear not to be an issue. They are more concemed with the reaction from other children and the effects that this might have on them, socially and psychologically. Issues surrounding the assessment and placement of Ghanaian children at various schools across Metro Toronto are contentious. What parents prefer is not what school boards practice, nor their children prefer. While parents believe that the practice of school boards is more detnmental to recent immigrant children, school boards appear firrn in

their belief that chiIdren lem best when they are placed in the sarne class as their peers.

7.4 Involvement at children's school Parents' involvement with their child's school take many forms and different levels of intensity. These include communicating with teachers; volunteering at school, acting as teachcrs'

aide, accompanying children and teachers on field trips and serving on cornmittees or school

councils. in Ontario, the percentage of parents who actively participate in their schools (attendcd

at lem two meetings or activities in a school year) is below 10 percent (OPC,1994: 46). In this

study it was revealed that only three families out of the fourteen, about 20 percent. actively

participated in their children's education at school, when "actively participate" was defined as

experiencing at least two forms of activities on a regular basis during the school year.

Cornmunicating with schook: The most common means of communication between the

parents and the schools is the newsletter. Al1 the parents in my survey had received at least one

newsletter during the year. The newsletter typically contained general information about what was

happening at the school, such as dates of forthcoming events or outings, items of Parent Teacher

Association (PTA) meetings, or news about staff changes. Atout half of Ghanaian parents in the

study felt that they needed help translating information that schools communicated to them through

the newsletter. These were parents with middle school and in a couple of instances, a secondary

school educational background. The parents who needed help with translation sometimes relied on

friends where convenient but most often just "did not bother to understand the information,"

thinking "if it was urgent or very important, the school will call."

Most often when my children bnng wntten materials from their school, 1keep them together in a file. When it is addressed to me personally, 1 try to read it but when it is one of those general information, 1do not bother because 1 know if it was very important the school will follow it up with a phone cal1 (Mrs. Pankese).

Individual schools in Toronto sometimes make arrangements for translations into first

ianguages of rninority groups where a need is identified. But, it appears it is the highly 'visible'

193 minority first languages such as Italian, Portuguese. Spanish. Greek and Hindi are the ones that get

translated, depending on where the school is Iocated. Minority languages of African students hardly

get any attention because parents have not been able to organize thernselves to make a collective

demand of such a service from schools. None of the parents who needed translation service had

made an individual effort to demand it. Reasons given for not rnaking schools aware of their

problem was mainly that they "did not know" that they could demand such a service. This feeling

appeared consistent with the findings of Langri and Tangri (1988) who noted that often minority

parents do not "know what to do next," believing that there was nothing more they could do to help

their children. This problems speaks to the need of schools and teachers to provide some guidance

to parents regarding the various ways and initiatives they (the parents) can take to maxirnize their

participation in their children's education. There is also a need for attention to be given to the

presentation of communication. Many of the handbooks, newsletters and written notices exarnined

for this study were not detailed and particularly informative.

Schools also communicated with parents through their children. In this shidy dl the

respondents had at Ieast on more than two occasions received verbal messages from their children

regarding notices that schools and teachers wanted the parents to be aware of. The parents found th is mode of communication more personal and effective.

It is good for teachers to send messages to us through Our children. When they give us oraI messages, we are able to ask a few questions to clarify the message. Unlike a written message which just talks to you wi thout taking back a question (Mr. Nartey).

But, the downside is sometirnes the children forgot the messages.

Mr oldest son is so forgetful, he forgets almost everything that his teacher telis hirn to pass on to us. So, right now 1 have developed a system of asking hirn "what did your teacher tell you to tell me" everyday he cornes home, even before he takes his coat off in the Winter. This has been helphil but sometimes he rcmemkrs that he was given a message but can't remember what it was. 1 make him cail one of his fiiends to get the message before 1cal1 the teacher the next day to clarify (Mrs. Kwakye).

The parents however noted that messages conceming activities where the children were

directly interested always got to them. These included reminders about field trips, parties. school

plays, fùnd raising through candy sales. or sporting activities. The parents agned that written

notices plus verbal reminders through their children was perhaps the best strategy for getting the

information from school to them.

Contact with teachers: Another form through which schools comrnunicated wi th families is

through parent's contact with teachers. In this study, about half of the families, within the past

school year, had fonnal and informal contact with teachers of theirchildren. Parent evening meeting

was the most common method through which teachers maintained contact with these parents. These

meetings were usually held about two or three times a year at the instigation of the a teacher. Many

parents fel t they were not given detailed information about their child's progress and how to help.

They said teachers messages were so predictable, it made them wonder whether there was any use

in attending such meetings. The most common message parents received from teachers at such

meetings was either their child was "doing welll*or was "fdling behind, and thus needed help."

1 have so far attended three parent-tacher meetings for my three children. These involved three different teachers in two schools but what they al1 said seemed similar. Al1 of them told me that my "child could do better with extra help and close supervision." The teachers al1 offered to help if 1was having problems helping my children at home. It appears as if they recite their responses from a common book (Mrs. Mohammed).

The parents preferred parent teacher meetings to focus on strategies that parents can use in either helping their children either irnprove on, or sustain, their performance. But, according to one parent, since the time assigneci for such meetings. usually 15 minutes, is not adequate, teachen are forced to rush through their presentations.

Bedsides parent-teacher meetings, parents' contact with teachers were regularly prompted by a problem that their children get into at schwl. Here the parents appeared to be agreeing with

Swap's ( 1993) conc!usions that schools tend to contact parents "only during crisis situations." In this study i t was equally true that Ghanaian parents contacted teachers when there was a problem the parents felt they could not handle al1 by themselves. Out of the number of parents who had maint ai ned contact with their children' s schools, more than half reporteci that their contact had on more than one occasion been prompted by a problem that their children got into. The parents frequen tly mentioned 'disciplinary problems', 'tmancy' and 'failure to do orcomplete assignments' as the most common problems that got them invited into the schools of their children.

There was a time that my teenage son after king absent from school for 46 days within a school year was threatened with suspension, 1just went to the school and begged the Principal to give him another chance and he did. If 1hadn 't gone to the school, well, we know what would have happened (Mrs. Nimo).

Parents who had never maintained any contact with the school of their children had reasons that ranged from "time constraints" and a "feeling that everything was okay". One parent said she stopped calling her son's teacher after king told a couple of times that everything was "okay".

My son is so hardworking he does not want to miss school. He does not want me to work in the afternoon shift because no one will help him do his homework. His father does not help. 1 visited the schooI to talk to the teacher. When 1said that 1 could not corne to the meeting as scheduled, the teacher said don't worry about coming to see me because your son is very okay. 1 don? have any problem with him (Mrs. Gyamfi).

Another parent confided she did not think it was "necessary to contact a teacher when

196 everything appeared fine." The parents an usually satisfied with remarks by teachen such as

"don't wony, everything is okay" with your child. and believe asking further questions would be interpreted as king 'distrustful of the teacher's judgement'.

My job is to prepare my children well for school and go off to work so that they can have sornething on the table to eat. A teacher's job is to teach the children while 1am at work. If 1 started going to see the teacher even when there is no problem to talk about, wouldn't they see me as a troublesome parents who is interferkg with their job? (Mrs. Pankese).

Mrs. Pankese's feeling is widely supported by Ghanaian parents, even though they overwhelmingly supported parent involvement prograrns. To most of the parents, the most important role for them in the education of their children is to prepare them for school and make sure that they do their school work.

Some of the parents appeared intimidated by teachers. They said if they shouid initiate contact with the teachers of their children where there was no pressing problem to discuss, they "better had something intelligent to talk about," else, they will appear "stupid" to the teacher. The parents appeared very conscious of the fact that teachers' views of them could "affect the teachers' views and relationship with their children." So, as it appeared, keeping their distance from teachers was a strategy to "mask their inadequacies", so as to protect their children from possible teachers' negative feelings (which may be a spi11 over of teachers' feelings about they, the parents, themselves).

The parents generally saw as positive regular informai communications between them and teachers. especially when things needed to be straightened out before they got out of hand. But, the limited contact between parents and the teachers of their children meant that opportunities for exchanging information and working together in partnership were lost. Visif to child's cfassroom: Ali the Ghanaian parents in the interview had only a limited

knowledge of what goes on in their children's classroom, and so found it difficult to comment on

w hat thei r chi ldren was currentl y king taught or about rnethods king used. The parents appeared

reluctant to visit their children's classrooms. They generally could not anticipate how their visit to

their children's classrooms might help their children.

1 believe going to Our children's classrooms will be a distraction. 1can imagine al1 the other children spying at you and debating in their minds what is this guy doing here? I am also sure the other children will tease your child, probably pester him with al1 kinds of questions and this might upset him (Mr.Gyedu).

Parents remember their own educational experiences in Ghana, where education officers often

came into class to 'check on' how teachers taught their classes. They remembered how such visits

made their teachers nervous, while at the same time, making them uncharacteristically "stick to the

text". Ghanaian parents felt they might appear like 'education officers' if they should demand to

go and sit in. in their children's classes.

1 think going to see a principal or a teacher privately to discuss a problem or a concern is okay. But, going to sit in your chiIdTsclassroom is a bit too much. 1 would appear as if 1 do not trust the teaching of the teacher and that 1 want to make sure he is doing the right thing. 1 do not believe the teacher will appreciate such an intrusion (Mrs. Nimo).

Besides, they felt teachers might respond to their visit the same way their teachers responded

years ago in Ghana, and that might not be helpful to their children. The youth in the YFG interview

similarly expressed a sense of complete surprise that anyone would even suggest that their parents

come to si t in at their classes. They argued that they do not find any parent in their classroom, hence

their parents would be totalIy out of place should they visit their classrooms.

It will be very embarrassing to have your mom or dad come and sit in your class. The other

198 kids will tease you that you are king babied (Youth, YFG Interview).

Even though Ghanaian parents had their own inhibitions about visiting the classrooms of their

children, teachers did not help as none of the parents reported receiving an invitation to corne and

sit in on a class. It would appear that the ignorance of Ghanaian parents about the benefit of visiting

their children's classrooms and the reluctance of teachers to invite them have contributed to the

parents' complete lack of knowledge about what goes on in their children's classrooms.

Vdunfeering:Parents also participate in the education of their children at the school site level by

volunteering to help out in diverse ways. Parents can volunteer as translators, teachers aides, tour

guides. lunch room supervisors or help out at the library. Also, the parents could be heIpful where

adults are needed to offer a better insight into the family circumstances and problems of minority

children who are new to a school.

In spite of the usefulness of parents in the school as volunteers, none of parents in this study

had within the past year offered hisher services as a volunteer, even though the majority of the

parents admit ted to receiving requests from schools. The parents said they are unable to honor such

requests for two main reasons. The most frequentl y cited reason was "tirne constraints". This reason

was offered by parents who felt that they were competent and confident enough to go into schools

and volunteer their services. But, as noted by Fruchter, Galletta and White (1992)' for minority

parents often basic survival, child care and health needs often interfere with their participation in

school events.

It is very hard to combine working long hours and going to volunteer at school. Most of the time when you get home from work, you are so tired you only think about sleep. Sometimes, 1 sleep in the sofa because 1 am too tired to do anything eise after work (Mrs. Akatsi). However, the majority of the parents, were reluctant to volunteer at the schools of their

children because of a feeling of "inadequacy" and "uneasiness", and "net feeling cornfortable."

These parents felt self-conscious about their lirnited English language skills and did not want to go

and "embarras themselves and their children."

When 1 talk to my child's teacher or even the secretary at the office, there is always a misunderstanding because they don? undentand the way 1 speak my English. It is always "pardon me" or "excuse me" or "could you repeat that." Even when we appear to have had a common understanding, we would realize later that something was not well understood and because of that a date bas been missed or a piece of information not acted on- I don't wmt to go to the school and have al1 the children stare at me because 1 don't understand nothing (MmFelli).

My study shows that the feeling of 'inadequacy' is real among Ghanaian parents and it is a

big contributory factor to the lack of regular contact between the parents and teachers. Liontas

( 199 1 ) reached similar conclusions when he noted that many parents perceive themselves as less

knowledgeable than teachers and avoid what they think will be embarrassing exchanges. Also,

restrictions on the time available to parents is a major contributory factor to the lack of frequent

meeting between teachers and parents. Whereas the former reason is offered more by parents with

limi ted education, the latter reason is given by those who are confident that they can go into schools

and volunteer their services.

Serving on SC~OO~councifs: Another way through which a parent can become involved in a

schooi is to become a member of the provincially mandated school council. School councils are

supposed to replace PTAs and aim at shifting parent involvement from a passive relationship to a

more active.

None of the participants in this study had had an experience serving on a school council,

200 although two parents had previously served as KAmembers. According to these parents, their experience with PTAs was not pleasant, hence their reluctance to join any school council. One participant felt that the Anglo-saxon parents with whom she worked on a project were very

"condescending and talked down to her." She complained of not king cornfortable with teachers and other parents because they appeared "to know everything and were not prepared to listen to opposing arguments." This finding is supported by Heath ( 1983) who observed in her study that lower class cultures of both black and white families are at odds with the middle class culture of the school hence there is a difficulty in communication when the two groups are brought together.

This parent noted that parents of the mainstream culture brought to meetings at the school were often of less interest to her.

It was pretty hard being the only black woman attending PïA meetings at my child school. I reaIized that 1 could care less about what the other members were concerned with such as school maintenance, security etc, 1was more concerned about incidents of racism and Ivoiced that out on a few occasions. But being one person in a sea of white faces, 1 couldn't get far with my concerns, so what did T do, you may ask, 1 stopped (Mrs. Bonsu).

AIso the style used by parents of the mainstrearn culture to pursue reforms in the schools could be alienating for Ghanaian parents. In Ghana, women are not known to be very militant and political about issues conceming education. Therefore. the Ghanaian parent found the militancy of white Anglo-saxon women members of the PTA quite unsettling.

There was one instance where we agreed to go and protest provincial budget cuts to education. initially, 1 agreed to join the protest but later changed my rnind because 1 was concerned about my friends seeing me on television and thinking 1 probably have nothing better to do with my time (Mrs. Felli).

Another participant reported of an incident when she felt reaily insulted by a white woman w ho thought she (the Ghanaian) had made a stupid suggestion. We were having a discussion on how to mise funds to hefp send some children to camp the following Summer. I suggested that we find one week-end and together with our children find a spot and wash cm.Probably, the idea of adults washing cars did not sit well with her, but instead of saying her mind, she murmured something under her breath and looked at me me as if 1 had made the most ridiculous suggestion she had ever heard (Mrs. Gyamfi).

It is evident in this study that most Ghanaian parents have no experience with school-level governance. Their participation in their children's education seems to have ken limited to individud efforts that are made to connect with teachers and schools. This finding confirms observations made by the OPC's (1994) which concluded that although most parents do not participate, parents who were least involved were minority and disadvantaged parents. In response, the OPSB A ( 1 994, March) suggested that school councils be established to reflect local initiatives, efforts and flexibility.

Influencing students' out-of-school learning

Influencing children's out-of-school learning can take three main forrns. The first is directly participating in the learning of the child such as helping with homework and other assignments. The second is providing learning resources or environment to aid the child's Iearning, for example, providing a library and a quiet place for Iearning in the house. The third form is monitoring how the child uses hislher tirne, such as controlling the amount of television watched and disciplinary practices. Walberg's (1984a: 25) theory of "the cumculum of the home," emphasizes the importance of out school learning to children. Participation in chiïdren's outsf-school learning

Reading: Even though al1 the parents in this study acknowledged that it was important for children

to read more often, they found it difficult to put their belief into practice. The study revealed that

very few parents made it a practice to encourage their children to read at home.

When 1 tell the children to read, 1 have to be physically present at al1 times to ensure their cornpliance. Sometimes, they try to read while the tv is on. 1always have to remind them to turn off the tv because one cannot combine tv with reading, but this falls on deaf ears most often (Mrs. Kwakye).

The parents said their children tend to resist reading because of television and computer

games. Parents with children in the elementary schools, however, said that they are able to read to

their children at night before the children go to sleep and that the children enjoyed king read to.

Some parents admitted their inability to help their children read.

It is difficult for me to help my children in their reading. Sometimes they ask you the meaning of a word and if you are unable to tell them, but ask them to consult a dictionary, they get discouraged. I wish I had enough education to be able to help them (Mrs. Nimo).

Ghanaian parents agreed that reading at home is not an idea that the Ghanaian education

system engenders in children. Thus, it is an alien concept to most Ghanaian parents and their

children who have recently arrived from Ghana.

Home Work:. Walberg (1984) estimated that homework that is graded and commented upon can

have three times the effect the socioeconomic status has on learning. Walberg (1991) again

discovered in a survey of 1 1 countries that those whose students averaged the most homework (8

to 9) per week also had the highest test scores. Unlike reading, al1 the parents are aware that their children should come home with 'home

work' and they, the parents, are expected to ensure that the children do their homework. The

majority of the parents were however not satisfied with the amount of home work that the children

brought home. And while most parents said they are able to help their children in the

elementary school system, only a third reponed that they were able to help their children in

secondary schools with their home work.

It is easy to help the children with their home work when they are in the primary or junior high schoots. When they move on to secondary school, the subjects become more difficult. Besides, they become more stubborn and diffscult to supervise their work habits ( Mr. Nartey).

Further. a few of the parents said they frequently ask for help from someone or a group within

the community to help their children with their home work. The parents get help from fnends and relatives and through privately organized extra classes and church 'home work clubs'.

A homework club started by rny church is working very well for the kids. 1 can see some improvement already in their attitude to doing home work. 1 guess the fact that they get to socialize with other Ghanaian children makes them eager to goto the club on a regular basis (Mrs. Gyamfi).

The parents complained that sometimes the children leave their home work in their locker and lie about not being given homework. The youth in the study agreed that tbey hated doing homework and sometimes, "did not take their work with them home and lied about it." So parents may not actually know how much homework is given their children. The parents are also aware that their children can go for help from their teachers with their home work, but, the children are often reluctant to approach their teachers. The parents acknowledge that they have an equal responsibility to cal1 a teacher and ask if their child was given home work or not, but they are reluctant to do so because they do not want to appear distrusthi1 of theirchildren. The parents however prefer teachen

to notify them immediately it becomes evident that their children had not done their homework.

My study of how parents influence the leaming habits of their children at home points to a

struggle between the parents and the children. There is also a conflict between the parents'

willingness to help their children and their ability to do so, especially as the children get older.

Inf2uencing children 's linguistic develupment: Parents taking an interest in their

child's activities and talking about them seems to be an important factor in enhancing student

achievement for both high and low achievers. Clark's (1983) study of low achievers' homes

observed that parents found time for television, "but seldom hold farnily dialogues, except during

arguments" (p. 1 95).

The finding of this study is consistent with Clark's conclusion. Many parents, when at home,

do not hold conversation with their children on a regular basis. The parents admitted that they tend

to be preoccupied with the telephone talking to friends and relatives over long hours. The parents

appear to talk to their children when the children are kinggiven "instructions" about house chores

or when the children are king "reprimanded for unruly behavior.

The children, especially the teenagers feel we are behind times and that even though we are their parents, they do not share much in common with us. It is dificult to hold any conversation with a group of people who think you are different because you do not understand some of the things they do (Mr.Senyo).

The children also tend to communicate more with their peers than their parents. One youth put it this way:

Parents are boring. There is not a whole lot that you and them can talk about. They are constantty telling you "you can't do this" and "you can't do that", but they are unable to give you a very good reason why they are telling you that (Youth, YFG Interview). Another issue that influences the learning of children is their linguistic development. The majority of the parents described their children's English language proficiency as king average to above average. According to the parents, the length of time that the children had been in Canada was a very decisive determinant of the level of linguistic proficiency of the children. Thus, those children who were either born in Canada or have been in Canada for periods over 5 years were descnbed as having little or no difficulty in self-expression in English language. Parents reported that they frequently corrected their children when they used words and sentences inappropriately.

The majority of the parents recognized the importance to ensure that their children were competent in both English and their native Ghanaian language.

1 think it is important that we let our children know our Ghanaian language. It is part of who they are, their identity and heritage. Other communities are very successfiil in making their children bilingual or sometimes tri-lingual and I think we should do the sarne. 1 syrnpathize wi th Ghanaian children who cannot speak any Ghanaian language because of their parents' neglect (Mr. Attah).

But the parents, however, recognize a 'dilemma' inherent by their need to inculcate in their children their Ghanaian dialect while ensuring the children's proficiency in English language.

It is very difficult to help your child develop his language skills in English while at the sarne time you want hirn to know your Ghanaian language. Unlike some parents, 1 am very interested that my child learns my language. But it is very difficult. Sometimes, it get so confusing you just cannot help but to mix the two languages up, and I think that slows the children's developrnent in any of the two languages (Mm.Felli).

Over half of the parents believed that the usage of a Ghanaian dialect and English at home affected their children's proficiency in the English language.

1 think speaking both a Ghanaian language and English to your child slows him down. 1

206 noticed that in our last two children who were unable to construct complete sentences in either English nor our Ghanaian language until they were three years old, unlike our other two children who were bom in Ghana and could speak our language very well when they were a little over two years (Mr. Senyo).

Here, the parents agreed with deficit thinking analysis that proposes that a bilingual home environment is predominantly a retarding factors in the development of verbal (English) ability in children. Consistent with this belief, these parents refrained from developing bilingualism in their children. The common explanation the parents give for this practice is that they do not want to

'confuse' the children by making them switch back and forth from English to the Ghanaian language as they (the children) shuttle between the home and the school. The parents operated on the assumption that competency in the English language without undue interference from an African language would enhance the academic achievements of their children.

Surprisingly, some of the parents who resort to this behavior and justiQ it with the above excuse are themselves barely literate in English. So, this leaves one wondenng which is more confusing to the child, shuttling between two distinct languages- the language of the school and the language of the home- or shuttling between two versions of the same language- non-standard and standard English.

Another common practice within the Ghanaian community is the inconsistency with which

Ghanaian parents consciously or unconsciously influence the language development of their children. For example, some parents speak their Ghanaian mother tongue to their children who would then respond in English and vice versa. One Ghanaian youth in the Youth Focus Interview noted: Most often when my mom speaks to my brother in 'Twi' and he responds in English, she does not remind him to always tespond to her in 'Twi' and not in English. Well, sornetimes she does but she is not consistent, so he takes it for granted that he can speak English at home and get away with it (most of the time anyway) (Youth, YFG interview).

My study of how parents mediate the language development of their children within the

Ghanaian community reveals a conflict which is often encountered by immigrant groups as they

struggle to integrate properly into their new society, by learning new things and adopting new

values, while preserving some aspects of their old country. Ghanaians appear to be tom between

enhancing English language abilities of their children as well as instilling in them their (parents')

Ghanaian mother tongue. While some parents are able to do both, the vast majority believe in

sacrificing their mother tongue for English language.

Religious development: Religious worship is very important to Ghanaian parents. Ghanaian

parents who practiced their religion and their children regularly attended church services or the

mosque together as a family. The parents believed that religious involvement had a positive effects

on their children. They noted that even though they occasionally had disciplinary problems with

their children, they felt the situation could have been worse had it not been their regular religious

practices.

Whenever there is a problem with Our daughter, 1 cd1 our Pastor who readily responds by coming to talk with her. Usually, after each talk, she stays trouble-free for a month or two and then we start dl over again. But, 1 can't imagine what might have happened if our Pastor had not been around to offer this help (Mrs. Gyamfi).

The parents noted that through admonitions from their religious leaders in counseling

sessions, and school related activities that their religious sect organize for parents and children, the children are 'buffered against temptations within the larger society" and thus stay a littie focus.

The academic relevance of religious bodies is also king highlighted now. Four of the families

belonged to churches where "home work clubs" have been fomed. The clubs draw on the diverse

expertise of adult members of the church to help the children with their homework and other school

assignments where their parents are not able to help. In a study among African Arnencans, Bright

(1992) found that family church attendance correlated strongly with children's academiç

achievernent. A parent's reaction supported this view of a relationship between religious practices

and acadernic achievement.

Indiscipline and disruptive behavior account for the poor performance of many Ghanaian children, and since Our church helps in removing this barrier, we have less problem do deal with in order to get the children ready for schooling. So we would like to think our church is helping in Our children's education. We can't imagine what would have happened without Our church (Rev. Lamptey).

Although parents could not establish any direct link between their children's school

performance and their families religious practices, they have a belief that religion and moral

development have the potential to help theirchildren stay focused in school and concentrate on their

Iearning. The parents believe instilling religion in their children heips the children cope with

pressures and withstand distractions that may affect their learning.

Engenden'ng positive &tude towards ethnicity: Racial identity and its relation to school

achievement has been explored in studies among African American children. Some of the findings

suggested that parents of successful African American children placed more emphasis on pnde in

racial heritage, positive attitude towards ethnicity, and racial-social awareness than do parents of

less successful students (Bowman & Howard, 1985). Al1 theGhanaian parents in this study reported not making any special effort to educate their children about race relations in Canada, They felt that

it was the job of schools to teach children to "get dong" with one another.

We tell our children to feei proud as blacks and not to let what other people Say get to them. But, it will surprise you COfind out that these kids know more about king proud as blacks than some of us parents. 1 think their interaction with other black kids who have been here longer helps them identify and talk about some of these racial stuff (Mr. Gyedu).

Al1 the respondents reported that they often use highly publicized news bulletin involving

black people to educate their children about their status and social and cultural location within

Canada. Such talks often ended in the form of an advice to do children "to do the right thing and

not get into trouble with the law." Also, about a third of the parents noted that when they 'stumble'

on a piece of good news about Africa or black people in general they made sure they told their

children about it.

Whenever the picture of a black criminal is plastered al1 over the media, we try to teach the children that there are criminal elements in every racial or cultural group, and that they should not feei that because they are black they must be criminals as some people in Canada will make you feel. Equally, when we stumble on a piece of news concerning an achievement by a black person, we let them know about it (Mr. Senyo).

The parents, however, generally admitted that they did not know very much about how to

actively attempt to influence the self-esteem of their children beyond the few and far in between

teachable moments.

Discipline: Consistent with views expressed about school discipline, parents are very particular

about strict code of conduct for their children at home.

The North American culture makes it difficult to instill discipline in your children We use disciplinary methods such as the withdrawai of allowance and grounding, just like any regular family. They do not seem to work but what alternative do we have? (Mrs. Kwakye). i used to threaten our children that should they get into trouble, they will be sent back to Ghana to go and Iive with their grand parents. This worked for a while until they becarne older and real ized that they can corne back to Canada on their own should they be sent back to Ghana (Mrs. Akatsi).

The problems that Ghanaian children frequently got into included talking back at parents,

insubordination, refusal to do house chores, lying, staying out late and in limited cases stealing from parents. The parents generally agreed that they face a difficult task raising children in Canada

because disciplinary methods and sanctions are so soft children take advantage to rnisbehave.

Monitoring children's use of out-of-school time

Perhaps the greatest challenge that Ghanaian parents face as they try to monitor their children's use of out-of-school time is how to control the arnount of television the children watch.

Television viewing is not necessarily detrimental to learning. For instance, television helps children

lem vocabulary learn vocabulary as well as increase their understanding of the surrounding world.

1 used the popular British children's show "Teletubbies" to teach my two year old boy phrases such as "big hug", "let's do it again" and words Iike "rabbit", "windmill" and so on. But, problem arises

when television watching becomes excessive. Postman (1986), for example, has observed that

television, with its emphasis on visual scenes to provide information with frequent commercial

interruptions, discourages development of sustained and critical thinking skills.

Ali the parents in this study reported having problems with their children as far as watching television is concemed. The parents reported that their children watch between five and seven hours of television everyday, when school is in session, and between eight to twelve hours each day on the week-ends or during holidays. Most of the parents also reported having more than one television set in the house, with some installed in their children's bcùrooms. This was to prevent incessant quarrels, most often between siblings and sometimes between the parents and the children, over who is to watch what and when. But, television presented a mixed blessing to many of the parents. Some parents believe that television helped their children who had just come from Ghana improve their English language proficiency.

Before our children arrived, we were told by a friend that television really helps children from Ghana improve their use of the English language. Since the children Iiveà with their grandparents in the village and attended public schools, their English was really bad as we could tell from their letters to us. So when they came it did not bother us at al1 that they were watching television al1 the time. We even thought it helped them improve their English, but we are not sure if it was worth it. Right now, they would not do anything, nothing, except to eat and watch television. It is our fault, we should have known that they needed some control (Mr. Gyedu).

Some parents valued the television for its 'babysitting* function: As a single mother, sometimes you cannot help but to be grateful that the tetevision is there to take the attention of your child away from you for a while, especially when you are very hard pressed for tirne. 1have a five year old son who follows me around the house most of the time, most often holding on to my skirt or whatever 1 am wearing. This is very inconvenient sornetimes when you need something done quickly. But, when his favorite television show cornes on 1 am temporarily freed to do what 1 had ken trying to do al1 day (Mrs. Bonsu).

However, al1 the parents acknowledged that it is very difficult to control their children's habit

of watching television. A frequently mentioned solution has ken "self-denial", that is, parents

del i beratel y disconnecting their cable service to reduce the number of channels their children can

access, thus limiting the arnount of television the children can watch. Others mentioned that they

allow their children to watch no more than three hours of television a day and that they try to

enforce this regulation. But the parents admitted that since they cannot be home with the children

al1 the time, it is almost impossible to enforce this rule, if the children do not want to corporate. Some parents reduce their children's access to television in general.

My son is so crafty, he learned to watch television after we had gone to bed by tuming off the volume. 1caught him one day watching television at 2:ûû AM so I removed the set from the living room to Our bed room. I had to take this drastic measure in order to control his addiction to television (Mr. Agyemang).

When 1 disconnected our cable service, I was surprised to find out that my children could still access over twelve stations which they watched frequently. But, because the picture was a bit snowy, 1 thought they would give up watching television, but they did not. After about a month 1became worried that the bad picture from the television might damage their eyesight so 1 got the cable back. Sometimes, there is nothing you can do but to give up (Mrs. Pankese).

Most of the parents in this study appeared helpless in dealing with their children's addiction to television. They sounded as if they had accepted the fact that the problem was a North American phenornenon very few can control. The parents made the observation that concerning their children who grew up in Ghana before coming to Canada, the realization that they can watch television around the clock, a service that is not available in Ghana, initially intrigues them, and their attempt to explore what is available and at what times leads to their eventual addiction.

Even though Ghanaian parents in the study admitted that their children were addicted ro watching television, only a third of the parents said the kinds of programs that their children watched frequently were educationally enriching. The popular television stations of the children

included the Discovery Channel, Public Television Station (PBS), T.V. Ontario, the Learning

Channel and CNN. Concerning individual television programs, the most popular among Ghanaian children included quiz prograrns such as Jeop, leopardy and Wheel of fortune, documentaries such

as Nature of Things, 60 minutes, Dateline and Market Place; and news programs. In ali cases, the

parents noted that they engendered their children 's interest in these television stations and programs. Another difficulty Ghanaian parents face in monitoring children's use of out-of school time concems video arcade games or the children's tendency to hang out at neighborhood malls with friends. This is a particular problem with hi& school teenagers, particularly the boys. Many parents in this study expressed experiencing the problem of controlling their children's movements after school. The problem is particularly acute for single-parent homes and dual-parent homes where both parents work a 9-5 AM shift. Since the parents are almost always away from home when the children return from school, the children "just take off' with fnends to go and "hang out" at the malls.

I am always very concerned that something might happen to my boy when he goes to those video arcade game rooms or the mails with his friends. Most often it is difficult to tell who he is hanging out with, whether they are not going to talk him into doing some stupid thing, like shoplifting or fights. 1 believe 1 have done a good job teaching him to know the right from the wrong but in this society you cannot predict many things, so 1 worry very much (Mr. Attah).

Some parents attempt to deal with this problem by giving their children house chores before they leave for work and the children leave for school. This, according to the parents, ensures that the children stay at home and not roam the malls. Others make frequent calls at home to check whether their children are back from school and are at home, even if the children are doing nothing but 'watching tv' or 'playing video garnes'.

The parents appeared not to expect their children to be self-motivated in their studies while they (the parents) are away at work. The parents are just happy to have the children stay at home and not roam the streets. This is a function of a combination of many factors: the parents' distrust for their neighborhoods and their children's fnends and also the parents' lack of awareness of the kinds of educationally enriching activities that they can utilize to occupy the children's time while they are away at work..

7.5.3 Providing educational resources and opportunities

Educational resources at home have been determined to be very important to children's

learning. These resources include both human and matenal inputs that promote learning. While

some resources may not be available to families, research has shown that academic achievement

is related to other resources that are available to al1 fdes.

Educational materials and resources at home: A number of studies have shown the

importance to achievement of having books and other reading materials in the home. The Reading

Report Card (NIE, 1985) notes that relationships between available reading materials and reading

proficiency are as notable as those for level of parent education. Parents in the study generaliy did

not have a library at home. Only one family kept a library that was usefùl to their children. in fact,

they expected their children to bring books from their schools.

However, i t is now becoming ppular within the Ghanaian community for parents to purchase

computers for their children. While it appears easy to purchase a computer, it is often very difficult

for the parents to ensure that they are used for educational purposes. in this study, two-thirds of the

families had computers at home but only one-third reported that their children frequently used the

cornputer for school work. This is because most parents have a limited understanding of computers.

One parent realized that, for a long time, al1 that his 12 year old son was using his computer for was

to play video games. Due to lack of knowledge about computers, she had no clue as to what her son

had been up to until a farnily friend who is computer literate visited one day and remindeci her that

215 the stash of software prograrns in her son's collection were video games and not for his school work

as he had told his mother in the past. Another participant who faced a similar situation but was able

to detect it sooner now supervises suictly how his 16 year old son uses his computer. But, even he

conceded, "1 cannot be home around the clock SG, honestly, 1 couldn't tell if he plays his games

while 1 am away or not, but 1 think he will and he does." Many Ghanaian parents need help with

unders tanding the educational value of computers before they purchase one for their children. They

need help with buying software that will help improve the academic standards of their children.

They need to learn themselves how to explore the Internet so as to be able to help their children use

that tool and resource for their assignments and projects.

Visifs fo Educational Resource Centers: Access to libraries and museums can support

children's learning. As Heyns (1978) found, both proximity to, and regular use of, a library were

correlates of summer learning or achievement. Both variables were to some extent proxies for

number of books read or time spent reading. Al1 the participants reported to be aware of a library

fairly close to their residence and that they do encourage theirchildren to go to the library regularly.

With regards to esconing their children to the library, four factors were important: 1) age and grade

level of child: 2) grade level of the child when compared to the educational level of the parent(s);

3) parents' awareness of the importance of library use; 4) time constraints. In al1 cases, parents'

inability or unwillingness to accompany children to the library resulted from a combination of two

or more reasons. For example, while a parent may feel that hisher child was old enough to go to

the li brary unaccompanied, the parent's educationa! background was also a factor in how confident

he/she felt about going to the library to help the child pick books or share the experience as a family.

Very few of the parents reported taking their children to the Royal Ontario Museum, the

Ontario Science Center or the Metro Zoo. Rather, amusement parks were reported as popular sites

for outings for Ghanaian parents and their children. Those parents who have tried taking their

children on such tours have realized their educational value.

After two trips to the Royal Ontario Museum, my 10 year old son became so interested in dinosaurs he made me buy him a book about dinosaurs and other extinct animals. After only three months of reading the book he was able to recite from memory al1 the different dinosaurs. 1had always thought there was only one dinosaur until Our trip to the ROM and subsequent lectures by my son. (Mrs. Kwakye).

But, parents do not generdly associate museums, zoos and science centers as relevant to their

children's learning. This findings may not be shocking since in Ghana schools hardly encourage

children to visi t such places for educational purposes. We seem to think that what takes place in the

classroom and reinforced at home is the most important aspect of schooling.

7.6 Differences in levels of involvement

The level of involvement of Ghanaian parents in the education of their children is mediated

by the grade level of their children. It appeared that parents of young children in pnmary schools

participated more in the education of theirchildren than parents of high school children. Even where

Ghanaian parents had children in a primary and a high school at the same time, they tended to be

more involved with the primary than the secondary school. This finding is supported by Epstein

(1 986) and Carnegie Task Force (1989) who noted that parent participation diminishes from the

upper elementary years on and is almost non-existent in middle level schools.

My teenage daughter told me flatly that she did not want to see me at her school. She said if 1 did come to school she will be teased by her friends because it would appear as if 1 was 'babysitting' her. She even went far to Say if 1came to her school she will refuse to acknowledge that she is my daughter (Mrs. Pankese).

While Our child in elementary school tells us everything, the others in high schwl and junior high school hardly discuss anything with us except when it involves money, buying things for school or for an activity. 1 don't think they want us around their xhools. But my little one doesn't mind. In fact her teacher is also very welcoming (Mn.Mohammed)-

It is easier for parents to develop some foms of relationship with elementary schools and teachers because typically they deal with only one teacher at a time so this allows for an extended period through which a relationship could be developed between them and teachers. This contrast with what obtains in the high schools where due to subject specialization, a student can have as many as four teacher within a semester. The fact that parents have to deai with several teachers within a school year makes it difficult for the parents to establish any meaningful relationship with any one of them.

Secondly, parents of al1 educational backgrounds find it relatively easier to participate in the education of their elementary schooi children because they are able to help the children with their school work and other learning opportunities. Besides, because the children at this level are still young and relative1y 'unaffected' by peer pressure and popular culture, which tend to draw a wedge between Ghanaian youth and their parents, they tend to be doser to the parents.

The levcl of parent involvement in Ghanaian children's education is also affected by gender.

In this study, it was discovered that more women than men participated in the education of their children. Out of the 16 parents interviewed from 14 families, nine were women while seven were men. This is partly due to the higher number of single-parent households headed by females as opposed to those headed by men. In dual-parent households, it appeared both men and women were equaily involved in the education of their children. This latter finding contradicted the observation

that mothers more than fathers assumed primary responsibility in their children's education

(Lightfoot, 1978; Lareau, 1989). This may be the case because previous studies concentrated on

rniddle-class families where the men generally went out to work while the women stayed home to

raise the children. In Ghanaian homes where there are two parents, very few can afTord the luxury of having one parent stay at home, hence the contradictory result that this study shows conceming the participation rate of fathers and mothers.

However, it is generally true that within the Ghanaian community, and on the aggregate, it appears the responsibility for the education of children is increasingly be borne by schools and women more so than men due to the high incidence of female-headed single parent homes.

Dealing with children's experience with racism

Ghanaian children because of their race and ethnicity have been thrust into a society where the cards are stacked against them. Ghanaian parents are aware that theirchildren experience racism and discrimination at school. The parents reported that their children experience ail kinds of racist incidents from both teachers and students, and this affect their children's learning. The youth confirrned during the interview that Ghanaian children are teased and called al1 sorts of narnes by other students. A parent narrated a racist experience that her new immigrant son experienced.

When our son came over and started schooi, he said one day in the lunch room a group of white kids sitting close to him started talking about blacic people. One of them asked "do you know why Isaac Hayes, the blind musician, is laughing al1 the time" and then he said "it is because he doesn't know that he is black." My son said he was laughing with the white kids, thinking it was a good joke. He obviously did not make anything out of it until he came home and was telling his sister about it. 1 overheard him and explained to him that what the boy said was racist and bad and that the next time anyone told a joke like that in his presence he should go and report it to a teacher or the principal (Mrs. Akatsi).

There were situations where Ghanaian parents perceived that their children were singled-out for

unequal treatment by teachers.

My son told me that he and two other white friends were standing in the corridor just chatting. A teacher walked by and pointing to a piece of garbage lying close to the boys, ordered my son to pick it up because he threw it there. When my son refused because he according to hirn, he didn't do it, he was sent to the Principal's office. 1 know rny son is a little heady but 1 believed him when he told me that he didn't do it ( MT.Attah).

Surprisingly, the youth in the YFG study told me that they perceived their teachers to be fair

to al1 students. Three of the five youth argued that most often teachers' reaction to black students

were often invited by the behavior of the students themselves. This view was reflected in a

comment such as this:

In any of the classes in my school, the rnost troublesome students tend to be blacks. You need to corne and see how these students act up- listening to music with their Walkman tape while a teacher teaches, chewing gum so loud everyone hears it, and quarreling loudly in front of a teacher. Sometimes, you just cannot blame the teachers for how they respond to our 'brothers'and 'sisters' (Youth, YFG Interview).

Another youth saw the problem differently,

1 do not think biack kids necessariiy act up. 1think they just try to be thernselves but often we, and especially white teachers, do not understand them and that is why there is always a confiict between them and teachers (Youth, YFG Interview).

The parents beiieve their children are routinely given poorer grades than theirchildren deserve

or 'streamed' into skill training programs, and sports,especially basketball. Litany of stories abund

to show the kinds of invidious ways through which schools and teachers 'tempt' unsuspecting black

students and get them hooked on to a particular sports at the expense of their academic program. According to one parent. when a school basketbail coach first saw his 6ft 3in boy his reaction was

"this kid will be good for our basketball program." nie boy was ail too happy to narrate the experience to the parent. And even though the parent was thrilled to imagine his son becoming a top big money making athlete. he was mindful of the fact that the road to such stardom is so bumpy and that most often the dream ended with a disappointed youth who is neither a top athlete nor a graduate. The sentiment of most parents was expressed thus:

It is a common place in the education system for black children to be stereotyped and labeled. Tt is wrong for the school culture to pre-judge and label black students, or any student, even before they are given the chance to prove that they are as gdstudents as Say, whites or Chinese. It is wrong because labeling and stereotyping rob black children of their selfesteem and motivation to succeed. Even for adults, if you are constantly told that "you can't" "you can't", you end up believing that "you just can't*'. As it is now, black children go through a tremendous amount of pressure just to prove that "they can" and most often they are so ovenvhelmed by the "you can't" messages they give up (Mrs. Mohammed).

A few of the parents reported that whenever a racist incident involving their children is reported to them, they make sure they either cal1 school authorities or go to the school themselves to get an explanation, as well as offer their views. A parent reported of refusing to heed a

Principal's cal1 to have his son transferred ta a vocational school because the Principal felt that he was struggling and could not make it. The parent said that he knew his son could be a good student but was just too playful to take his lessons seriously. But then he felt the school did not even try to help his son because the Principal's ready-made answer had ken to ship 'poor students' to that particular vocational school. While many parents had willingly obeyed the Principal, out of ignorance that they could object to his request, this parent decided to challenge him by refusing to take his advice. And to help his son, he hired a private tutor who actually succeeded in improving his son's grades. The majority of the parents felt that they were powerless in protecting their children against al1 racist situations. They noted that whereas many racist episodes appear insidious and difficult to detect, for example, convincing a black child to take to sports, teachers and schools have a wide variety of ways to cover up those that are evident. They no-, for instance, that teachers often target black children for unequal treatment but they do this without openly breaking any school rules and regulations. For example, one parent noted

How can you prove that a teacher has given your child a poorer grade than he deserves, when you don't really know how hdshe marks papers. Al1 what you can do is to suspect and nothing more. especially if the subject in question is one that has no 'right' or 'wrong' answer and the teacher has al1 the powers to determine the merit of your writing (Mr. Nartey).

The parents also expressed the view that they strongly suspected that their children never reported al1 racist incidents they (the children) experience at school. The parents felt this is kause their chiIdren probably do not think their parents can offer much to help, or they do not want to get their parents al1 womed. The youth in the YFG interview corroborated this when they agreed that

"it is not everything that happens at school that we tell our parents." They noted that from experience their parents get "very angry and rant" after leaming about a racist incident in which they were involved, but they are aware their parents "can't do much" to prevent something like that from happening again in the future.

Ghanaian parents believe that they needed help in dealing with their children's experiences with regards to racist incidents which impede their children's leaming. They noted that they, as parents, are often able to defend themselves and fight back, especially at work and when deaiing with official bureaucracies. but the children are very vulnerable and are easily confused by acts of racism. The parents noted that they should probably be doing more for their children than they have thus far been doing. They recognized their roie to question more often school policies and practices

that appear discriminatory or racist.

7.8 Dealing with chiidren's cultural dissonance

Ghanaian children experience tremendous pressures at home and at school. At home, the

pressures corne from inter-generational differences between the parents and the children, which are

further exacerbated by the children's relatively quicker adaptation to Canadian values, thus setting

them further apart from their parents. This problem was captured by YaO (1988) in her study

among Chinese immigrant families when she noted many families are tom between traditional

Eastern and Western manners, moral standards and child rearing practices,

My children asked me why 1 did not want to pay them when they did house chores. They had learned from their friends that they were paid anytime they mowed the lawn, did the laundry, or did some cleaning. In Ghana, children are never paid for house chores because it was considered part of the informa1 educational and socialization process through which children under go in order to become responsible adults. If we do not pay children to go to school why do we have to pay them to learn to do certain things at home (Mrs- Gyedu).

The conflict within Ghanaian parents' regarding cultural noms and expectations, and their

inability to adapt to their new society contnbutes to the parentsTconfusion, insecurities and conflict

with their children.

They seem to have answers to everything. They talk too much, ask too many questions and sometimes Say things to their friends outside, that you'll rather they kept within the family (Mrs. Kwakye).

Roth ( 1973) argues that black immigrant children in Toronto are victims of culture shock from

which status reduction and problerns of expectation, education and language are consequences. Ghanaian children, due to cultural shock, become victims of inferiority complexes, insecurity and

When Joseph started schooling in Canada, he was so self-conscious that he found it difficult to eat in his school's lunchroorn. According to him the other students "were always starring at hirn and that made him uncornfortabie." We tried to convince him that the students meant no harm and that they were just as curious about him because he is a new student, as he may have been about them because they are also new to him. Our advice did not convince him. But, after about two weeks in the school system, he started taking lunch to school again. He had made some friends and eating together with them at lunch time helped reduce his self- consciousness (Mrs. Akatsi).

Ghanaian children are assailed by children from both the mainstrearn culture as well as children from other minority groups who have been here longer. According to Ghanaian parents, their children are often teased by peers, who are sometimes rnembers of the black community, for

'coming from a poor continent', 'having an accent', 'bringing strange lunches to school', 'dressing poorly', and 'speaking strange languages'.

When you speak Twi in the presence of our friends from the Caribbean, they give you such a stare, it is like they think you just descended from the moon for uttering such inaudible sounds (Youth, YFG Interview).

This form of pressure however subsides as the children become more 'black Canadian' by adopting the dominant cultural forrns of their peers. These include wearing designer clothes, listening to rap or hip-hop music, not speaking a Ghanaian tanguage in the presence of non-

Ghanaians, and refusing to take Ghanaian dishes to school. Unfortunately, the more acculturalized

Ghanaian children become, which helps them gain acceptance within the general black community, the further away they move apart from their parents who change slowly and in some cases resist changes, and thus are unable to understand the frarne of references of their children. This creates conflict within families.

1 can't get used to seeing my children wearing pants so low the back pockets touch the back of their knees. It is dispsting to see children dress this way but they justiQ it by saying we are out of date and that everybody, including their fnends, dress that way. Well, 1 am trying hard to at least tolerate i t but it is very, very difficult (Mrs. Nimo).

One parent said that she found it difficult to go anywhere with her teenage son because of his

dress code and his choice of hair style. She mentioned that she is embarrassed to be seen with her

son because some members of the community often ask her "why have you allowed your son to

appear like that," and she has no answer to that. She said members of the Ghanaian community

- now cal1 'unusual' hair styles of Ghanaian teenagers "opanin ni wofie, '* which in the Twi language

of Ghana means "there is no adult in your home." This is because in Ghana, adult members of the

family and community are expected to ensure that children conforrn to communal expectations in

terms of certain behaviors, including hair styles, dress codes, way of speaking and respect for adul ts.

Thus the idea that Ghanaian children have the freedom to appear the way "they want to", as an

expression of their 'individual creativity and aesthetics' is as alien a concept as it is agonizing to

many Ghanaian parents. While some parents are able to adjust and get used to their children's

articdation of new cultural forms, it creates a lot of friction in many homes (Yeboah, 1997).

Ghanaian parents' inability to accept their children's behavior patterns modeled after their African-

Canadian peers who have been here longer, is fed by the fear that such behaviors can Iead to their

children's association with the wrong crowd. This may not necessarily be so but the parents have

over the years intemalized images of rebellious black children as portrayed by the mass media, and

it appears such images fit closely with the new cultural forms that their children are adopting. 7.9 Desling with the counseling needs of children

Barrett ( 1980) noted in his study of blacks in the Jane and Finch comdor of Toronto, where

many Ghanaian farnilies now reside, that next to unemployment, adolescent deviancc is probably

the second most significant problern. Some of the rasons cited included: patterns of immigration,

marital problems as well as economic factors that are prevalent arnong low income workers, as for

example, long working hours, double and triple shifts, cultural difference in child rearing practices

and interpersonal relationships in the schools- Consequently, the deviant behavior is a reaction to

alienation which is seen in their exclusion from their family. The vacuum created is filled by closely

knit bond with peer-groups. Educationally, many drop out of school while others end up in

vocationally related institutions.

Ghanaian children are exposed to similar experiences which affect their behavior.

Interestingly, the majonty of the participants in this study believed that Ghanaian children who were

born in Ghana and arrive in Canada when they are between the ages of 10 years and 14 years are

the most difficult to deal with. These children, according to the parents, are very quick to adapt to

their new environment, picking up new vdues, attitudes and behaviors that would make them 'fit'

into the general population at schoot and in the cornmunity. And since a lot of these value system

that the children uncritically adopt are in contradiction with what their parents were brought up and

have been clinging on to al1 these years, conflict result between parents and children and within the

chi ldren themselves.

As a result, thecounseling needs of Ghanaian children have been complicated to apoint where

most often parents do not know where to begin. It was particularly stressful for me to listen to the

problems that Ghanaian parents have with their children as they narrated them to me, knowing that 1 could be of linle help. The stories were very similar: acts of insubordination, truancy, failing academic grades, associating with suspicious people, etc, etc, The disheartening part was when parents conceded as they often did that "at this point 1 don't know what to do." In most instances they would cail on their children's schools for help: These experience:

When he arrived 1 did everything 1 could to ensure that he does well at school. 1 made it a point to teach him maths and reading at home. For sometime he really improved but he started rebelling against me, because he complained that 1 was too strict on how he spent his after school hours. For example, 1objected to his going to the MaIl behind us to play Video Arcade games with some people 1 did not know. The kind of people 1 see in that room, their hair style and dressing, how can 1ailow my 15 year old into such a company? About a week his mother sent him to pick up some things from the Mali. Could you imagine that this boy spent over 5 hours at the Mal1 and came back without anything, claiming that he dropped the money and he spent al1 that time looking around for it? 1 sent him to the Principal to see if he can help. The principal had a very good talk with him and asked me to monitor his behavior in the next couple of weeks to see if there had been any changes. Honestly, nothing has changed but 1 am reluctant to go back to the Principai. 1just don't know what to do (Mr. Agyemang).

When she arrived in Canada in 1992, she was 10 years old and very sweet, and helpful. We used to go to Church together. Everything was okay until she tumed 14 years. That was when 1 detected changes in her attitude. She started talking back to me and her father. She watches TV al1 the time, would not tidy up her room and if 1complain she will insult me, especially when her father is away. On two occasions she threatened to move out, but 1 was scared she'll go and get pregnant or get into real trouble. 1 called one of our Church elders to corne and talk to her. After that she changed but it only lasted two weeks. Now, at 17 years she is stmggling through school. Did you notice that she has a new ce11 phone? 1even suspect she is dating an older man. Frankly, now 1 have done everything 1 could for this girl but 1 guess 1just have to accept the fact that she is going to be who she wants to be. 1 am praying that my two little ones would not tym out to be like her (Mrs. Gyarnfi).

It has been suggested that because of conflicting value orientation, professionais from the mainstream culture are unable to properly diagnose the problerns of Ghanaian parents and their children. D'Oyley (1 976) supported this view in his study of black West Indians when he noted that black high school students did not feel cornfortable discussing their problerns with a guidance counselor because they had 'low perception' of guidance counselors. They do not see them as king equipped to handle their problems. Young blacks traditionally seek help from relatives and friends

and never frorn strangers.

Similar convictions were expressed by Ghanaian parents. The idea of employing the services

of a professional counselor is an alien concept to many Ghanaians. In Ghana, counseling services

are provided by close adult mernbers of the extended famil y and in sorne cases by respectable adults

or eiders in the community who may not be necessarily related to the counseled. In Canada,

Ghanaian famil ies have found themselves deprived of this essential traditional community support

system.

Attempts by community groups and individual community leaders to fi11 the gap by providing

counseling to Ghanaian families where the need arises end with questionable outcomes. Part of the

reason for this is a closely defended need for Ghanaian adults in Canada to protect their privacy.

The parents in this study overwhelrningly expressed concerns about using Ghanaians in any role that

would lead them into their private Iives. From experience, Ghanaian adults have learned that

confiding in a Ghanaian who is not a relation, nor a friend, often leads to "washing your dirty Iinens

in public" due to the small size of the community and how petty gossips and idle talk over the

telephone has become a much defining character of the community.

7.10 Summary

Ghanaian parents' role in the education of their children is informed by the traditional

conception of the relationship between the farnily and the school. This conception is predicated on

a view that schools and homes are separate domains with incompatible goals, roles and

relationships- Due to this, there is very little interaction between families and teachers, and as a result, the relationship between families and schools is fraught with mutual suspicion and definitions resident within the 'de fici t' thinking paradigm.

The parents do not have a great deai of understanding about the education system in Ontario, even though they have high academic aspirations for their children. Also, the parents have a high level of awareness about their responsibility towards their children's education, but are mostly unaware about how to translate this into an active support and participation in their children's education. The parents hardly maintain active contact with their children's schools, and provide little stimulating environment and support systern for their children's learning out of school. CHAPTER 8 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

8.1 Introduction

My study is about issues surrounding how the Ghanaian cornrnunity, an immigrant and ethnic

minority group in Metroplitan Toronto, understands and participates in the education of their

children.

The nature of the study impticated three main conceptual regions: (1) the education of black

and minority children in North America, (2) issues deaiing with the special needs and concerns of

recent immigrant groups, and (3) the role that parents play, or should play, in the education of their

children.

Attempting to make sense of these conceptual regions in one study presented me with a

struggle. That is, how to reconcile theones, concepts and debates and the actual lived experiences

of a group that appeared inconsistent with one another. This struggle is evident throughout the study

and reflected to some extent the dilemmas, ambivalence and inconsistencies that immigrant groups

encounter when they try to make sense of new situations and reconcile their own beliefs with those

pre-existing in their new environment.

In the following sections, I discuss the findings of the study under severai emergent themes

which are subsumption of the three main conceptual areas. 8.2 Attitudes towards education

Reproduction theorists tangentially address the limited faith that Ghanaian adults have in

education in Canada (Bernstein, f 977; Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Bowles &

Gintis, 1976). The theories generally support a view that children of minority and lower class

groups are pre-destined for 1ow status jobs due to the reproduction and correspondence functions

of schools. The theories attribute the failure of lowerclass people to break the cycle of reproduction

to their differential treatment in education. Thus, as it would appear, selectively inferior education

must be passed on from one generation of lower class people to the next to ensure constancy in the

chain of reproducing lower class groups.

Accordingly, in view of our present low employment and socioeconomic status within the

Canadian society, it is expected that Our children would be trained by schools to replace us at that

level in the future. We tend to concentrate in low income neighborhoods. The schools that service

such areas tend to be of low quality. Thus, it is expected that our children are exposed to education

whose quality may not be comparable to that received by children in other schools. There appears

to be a sense of inevitability of a predetermined outcome of inferiority about our children's

education. And it is possible that it is this awareness that dulls Our enthusiasm and willingness to

participate in our children's education.

However, we have many Ghanaians who are forced to drive taxis or work in labor intensive

Iow-paying jobs not because they are not well educated but because they cannot find work in their

respective areas of qualification. The major reason is the perception of discriminatory practices,

such as, the emphasis placed on the 'Canadian experience' which automatically selects most qualified immigrants out of the higher status job market. Here, Ogbu's (1978, 1981) theory of

'percei ved labor market theory, * appears to support the behaviors of most of us in terms of our own education. Ogbu believes that many black children do not take foxmal education seriously because they have learned from history that due to racism and discriminatory practices in the larger society education does not necessarily lead to improvement in employment opportunities and social and econornic status for blacks as it does for other cultural groups. Consistently, many Ghanaian adults tend to reject educatior?for themselves believing that further education may not lead to any future enhancement in employment opportunities.

On the other hand, we also seem to believe in the power of human agency, which rejects notions of reproduction (Cole, 1988; Apple, 1988). The views of Ms. Mohammed who believes that one should look at the big picture and not define his/heremployment opportunities in terms of one's geographic location supports this perspective. That is why even though we may appear to believe that education has no economic value to us adults, we seem to have an implicit faith that Our children WOU Id somehow escape our fate through education.

It appears that we seem to think our children will do better than us economically and socially because growing up as children in Canada will help them eliminate a lot of the cultural markers that set us apan as parents from other Canadians and are used to discriminate against us. Our views in terms of Our children's education and employment prospects appeared supponed by studies which have rejected collective analysis of black students' academic performance by showing strong relationships between the contributions of black families and their children's inteilectual and cognitive development (Slaughter & Epps, 1987; Slaughter-Defoe et al, 1990; Scott-Jones, 1987).

But, even with Our children, we are at the same time rnindful and conscious of the pervasive presence of oppositional cultures. which inform Ogbu's ''perceiveci labor marketT'theory. Emcrging

evidence wi thin the community which is pointing to increased Ghanaian children's adaptation to

oppositional cultures is becoming a big source of concem because it raises the stakes higher in

terms of intensifying our own belief in the power of human agency, making our children believe

similady, w hile attempting to play down experiences which produce collective consciousness that

is oppositional in nature within the black community in North Amerka-

Thus, there appears to be constant stmggle within the Ghanaian community to reconcile Our

own beliefs in the power of education to promote social and economic mobility for our children

with the realistic awareness that due to our children's backgrounds, their educational experiences

and outcomes may not be the same as they are for children of the mainstream culture. This conflict

is well captured in this study by Mrs. Gyarnfi who reflected that teasing a friend for going to school

as an adult (because there was very little chance that he will find a job that would cornmensurate

with his education) in the presence of her little kid was sending the wrong signal to the kid.

This conflict may very well be reflective of Our lack of full participation in the education of

Our chiIdren. We tend to be just concerned with the more mundane and ritualistic aspects of school

involvemen t while remaining unconcemed with the far more intricate and important issues of

education. 1s this because we are not too sure whether Our efforts on behalf of our children would

make any difference in how they turn out to be in the future?.

\ 8.3 Attitudes towards education in Ontario

Members of the Ghanaian community generally do not fully understand school pol icies and

processes in Ontario. We do not have sufficient information about new official policies that are developed at the govemmental level and at the school level. We are also not familiar with what goes

on in our children's classrooms.

The gaps in our understanding about the school system in Ontario may stem from the fact that

most of us had Our formal educational experience in Ghana, under a colonial British educational

system. Added to this is the fact the vast majority of us do not pursue formal education in Canada.

Even among the very few of us who have had some education and training in Canada, our

knowledge and understanding reflect more experiences in higher institutions and not in grade

schools.

Most of our knowledge of what education is like in Canada is feamed through what our children tell us and what information schools and teachers choose to communicate to us. A small proportion of us get additional information through news coverage in the media Our understanding of the education system in Canada is thus incomplete. For example, it is common to meet a parent

who wi Il admit hisher ignorance about why hisfher child was strearned into one academic area and not the other, or how many more credits a child needed to graduate out of high school.

A typical example is our lack of understanding about the new high school prograrn even though many Ghanaian children are already in the program, or expected to be in it, in the next few years. This study revealed that there has not been enough publicity to infom and enlightened

Ghanaian parents about the new high school prograrn. Due to the JSS system in Ghana, Ghanaian parents have a reference point to begin to understand how the new prograrn might work. But, because Ghanaian parents have had an in-built distmst for the potential of the JSS system, there is a possibility of a transference of this distmst to Ontario's new high school prograrn. This distmst could al1 the more be intensified by the suspicions of racial prejudices and discrimination arnong the parents. Much work is thus needed in terms of publicity to make Ghanaian parents komemore aware of how the new high school program will work and the part they could play to ensure that their children's interests are protected by helping them to make appropriate choices in career pathways.

Our limited knowledge about education in Canada has also created inconsistencies between

Our views and those of the education cornrnunity in areas where we seem to have some opinions.

The inconsistencies have come about mostly because our views about education are fed by our pre- immigration educational and socialization experiences. Some of the contested areas include the use of textbooks, counselling, placement, school discipline and religion.

For instance, Ontario schools' outcome based philosophy, which de-emphasizes the use of textbooks, contradicts what we have been socialized in Ghana to believe as the practice of a good education. We have long been made to intemalize a view of education that unfortunately means information dissemination and that a good student is one who is able to regurgitate back to the teacher what he/she has painstakingly taught them. In this type of education, textbooks are the main tools for teaching. To talk about developing the skills of finding information, as in outcorne-based education, or engendering creativity arnong children, are new concepts we need to get used to.

Schools need to appreciate the fact that many Ghanaian parents, and other immigrant families, may not have access to computers and other educational resources, hence their over reliance on textbooks as the main tool for teaching their children. Schools have to respond to this particular need of Ghanaian parents by making textbooks available to their children. This should not distract from the outcome based philosophy because parents and children could at the same time be encouraged to explore other educational resources within the community. A second issue concerns assessrnent practices. In traditional African cultures, there is a clear line of demarcation between success and failure.%xcess attracts praises while failure receives linle sympathy. Aithough psychological theories of motivation and positive reinforcement have been endorsed in the formal education system, the change in attitudes has been slow. This may help ex plain why Ghanaian parents are confused by comments about their children that appear not to reflect the academic performance and mestanding of their children. Teachers need to understand the perspective w hich Ghanaian parents bring to interpret their children's academic performances.

More work needs to be done to simpliv report cards for Ghanaian parents. The present report card may be technically supportable by professionals in the education system, but considering that parents are the eventual users, their input should be considered in the design of the card. Immigrant parents should be given the opportunity to have theirchildren's report cards interpreted in their first

Ianguage or designed in such a way as to make it simpler. Also, teachers should encourage parents to contact them as soon as their children send home report cards to enable the teachers explain their comments to the parents in a face-to-face interactive manner. This will help the parents better understand their children's progress as well as the part they can play to help their children

Another area of contestation is the issue of religion in schools. Unlike the public school system in North America which is basicalty secular, Ghana's education system has continued to maintain its religious ethos as developed in colonial times by Christian Missionaries. Here in

Canada, many of us subscribe to the teaching of religion in schools. We seem to see religion as a buffer to the many signals that are emitted to children through television, music and various lifestyies which ultimately go to affect the children's world view and their future. We also seem to see religion as an antidote to disciplinary problems among students. Further, we seem to believe that religious schools offer a more rounded and quality education than their secular counterparts. It is not surprising that many of us intentionally select the Separate school system for our chiIdren even when we do not subscribe to the Catholic faith. Those of us who behave thus seem to think that the

Separate school system offers a better mord foundation through its Christian teachings and this helps create an environment for successful students*learning and achievement.

The behavior of rnany Ghanaians in terms of enrolling their children in Catholic schools, even when they are not Catholics themselves, may be interpreted severally. One, it shows the parents' concem for religion in schools and the moral developrnent of their children. Also, where parents belong to different religious faith, we can interpret their action in terms of a desire to place the educational interest of their children More the growth potential of their own church. It may also mean that Ghanaians are not very discriminatory and dogmatic about the various Christian sects'and that they can accommodate any church when the need arises. This may also be seen as a typical behavior of immigrant groups who must constantly weigh their options and sometimes must rnake decisions that go against their belief system if only such decisions provide them the confidence and security of survival in their new society.

Closely aligned with religion is schooI discipline. in our view, learning at school depends upon order and the respect for authority. So, like religion, schooI discipline is important to many us. In Ghana, as in African in general, there is a well defined line of authority and a code of conduct that guide relationships among members of the different generations. The place of children in

African societies is one of total subservience to those of adult members of the community and this is reflected in the philosophy of school discipline. This consists of children's total obedience to teachers and other adults, not speaking uniess asked to do so, not asking too many questions, and the in fliction of corporal punishment where deemed appropriate by a teacher or a principal. We tend to recount Our experiences in schools in Ghana where achild who gets in trouble is punished twice, first, by a teacher, and later by the parent when the student gets home. The only time parents in

Ghana question school authorities over a disciplinary measure is when it appears excessive as to cause physical injury to the child. Wetend to believe that disciplinary methods in Ghanaian schools are more effective in engendering the kinds of attitudes and behaviors we want to see in Our children.

It is obvious that Our views on student discipline contradict the philosophy of progressive education which undergirds public education in North America. The progressive philosophy underscores both individualism and community. It emphasizes the importance of children making their own decisions and choices and king respected as individuals. At the same time, the philosophy addresses the need to make children aware of the importance of cooperating and working with other members of the community. According to Holrnes (1992). this philosophy supports children making choices based on their own individual interests, and this restricts school authority's discretionary powers over the use of discipline (p. 27).

The conceptual frame with which we bring to analyze discipline and the enforcement of it in schools contradicts the rationale behind disciplinary practices in Canadian schools. We believe that the style of discipline used by schools in Canada, such as time-outs, peer group discussion or suspensions are too lax and unsuitable to many situations and that stricter disciplinary measures need to be introduced and enforced in Ontario schools. It is evident that we do not have enough understanding about how and why the tradition of school discipline has evolved to its present status in the education system in Canada. There is a need for Ghanaian parents to be made to understand the philosophies of education

here in Canada. This will help erase any doubts in the minds of the parents about the way their

children are learning. As it stands, Ghanaian parents have doubts about how the pedagogical process

is negotiated to benefit children in the school system.

8.4 School choice: opportunities and barriers

My study of the degree of choice which Ghanaian parents had actually exercised raises serious

doubts about how parent choice works in practice. It is assumed by advocates of parental choice that

parents will make well informed choices from a wide range of schools, comparing them on the basis

of both objective and intangible criteria.

In Ghana, parents can choose for their children any school they want provided the family can

meet the academic and financial requirements demanded by the school. This is probably the case

because cornpetition for space in the so-called good schools, which are vet-y few, tend to be very

keen. So, even though in theory parents in Ghana have real choice options in deciding where their

chiIdren attend school across the country, they are restricted by factors that are more social and

economic in nature.

For many families in Ontario, choice arnong systems is real in that they are financially well-off

to be able to afford private schools for their children or change residency in order to qualify their

children to go to particular schools. Ghanaian farnilies exercise some forrn of choice by electing to

support either the Roman Catholic Separate or the public school system. Beyond this, it is almost

pointless to describe the schools Ghanaian children attend in terms of choice options, because they

do not have any realistic alternative to the schools in close proximity to their homes. And since Ghanaian families are concentrated in low-income neighbortioods (Owusu, 19%), a combination of social and economic factors as well as restrictive institutional policy interact to define the nature of schools that their children must attend.

This raises questions about equity. The situation in Ghana is unfair to the poor because they cannot afford the high school fees charged by the 'good' schools so they tend to be concentrated in low-status, poori y equipped and pwrly staffed schools. The Canadian situation is not much better for Ghanaian families for the following reasons: (1) since the Canadian govemment funds only public and Catholic schools, only negligible number of Ghanaian families, for economic reasons, have the choice of sending their children to private schwls as some affluent families do, (2) non-

Catholic parents have less choice at the elementary level because they do not have the right to elect that system at that level, unless they resort to some atypicai practices which disadvantages their own religious faith, and (3) parents can elecr to have their children attend French emersion or regular school but do not have the right to have their children educated in their own native languages in public1y funded schools.

We can also ask whether the schools that Ghanaian children attend cm be qualitatively compared ro other schools within Metro Toronto? Holmes (1992) observes that given the increased cultural differences within the Canadian society, values education has become increasingly difficult to teach in public schools. This is because values are interpreted differently and it is generally difficult to agree on a set of values to be taught. Holmes continues that many public schools now concentrate on teaching 'low doctrine' (basic values) which is less contentious, but does not enhance academic achievements of students. High doctrine schools on the other hand emphasize academic achievement, stricter discipline and moral development. Since our children tend to be concentrated in 'low doctrine* schools because we cannot afford to send them to'high doctrine'

schools, we need to question the quality of education that they are geaing due to restrictive

socioeconomic and institutional policies.

8.5 Involvement in school: The influence of primary cultural characteristics

One of the rationales for rny study was to debate the assumption that because Ghanaians are

blacks anaIysis of the social and economic circumstances of blacks and other minotities in North

America could be equally applied to us.

A review of the literature on how different groups have been histoncally racialized and

incorporated in to North American societies generaily gives credence to a collective analysis of the

black experience in North Amenca. For exarnple. it was shown in ihis study that the deficit

thinking paradigm with which, we believe, teachers in Canadian schools confront us, has a

historical origin which dates much further than when the first Ghanaian might have set hidher foot

on the North American continent as a free immigrant. Thus, it is generally the case that we face

discrimination and institutional barriers not because we are Ghanaians, but because we are biack.

While granting the primacy of the collective analysis approach, as supported by anti-racist

theorists, for exarnpIe, it appears to miss the saliency and the role that different cultural and social

practices of immigrant groups play in rnediating the collective experiences of their assigned position

and status within the larger society.

According to Ogbu (199 1) the 'primary' cultural characteristics of immigrant farnilies which

entai1 those beliefs, practices, and values that denve from immigrant groups pre-immigration past,

can influence how the immigrants integrate into their new society. In this study, 1 realized that

24 1 many of Our cultural and social practices play a large role in the extent to which we participated in the education of our children. So, for exarnple. contrary to thtories of parent involvement which identiw the extent of involvement as a function of social class (Lareau, 1987), there was no evidence in this study that the level of involvement in Ghanaian children's education was higher among better educated and employed Ghanaians than. for exarnple, welfare recipients or the unemployed. Even though better educated Ghanaians appeared more aware of many issues of educational relevance, this did not translate into direct involvement at a level higher than that of the less educated Ghanaians.

The lack of signifiant difference between the involvement level of bettereducated Ghanaians and their less educated counterparts may be explained in terms of the powerful influences of primary cultural characteristics. A key primary cultural characteristics acquired by Ghanaians may be related to how colonial education was introduced and how it has been organized to date. Many

Ghanaian parents in Toronto are products of a system of education in Ghana which still bears the imprin t of how education was introduced into Ghana by European missionaries. According to historical accounts, boarding schools were introduced by the missionaries in order to cut the links that existed between the traditional people and their roots, seen as tainted with fetishism, sorcery and human sacrifices, and to make hirnher more permissive to Christianity (Abernathy, 1969). This tradition that was established by the missionaries suggested that children must be shielded from the compting influences of families and communities and that these entities had nothing to contribute to schools in the education of children. Even though it has ken more than a century since this idea was propagated, it has had an enduring effect on how schools are run in Ghanaeven in recent times.

The Ministry of Education in Ghana makes most important decisions without any input from parents. Schools and teachers in Ghanacontinue to project themselves as dl-knowing while looking down on parents with deficit thinking frames of references. And because this attitude has been so ingrained within the Ghanaian psyche, parents, especially those who do not have higher education of any form, themselves believe that they do not "know much" to be of relevance to their children in their education.

Another primary characteristic of Ghanaians is our tendency to defer to authority. Ghanaian cultures generally and informally train children to be confonnist and non-threatening to traditionally established authonty. This behavior may exemplify what Lareau (1989) noted about rninority parents The researcher noted that minority parents have faith in teachers' professional expertise and want the school to take care of the education of children. This feeling is probably best epitomized by a popular wise Ghanaian saying which paraphrased goes like "there is adifference between home knowledge and book knowledge." Although this phrase is popularly used by Ghanaian adults to emphasize the point that relevant knowledge is not only acquired through formal education, and that it could also be acquired informally at home, it also reveals the fundamental belief that we seem to have in the separation of the home and school.

Further, in Ghana, children are discouraged from holding conversation with adults, except when they are asked a question. Quite often a child who consistently asks too many questions is considered 'nosy' and undisciplined. It is possible that this feeling siill resides at the back of our minds when we cornplain that "Canadian-born Ghanaian children ask too many questions." Even though we appear to recognize the educational value of encouraging children to talk and ask question, it has not ken very easy shaking off a cultural practice that has ken ingrained in one's psyche for so long. We need to be made aware of the educational value of holding regular conversation with one's child. We need to be made aware that through conversation, we can

identify and seize on "teachable moments" which we can use to help enhance the learning of their

children.

8.6 Involvement in school: institutional, social-economic and psychological barriers

The most common form of parent involvement in schools include offering assistance in

classroorn activities, field trips, library work, fund raising, lunch room supervision, communicating

with teachers and helping Our children leam out of schod. This is the traditional model of parent

involvement and it is welcomed by the schools because it is supportive of their work and non-

threatening (Epstein. 1986). This traditional model. according to Cibulka (1994). has ken

challenged in modem times by some social changes: "the decline of families. the erosion of

functionall y cohesive communities, the questioning of how effective schools are run by professiond

experts. and. finally. the revulsion against features of modem society which it assumed might be

cured with some return to community" (P.4).

Now . parent invol vement is theoreticdl y constructed around ideas of creating partnerships

and establishing a closer link between families and schools (Swap, 1993). This new model

embraces al1 of the activities subsumed under the traditionai model, but goes further to promote

parent participation in school governance and advocacy. The new model is supported by theones

of chi ld development (Schaefer, 197 1 ; Brofenbrenner, 1974) and social change (Coleman, 1987).

These theories have supported the view that since children's development and learning occur in

different settings at home, in the community and at school, there is a need for partnership between schools, families and communities to ensure that adequate and proper leaming experiences are provided for children.

My study shows that the relationship that we maintain with our children's schools is largely informed by the traditional mode1 of involvement but it is at the very low end of involvement. We do well in preparing our children for school and communicating irregularly with teachers but we do not offer much support to Our children in tenns of going into their schools to participate in their leaming or creating a Iearning environment and encouraging them to lemout or school.

As noted in preceding sections, reasons for Our lack of active involvement could be due to our pre-immigration socialization experiences, but they could also be due to institutional and socio- economic and cultural barriers that we face in Canada.

Research on minority parents* involvement in education has concluded, among others, that the institutional culture of the school can intimidate minority parents and bar them from participating in their children's education (Lightfoot, 1978; Epstein, 1990). In this study, 1 discovered that some Ghanaian parents refrained from visiting their children's schools because they are intimidated b y the teacher' s knowledge and authority and the general schwl environment. These parents felt uncornfortable at school and were self-conscious about their limited abilities in the use of Englis h language. This feeling is reflected in the response of one parent who felt going to school to speak her non-standard English would "embarrtss" her child.

However, Epstein (1990) has argued that rather than the inhibitions of minonty parents, it is the practices of teachers that can either invitedisenfranchised communities into their school (p. 109).

Similady, Fine (1993) and Chavkin (I989a) have al1 argued that it is the differences in power between minority parents and teachers that prevent the former from going into their children's schools. The authors have thus calleci on schwls to rethink educational structures and practices if they are serious about making al1 parents feel welcomed in their children's schools.

Another reason for Our minimal participation in our children's school is "time constraints"

(Moles, 1993; YaO, 1988). It was not surprising that this reason was given by many of the parents in this study. Because most Ghanaian parents work at minimum wage jobs, both parents (in a dual parent home) have to work outside the home to make ends meet. We do not have the luxury of deciding whether one parent should be a homemaker while the other works outside. The situation is much worse for single-parent household where one aduIt has al1 the responsibility of earning an income whiIe raising a child or children. The pressure to meet one's basic needs seems to push every other consideration to the background. Working at minimum wage jobs also often involves physically demanding and laborious work. This means that parents are usually very tired at the end of the day so. for example, a request by a teacher to come in for a meeting is not easily honoured.

Fine (1993) has lamented the fact that opportunities to meet with parents were exclusively available at school, rather than in the communities where families lived. This study has shown that to get more Ghanaian parents to participate in their children's education, we may have to come up with strategies that would take teachers into the community more often. This of course, will require taking in to consideration pressures on teachers themselves to meet their classroom responsibilities.

The social isolation that many Ghanaians find themselves in Canada also limits opportunities for involvement in their children's education. In Ghana, the sunny weather al1 year round provides

Ghanaians opportunities to socialize outside in the communities in which they reside. Beside, it is culturally acceptable in Ghana to drop in on friends and relatives for a visit or a meal without pnor warning. But. in Canada, many Ghanaians find themselves cooped up in small apartments most part of the year. The loneliness of Ghanaians and their cultud and psychological need to socialize

appear to drive them to get addicted to the telephone. This habit tends to alienate the children as

opportunities for socialization with the parents get seriously restricted.

Psychological factors may also act to prevent minority groups from participating in education.

These may include negative expectations, typecasting and stereotypicd images. Teachers often blarne

parents for the poor performance of their children (Moles, 1993). This study supported the view that

teachers hold different views about children based on the children's family circumstances. Even

though most of us want to believe that teachers in Ontano are professionals who try to heip every

child succeed, we are at the same time suspicious of their attitudes towards us and the treatment of

Our children. The negative expectations that teacher have for us is reflective of how often we get

invited to schools only when there is a problem involving our children.

The suspicion between teachers and parents may also be cultural, stemming from Our

differential social and economic locations within the Canadian society. Many parents feel the

teachers do not live in the communities where they teach, and thus they cannot appreciate the

realities of our lives. Teachers who do not understand Our way of life may denigrate it and expect

less from Our children. This corroborates the findings of McCollum and Russo (1 993), Kellaghan,

Sloane, Alvarez and Bloom (1993) and Corbett, Wilson and Webb (1996) who discovered that

culturally based differences cm create discontinuities between farnilies and schools. The mutual

suspicion between Ghanaian parents and teachers impedes interaction. While teachers typecast the

parents, the parents are reluctant to go into schools and meet with teachers of their children. Hadden

(1987) in her study a decade ago noted that teachers in her study in North York admitted being

ignorant about the social and economic circumstances of minority groups and this posed serious communication problems between them and the families. It appeared in this study that what

Hadden observed a decade ago is still relevant today.

Our distrust extends beyond schools into the larger society. It was surprising to find in this study that many parents are opposed to black-focussed schools even though this was a proposai that was seriously considered by the North York Board of Education working in partnership with the

National Council of Ghanaian Canadians in the early 1990s. As touted by anti-racist educators, black-focussed schools have been conceptualized to enhance black students' learning through the creation of an environment where black students cm "identify, in terms of both the officiai and the hidden cumculurn, including the school culture, classroom pedagogy, learning styles, and the composition of the teaching and administrative staff' (Dei et al, 1995: 141).

One main reason for this opposition may be the lack of enough understanding about the whole concept of black-focussed school. Another reason is insecurity. The parents argued that since

Ghanaian children were king educated to work with different people from different cultures in the future, it would be a mistake to seclude and shield them in exclusive schools. This insecurity appears to stem from our present location outside the mainstream culture. We are aware of the lack of recognition of our values, knowledge and world view. We do not see ourselves reflected in the schooI culture. A major reason for this has been the propensity for members of the mainsueam culture to devalue or dismiss what is non-European as not valid knowledge. Based on this recognition, many of us seem to believe that an exclusive school will only give members of the mainstream culture further reason to dismiss whatever is learned at black-focused schools as fetish and not valid. Even though our fears and insecurities appear to be well founded, they appear to be aggravated by our Iack of enough understanding of what black-focused xhools would entail. Attempts to get Ghanaian parents involved in their children's education should look beyond what goes on in the classroom or at home to question relationships that members of the mainstrearn culture maintain with minority families. As it seems, the motivation of minority parents to get involved in the education of their children is affected by how their knowledge and experience is valued by the dominant culture. We cannot expect Ghanaian parents to muster the courage to go into schools and attempt to influence theirchildren's education when we devalue their world views and concerns. Since the school culture is refiective of what goes on in the larger society, relationships in the larger society must constantly be questioned in order to encourage similar development in the schools.

Cultural ambivalence and dissonance

Most Ghanaian parents do not fully appreciate the pressures that their children endure as they attempt to adjust into the Canadian society. Because the parents came here as adults with well set cultural values and behavior patterns, they are able with some measure of success to withstand the pressures to change. For example, it is very rare to see a Ghanaian male wearing a piece of jewel in his ear as it is common among males of other African communities.

But. we do not fully appreciate the fact that our chifdren corne here or are born into a society where 'individuality' and 'independence' are valued qualities, unlike in many African cultures where the philosophy of 'this is the only right way to behave' dominates peuples' consciousness.

We need to appreciate the fact that in Canada we are bombarded with many cultural signals, often incompatible with one another and that the pressure on the children to choose one cultural form as against the other is real. There is a real need to help Ghanaian parents understand the profess of acculturation. peer pressure and popularculture. We need to dixuss the changes that Ghanaian children experience and how these changes affect their learning and achievement at school. When parents understand these processes, it will help reduce inter-generational conflicts within Ghanaian homes and also help parents channel their energies into guiding the change process within their children, instead of attempting to stop it.

Summary

This chapter has been devoted to weaving through the mesh of conceptual positions in the light of the data from this study. It is clear that the majority of parents keep their distance from the schools of their children. The reasons for this are multi-faceted and multi-layered. But, they generally combine philosophical differences which may stem from different socialization and educational experiences. We have ken trained formally in Ghanaian schools and informally in our cultures to accept certain philosophies and practices in life as valid. Some of these are rejected by

Our new society, but it is difficult for us to cast them away, hence there is a constant stmggle to reconcile the different perspectives. The stmggle reflects negatively on our participation in our children's education. We therefore need strategies that can help us re-aligned our perspectives to accommodate what is expected of us as parents in the education of our children.

There is also the need for teachers, schools and the general mainstream Canadian society to reflect over the new demographic reality of Canada and act towards effective representation of al1 cultures and al1 peoples. The school culture as existing presently may have served well a monolithic community in the past, but it is questionable if it can do so presently. We need a school environment where dlchildren and their parents feel welcomed. We need to help parents assert their right to be partners in the education of their children, for it is in the interest of everyone, not just parents, that al1 children are adequately prepared for their future roles. For in the final analysis how this country is going to look in the future will reflect the quality of the products of our schools today . CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSIONS

Introduction

The purpose of this study was to investigate how Ghanaian immigrant parents ded with

issues conceming their children's education and explore its implications for parent involvement.

In the folIowing sections, the limitations of the study, discussion of the findings and the

implications for involving Ghanaian parents in the education of their children are discussed-

This is fol lowed by specific recommendations.

9.2 Researcher's assumptions in data interpretation

During the process of data analysis in a qualitative research, the researcher is solely

responsible for guiding the emergence of interpretive themes through the selection of conceptual

categories and of relevant raw interview narratives- This process is subjective because as Taylor

and Bodgan ( 1984) have argued, the research process, including data analysis, is inevitably

inforrned and affected by the researcher's assumptions and life experiences.

Being a Ghanaian parent and an educator placed my interests at the center of this study.

Consequently, it has to be noted that there cannot be a 'perfect' objective analysis of the data,

for it is conceivable that whatever conclusions 1 have reached hem from analyzing the data may

have been informed and affected by my own subjectivity, and that varied interpretations can

possi bly be deri ved by different researchers. 1checked the credibility of the derived categories

with some members of the Ghanaian community, and aiso provided ample citations to allow the reader to assess the credibility of the findings

Restating research issues

In this study, 1 made an attempt to explore the perspectives that we, as Ghanaians, a fairly recent immigrant group in Canada, bring to assess the education of Our children. As well, 1 attempted to investigate how we directly participate and influence the education of our children in Canadian schools. It was assumed in this research that the present status of parent involvement as practiced in Metropditan Toronto schools does not serve the needs of Ghanaian parents.

The research issues were identified by reviewing relevant research literature on: (1) issues surrounding the education of black and minority children in North America, (2) issues dealing with the needs and concems of recent immigrant groups, and (3) the role that parents play, or should play, in the education of their children. I also undertook a pilot study to examine the attitudes of Ghanaian adults and school children concerning education in Canada.

A new and unfolding demographic reality in Ontario, especially in the Toronto

Metropolitan Area, reveals extensive immigration, mostly from non-traditional source regions, such as Asia, Latin America and Afnca. The resulting increased ethnic differentiation has been a source of challenge to education systems who are now been asked to review their rnainstream outlook and perspectives to recognize the presence and contributions of people from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds. To succeed at this, there is a need to study how various ethnic groups cmget involved in the schools with the intent of protecting the interests of their children. 9.4 A summary of research hdings

The parents believe in the potential of education in general and also believe that their

children need good education in order to prosper in this society. However, the parents are

cautious in their assessrnent of the devance of education to their children because of their

social, cultural and economic location within the Canadian society.

My study revealed that the parents' choice has been more arnong school systems than

within school systerns. While the majority of Ghanaians supported the public school system

others supported the Roman Catholic separate system. The parents felt powerless in choosing

within school systems because of school boards' school attendance and funding policies. They

were concemed school board's policy on school choice was limiting.

The parents do not have a great deal of understanding about the education system in

Ontario, even though they have high academic aspirations for their children. The parents do not

appear to be sufficiently informed about changes within the education system as they are, for example, completely in the dark about the new high school program which is took off in

September 1 999.

It was also abundantly clear that the great majority of parents know very little about what

is happening in their children's schools. They generally could not anticipate how their visit to their children's classrwms might help their children. They remembered their own educational experiences in Ghana, where education officers often came into class to 'check on' how teachers taught their classes. This is why, for exampie, there exist inconsistencies between the parents and teachers, and between parents and their children, as to how the processes of education should be constructed to ùenefit al1 children in Ontario. Wowever, there are certain specific issues and problems that the parents felt strongly

about. These included school the use of textbooks, school discipline, racism, placement and

streaming and religion in schools. These issues, as discussed by the parents, reflected their

expectations of a good school. It could be conjectureci that if the parents had a real choice in

tems of where their children go to school, some of these issues would fature prominently as

criteria for the selection of schools for their children.

The most common means of communication between the parents and the schools is the

newsletter. All the parents in my survey had received at lest one newsletter during the year.

About half of Ghanaian parents in the study felt that they needed help translating information

that schools communicated to them through the newsletter and other written materials.

Also, teachers generally maintained contacts with parents through parent-teacher meeting.

The meetings were appreciated but many parents but they felt they were not given detailed

information about their child's progress and how to help. They said teachers' messages were so

predictable it made them wonder whether there was any use in attending such meetings.

Besides parent-teacher meetings, parents' contact wi th teacher were regularl y prompted

by a problem that their children got into at school. Here the parents appeared to be agreeing

with Swap's ( 1993)conclusions that schools tend to contact parents "only during crisis

situations." The parents frequently mentioned 'disciplinary problems', 'truancy' and 'failure to

do or complete assignments' as the most common problems that got them invited into the

schools of their children.

Many reasons accounted for why parents did not get involved in activities at their children's school. For example, none of the respondents in my study had served on a school council even though two had had the experience of serving on a Parent Teacher Association.

The Iack of involvement at the school by parents was attributed to reasons that included "time constraints" and feelings of "inadequacy" and "discornfort." Thus, practical problems combined w i t h cul turd and psychologicd to prevent the parents from participation in their children's school.

The parents generally believe that teachers are well trained professionals, but at the sarne time beiieve that teachers do not have a sufkient understanding of their social, cultural and economic circumstances. This, they believed, has led to a feeling of mistmst between parents and teachers.

The parents felt their children belong in schools that have the generai population represented. They agree though that structural and institutional changes are needed to make black and minority children feel that they are part of the general school population and the general Canadian society. They agreed to curricula changes, and as well the hiring of more black and minority teachers, especially for schools where minonty groups make up a significant proportion of the general student body.

The parents provided very little intellectual stimulation for their children at home and in the community. Apart from occasional visits to the library with their children, parents did not accompany their children to educationally oriented resource and science centers, for example, the Royal Ontario Museum and the Ontario Science Center. Also, parents have a difficult time controlling and managing their children's use of their time outside the school. The children are often hooked on to the television, video and computer games and because the parents are thernselves overwhelmed with work in their attempts to meet their basic needs, they are unable to closely monitor their children's use of their time at home and in the comrnunity.

Schools do not do very much to help parents participate actively in their children's education. The parents' roie in the education of their children is informed by the traditional conception of the relationship between the family and the school. This conception is predicated on a view that schools and homes are separate domains with incompatible goals, roles and relationships (Epstein, 1992; Swap, 1993).

Implications for theory

Conclusions from this study suggest that Ghanaian parents care about their children and have a great deal to contnbute to their education. The parents have a great sense of responsibility towards the education of their children. However, this sense of responsibility has not been sufficientfy translated into pro-active parent involvement at school for several reasons.

It is clear in this study then that even though Ghanaian parents might have a genuine interest in the education of their children and in fact, might want to participate in the children's education. this in no way has guaranteed that the parents are actively involved in the education of their children. This is corroborated by many studies which have noted that there are several social, cultural, and psychological factors which present subtle barriers to minority parents' invoivement in school (Calabrese, 1990, Boykin, 1994; Heath, 1983).

Incidentally, traditional conceptions of parent involvement have not paid enough attention to the particular barriers that minority parents face as they attempt to participate in their children's education. The conceptions have simply emphasized inviting participation, without a complementary emphasis on the need to examine school policies. teacher attitudes, school environments that may be intimidating, un-welcoming or unsupportive of minority parents' efforts. Also, traditional conceptions of parent involvernent have not paid sufficient attention to the backgrounds and the expenences of minority families that may inhibit their participation at school.

For instance, ami-racist educators, while supporting parent involvement, have charged that by conveniently assuming that parent involvement in the schools will have a positive impact on students' behavior and achievement, the dynamics of social difference, differential privileges and position of power that parents occupy in the society, have rarely been incorporated in the debate about improving home-school relations to achieve educational effecti veness (David. 1992; Dei, 1993).

The dynamics of social difference (race, class, gender, and sexuality) have rarely been incorporated in the discussions about improving home-school relations to achieve educational effectiveness. For example, rnost discussions of parental involvement in schooling fail to recognize the differential privileges and positions of power that parents occupy in society, according to race, class, gender, and history, and how these factors affect parents' abilities to influence educational policies and choices (Dei, 1993: 48).

According to Dei. there is a need for critical examination of how the daily experiences of blacWAfrican-Canadian parents are contested, mediated and negotiated in the processes of schooling for their children. In theorizing parent involvement for Ghanaians and other minority groups it is important that we de-emphasize its liberal foundations and recognize it as partly a L political project because of the need to mount a challenge to well established structures and conceptual frameworks that have been used to minimize the contributions and the welfare of minority children and groups. The role of parents cannot be minimized for the rapturing of the status quo will not happen unless parents themselves organize to question it. Secondly. the 'prïmary' cultural characteristics (Ogbu, 1991) of Ghanaian parents evidence a need to re-conceptualize parent involvement to anticipate some ductance on the part of the parents to actively participate in the education of their children. Even though Ghanaian parents noted that parent involvement is good for their chiIdren, it would appear, this recognition, taken together with their avowed interest in the education of their children rnight not be enough to motivate them into active participation, due to the powerful influence of the

'primary' cultural characteristics. There is a the need to envisage parent involvement as including a pre-requisite condition of teaching Ghanaian parents the value of involvement and the potential for them to participate as equal partners with schools and teachers in the education of their children.

Implications for schools

The overwhelming evidence from this study points to the fact that Ghanaian parents are hardly aware of many important aspects of their children's education and, as well, participate infrequently in the education of their children at school and at home because of cultural differences, ianguage barriers and the institutional practices of schools. The importance of schools reaching out and working with parents to help their children succeed at school has been well documented (Epstein. 1992. Chavkin. 1993). But the problems of Ghanaian parents are such that schools need to employ special strategies to accommodate the interests of the parents.

My study has also shown that traditional strategies, such as inviting parent-teacher meetings. sending memos and newsletters home or cdling parents to inform them about an infraction involving their children do not do enough to motivate Ghanaian parents to get actively involved in their children's education. Swap (1993) reached a sirnilar conclusion when hdshe noted that popular strategies are examples of ritualid and formalized traditions which do not promote genuine interaction or enhance authentic communication between home and school.

Barnett (1995) has noted that traditional foms of parent involvement keep a "comfortable distance" between the home and school, keep the roles of parent and teacher separate, and al ways relied on the farnily to corne into the school.

Schools need to redefine their relationship with families. Such a tedefinition ought to review traditional strategies of parent-school involvement which appear to have minimal impact on the participation rate of Ghanaian and other minority parents. YaO (1988) has suggested that prior to involving rninority parents in their children's education, it is important for school administrators and teachers to examine their own feelings and understanding of the parents, and ask questions such as: What are their prejudices? What stereotypes do they associate with minority families? what do they expect of parents? What do they know about minority families, and how do their own values agree with those of the minority parents? (P.223). Reflecting on these questions will help teachers get out of the way their own prejudices so that they can meet parents of minority children with an openness and a willingness to leam and work with them.

Second, it is important that school administrators and teachers motivate and encourage

Ghanaian parents to get more involved in their children's education. Research (USDOE, 1994) shows that most parents would be willing to spend more time with their children on school related activities if schools gave them more guidance on how to approach this. Such a conclusion has led Epstein and Dauber ( 199 1) to conclude that the most consistent predictor of parent involvement at school and home are the specific school programs and teacher practices that encourage and guide parent involvement,

A number of researchers have increasingly cailed on schools to move away from tradi tional approac hes towards a partnership approach (Swap, 1993). A partnership approach differs from traditionai approaches by planning opportunities for more genuine interaction between families and schools. Funkhouser, Gonzdes, and Moles (1997) have systematized five different areas where schools can assist minority parents in order to increase their participation level in the education of their children. These are: 1) overcoming time and resource constraints;

2) providing information and training to parents and school staff to break the distrust between the two groups in order for them to work together; 3) restmctuting schools to support farnily involvement; 4) bridging schml-family differences due to culture, language and education; and

5) tapping external support for partnership from within the local community.

In the interview with Brandt (1989), Epstein States that the data from her research suggest that once parents are given clear information about what they can do to help their child, active participation follows. She stresses that only through the encouragement of al1 parents to become i nvolved w i Il social class and parent level of education decrease or disappear as important distinguishing factors in the academic success of children in school.

With the introduction and promotion of school councils in Ontario schools, it would appear that much needs to be done to get Ghanaian parents involved. First, schools need to widely publicize communication about elections and function of the school council among parents. schools that have a large concentration of Ghanaian children. Secondly, school councils need to be organized in such a way as to remove the stigma of bias towards middle class world view that plagued PTAs. School councils need to be very accommodating and inclusive cf dl cultural and social backgrounds. Even though membership is elected through an open election, principals (who are supposed to put school councils in place) should be given the power to set aside some membership seats for rninority parents. This will help encourage those parents who feel intimidated by the school culture as to even present themselves for election.

Implications for policy

The Ontario govemment is forging ahead in its attempts to involve parents more fiilly in public education. On the other hand, most parents appear unwilling to participate in the educationai process. This situation is worse for minority families which at the moment make up more than half of the total population in Ontario.

The challenge of making Ghanaian parents become active participants in the education of their children demand a multi-faceted approach. Looking beyond the schools, there will be a need for renewed and fresh efforts in policy-rnaking and prograrns to help facilitate increascd parent involvement among Ghanaian parents. McLauglin and Shields (1986) advanced this view when they noted that parent involvement mena significant policy attention and public resources.

In the following paragraphs, 1 examine specific policies and programs that, which if instituted. might help increase the level of Ghanaian parent's involvement in the education of their children.

Transitional programs for new Ghanaian children

Ghanaian students who come to Canada are often thcust into the education system on1y

262 after a week or two in Canada The childfen thus go to school unprepared for the many cultural

signals emitted by teachers and other children. There is a need for schools, working with

Ghanaian community groups, to develop orientation strategies to ensure that new students are

properly integrated into the school setting.

Glen's (1992) study among Moroccan immigrant kids in Antwerp, supported the idea of an extended period of transition for new immigrant children to ensure their successful

integration into the education system of their new society. Glen noted that middle school teachers in the study found ineffective when "new Moroccan children were assigned to regular classes with remedial support." The best solution, according to Glen, appeared to be a special transitional program with a carefully planned sequence of instruction stressing the ability to understand and communicate in Dutch" (p.402). Glen, however warned that a transitional program should be integrated with the overall pmgrarn of the school system. In order words. srudents must not only be prepared for replar schooling, regular schools must also be prepared for the children.

When 1 first started studying in Canada at Althouse College, University of Western

Ontario, in the Winter of 1987 1 was barely two weeks old in Canada. 1 came to Canada with a degree in English Language and Linguistics from the University of Ghana, Legon, and as a secondary school teacher. I had had numerous interactions with many native English speakers.

But, my first Semester was an intimidating expenence, even for me as an adult, because it was difficult tuning my ears to be able to understand how some of my professors spoke. 1 survived the experience but upon hindsight, 1 believe that 1 could have performed much better than 1 did

if I had had some time to soak in a little bit of the Canadian culture, including how people spoke. My performance in subsequent programs which has been much better than how 1 did at

Western Ontario may prove the point that a hasty enrolment of Ghanaian children into Canadian schools may not be a good idea

It is important that new Ghanaian immigrant children are not rushed from the airport into schools but be given some resting period when they first arrive. During this period, school boards can assist us to plan a package of orientation program with the aim of reducing the cultural shock as weli as aiding the children's graduai transition into their new environment.

Such a program cm have Ghanaian children at various levels of acculturation meet the new children for the purposes of sharing their experiences in Canada with the new students. This will help the new students anticipate problerns that they are likely to face at school and how to respond to them.

Building inclusive educational environment

One theme that frequently emerged during the interviews is the lack of representation of the history and historical contributions of other groups to the development of Canada. Several of rny informants expressed the view that the discriminatory attitudes their children encounter in schools. might disappear if their main culture pers were familiar with other groups' history.

Furthemore. many of them are convinced that the recognition of the contributions of their ancestral predecessors would significantly enhance their children's self-esteem and pride in their cultural heritage.

Many writers (e.g.. Daenzer. 1993; Dei. 1993. 1996. Curnmins. 1986) have pointed out the domination of Anglo-saxon world view and the subsequent neglect of the important contributions made by other rninority groups. The first black woman to be elected to the federal parliament, Ms. Jean Augustine, has chalienged people mapping Canada's educational course to leave their imprint by shaping inclusive cumcula that will acknowledge the accomplishment of blacks. Speaking at the 1999 annual Black History Month ceremony organized by the Ontario

BIack History Society (OBHS),Ms. Augustine larnented that "there are too many people in our community who are unaware of the tremendous contribution that black people have made to

Canadian and global development." She continued that "for most part black youth lem about the contributions of other groups in the public education system and are bornbarded daily with negative stereotypes of themselves" (Fan fair, 1997: 1).

Asante ( 199 1. 1995) has consistently advanced the view that al1 students should have the opportunity tu leam within the context of their own cultural reference. The author argues that

European history is not the only history nor its starting point. Further, he notes that European perspectives are not universal standards of the evolution of higher order thought, but are culturally and socially constructed habits of mind developed in a particular context to serve particular purposes ( 1995: 552). Asante, thus advocates for a 'centrist' paradigm which places students "within the center of the context of knowledge," for a person educated in a truly centric paradigm fashion comes to view al1 groups' contribution as significant and useful (1991 : 17 1).

Asante advises teachers that they should know that students draw and build on their cultural and racial references, and build a center that does not privilege the dominant racial group over al1 others.

Even though the government has initiated anti-racist and inclusive educational policies the effort appears not to be making any great impact in changing the culture of the school to reflect the school population. There is a need for more efforts at the schooi site Ievel to ac know ledge the con tributions of persons from di fferent backgrounds and ancestries. Courses and programs must be broadened and specially designed to include non-European and multi- ethnic perspective. Students are empoweted when they attend a class feeling that they were or became a part of the information that was made available in that class. The restructured curricula must be carefully developed within the context of the community that is being served.

Schools serving minority communities need to reach out to them by inviting a team of visitors, speakers, contributors, and guests into their classrooms who not only add a vital element to the education proçess but also help with the school's reputation in the community. These people cm be sounding board for new ideas to help improve school-community relationship by dispelling the mutual mistrust that minority groups share with teachers.

Educational programs for parents

Ghanaian parents have high expectations and aspirations for their children's education.

The parents also support the rationaie of parent involvement. But, for several reasons, the parents do not appear to be following their children's progress with keen interest, nor are they actively involved in shaping the educational future of their children. Recognizing the role that institutional barriers play in restricting the parents' involvement in their children's education, there is an equal need to raise the level of awareness of the parents about the potentiai power which they possess and can wield to help their children succeed at school (Epstein, 1992).

Bandura's (1 986) 'self-efficacy' theory might serve as a useful framework for thinking about how Ghanaian parents might be taught to positively influence the education of their children. According to Bandura, the beliefs individuals hold about themselves determine the

choice of behavioral activities, including motivational level, thought patterns, and reactions to

new situations. The self-efficacy theory might help explain why some black and minority

children succeed at school in spite of the fact that they face identical institutional and cultural

pressures (Ogbu, 1983; Fordharn and Ogbu, 1986, Dei, 1996, McCarthy, 1988) as those who

fail. Fordharn and Ogbu (1986) advise that since children learn their oppositional cultural values

within the community, the community has a role in helping children understand that "academic

pursuit is not synonymous with acting-white" (p.202-203).

Ghanaian parents need help in examining their own perceptions and interpretations of

schooI leaming. The parents need assistance in building the self-esteem of their children as well

as engender in them the feeling that it is also 'acting black' to achieve in school. School boards

and schools can assist in preparing training prograrns to help parents in such areas as effective

decision makers, volunteering or parenting skills. Since Ghanaian parents might be reluctant in

taking these courses at regular schools sites, school boards and schools can work closely with

Ghanaian churches to which many parents belong, for the training prograrns to be administered

through the church informally and at the convenience of the parents. Other community groups

can also be used to bnng the preparatory programs to their membership who may not belong to

any church.

9.7.4 Preparation of teachers of disadvantaged children

Winston (1986) has suggested that teachers* beliefs towards minority and disadvantaged

children can be categorized dong a dimension of improvement versus maintenance and assuming versus shifting responsibility. Her permutations yield four possibilities of teacher beliefkhavior patterns- tuto or^"^ "general contractors", "custodians" and "referral agents". The tutors believe that the students cm improve and they believe it is their responsibility to help them improve. The general contractors believe also that improvement is possible but they look for ancillary personnel (aides, resource teachers, etc) to provide academic assistance. The custodians do not believe much can be done to help the students but they do not look for others to help thern maintain the students at these low Ievels. The referral agents do not believe that much can be done to help students improve. However, they shift the responsibility for maintaining low levels on to others like the school psychologist or special education personnel.

Because of teachers' lack of understanding of Ghanaian families' circumstances their beliefs towards Ghanaian children appear to be informed by the custodian and referral approaches. These are thernselves situated within the deficit paradigm and thus related to the societal invalidation of black culture (hdson-Billing, 1994). Coçhran-Smith (1995) has thus argued that teachers need to be prepared to reconstruct the curriculum so that al1 children could find themselves in it because "embedded in our pedagogy is a powerful sub-text about the boundaries of race and teaching in schools" (pp.559-260). First, Asante's (1991, 1995) theory of centering becornes relevant in the preparation of teachers of Ghanaian children (see Chapter

9, Section 7.2). Second, teacher preparation institutions need to prepare teachers to become

"allies" or "activists" (Aronowitz & Giroux, 1985), who can challenge the inequities of the system and prepare their students to understand the social and institutional injustice embedded in our society (Cochran-Smith, 1995: 567). This implicates the constmction of a tnily inclusive school environment for teacher preparation institutions, for teachers who are prepared to be socially aware will be more prepared to work with parents of al1 cultural backgrounds, recognizing their underprivileged status and potential contributions.

Recruiting ex-Ghanaian teachers

in a study by Smith, Henry, Levesque and Marshall (1998) which was sponsored by the

Ontario Ministry of Education and Training (O.M.E.T.),it was shown that minority teachers are grossly under-represented in Ontario schools. The study noted. for example, that in one large institution in a multicultural setting, even though 10 percent of the student population reported visible minority status. only 1 percent of the teaching staff reported minority backgrounds.

There are hundreds of ex-teachers from Ghana who are currently residing in Toronto. A few have successfully established home tutoring for Ghanaian children on part-time basis. These ex- teachers should be recruited and prepared for teaching assignments in regular classrooms, especially in schools serving Ghanaian children.

The fact that these teachers are farniliar with the education system in Ghana and can compare it to that of Ontario places them in a better position of reconciling the discontinuity and con fusion that Ghanaian children, especially those who have recently immigrated to Canada experience when they start their schooling here. Besides, their cultural proximity to Ghanaian children can help the children identify and address cultural miscues that work against the children in their education. Also, Ghanaian teachers will be good role models for the children. Alternative Site-Based Councils (ASBC)

Si te- based counci ls, variously called parent advisory councils, school councils, or school improvement councils, which have been mandated by the provincial government canot deal with the problems of minority parents' involvement if they are maintaineci the way they have been organized and operated. Apart from king dorninated by the principal, they usuaily reflect the voices of the main Stream culture whose interests are already articulated by the schml system.

To have school councils that are genuinely responsive to the problems and concerns of

Ghanaian parents and other minority groups, there is a need for the formation of ''Alternative

Site Based Counci 1s'' (ASBC). Such councils will complement regular school councils by serving as an avenue for minority parents to meet and discuss their collective, but exclusive, concerns which are rarely addressed by school authorities or by the formal school council. A representative from the ASBC should be a member of the regular school council for the purpose of pushing the concems and resolutions of ASBC meetings unto the agenda of the regular school council. The advantage of ASBCs is they can provide a tmly open and non-intimidating fora for Ghanaian parents and other minority parents to discuss their particdaristic concerns which will then be forwarded to the regular school councils for consideration. ASBCs can also be forrned by school boards to represent several schools where there are significant minority population. So, for example, one ASBC can represent three or four schools within one school board at the same time with membership drawn from parents and students who are king served by the schoofs. Ethnic Educational Resource Centers (EERCs)

There is a need for a space in the community whcre parents and their children can go and

familiarize thernselves with developrnents in education. In this case, 1 recommend the creation

of Ethnic Educational Resource Centers (EERCs), to be set up by a board, or two neighboring

boards, and stocked with current cumculum materials, multi-media resources, computers, video

recorders and other resources- This can help upgrade the knowledge of parents conceming the

education system and the leaming needs of their children. To ensure that the resource center is

accessible to minority groups served by the board, or boards, al1 reading materiais or video

recording should be translated into the home languages of the minority groups. Resource

persons can be recmited from various minority groups residing in the catchment areas of the

school boards to serve the centers in area such as administration, as Iibrarianship, interpretation,

and guidance counselors.

Mentorship programs

Edwin Williams was among 39 African Canadian graduates who took part in the fifth annual summer health science prograrn jointly organized by the Association for the Advancement of BIacks in Health Sciences (ABHS) and the University of Toronto's faculties of Medicine and

Social Work. After the prograrn, Edwin made the difficult decision to step aside as his school's basketball team and as a player to focus more on his studies and his goal of becoming an eye special ist. Edwin Witliams decision was fortified by his participation in the community prograrn which helps prepare youths for pst-secondary education in the health science field. Tezeta

Mitiku, a Grade 12 student of Jarvis Collegiate, also confided "We learnt a lot during the intense

27 1 program and 1 am more resolved now to fdfill my àrearn of becorning a neurologist" (P.6).

The six week program enables high school students to experience university life, job-

shadow mentors in the health care field, gain valuable scientific concepts and their significance

in health science professions and acquire knowledge to access scholarships and financial aid

opportunities (Fanfair, 1998, December 10: 6). The program began in 1994 as a pilot project

funded by the Parachute Community Employrnent Center through the now defunct Jobs Ontario.

A total of seven students were involved in the inaugural program. The mentorship project has

now blossomed to include participation by seven school Boards across the Greater Toronto

Area. Diana Ally, a coordinator in the Office of Student Affairs and chair of the mentorship

program, said "we still have a long way to go to ensure that blacks and other minorities are not

under-represented in medicine." Ally dong with Dr. Miriam Rossi, the Associate Dean of

student Affairs/Administration, conceived of the program as a means of helping groups which

are not fully represented in some of the university's faculties.

When 1 narrated the experience of this mentorship project to the youth public forum

hosted by the Ghana Methodist Church in April 1999, there was an overwhelming support for a

similar prosram to be initiated for Ghanaian youth.

There are quite a number of successful Ghanaian professionais in Toronto. The

community can boat of several successful doctors, lawyers, engineers, bankers, civil servants,

college teachers and so on, but the majority of these people have disconnected themselves from

the community. Thus, most of the highly visible individuals and opinion leaders have been

people that the mainstream Canadian soçiety would categorize as lower-class people,

comprising taxi drivers, mechanics, hair dressers, welfare recipients, etc, etc. Because of the lack of visibility of Ghanaian professionals, civil servants and academicians, there exists a feeling within the community that "there is no point in wasting your time away at school because you'lt end up dnving a taxi or working on the floor shop of a factory for a minimum wage."

Shockingly, such a feeling, which is of course well founded, is expressed even in the presence of their school-going children. So, what is happening is many of these parents have been sending mixed messages to their children, that is, while they want their children to succeed academically so they do not end up in low occupations such as they (the parents) have, the children are unconsciously and innoçently prepared to anticipate the realities of life as black people, by being planted in their minds the seeds of failure.

This is why thcre is an urgent need for a mentorship program that will bring out successful Ghanaian professionals, business people and civil servants to connect with Ghanaian parents and their children. This will have the advantage of instilling in the children a positive attitude that will teli them "regardless of what 1 face in school as a biack person, regardless of what my parents Say about their experiences, regardless of what my teacher and my school do to me, 1 will make it because others have tried it and succeeded!" This is a taIl order for the

Ghanaian community and schools in general but it needs to be done.

Community-school liaison counselors

Although boards and school tend to use people from ethnic communities who corne into school to perforrn various assignments, the role that these people fulfil is limiting. These people often act as interpreters and resource people for the schools. The current role of liaison counselors is lirniting- There is a need for a person who will go back and forth between schools and hidher community and apart from perfonning the above des, can also take something back to the community. The person can use various media within hisher community such as town hall meeting. radio, newspaper, face to face meeting with parents to explain school policies and other issues parents might want to understand about the school system or their children's performance. The person should also be in a position to take the concems of the community back to schools and school boards.

Implications for further studies

Many issues and concems of parent involvement have been presented in this study. The issues and concems have touched on relationships, interests and purposes of schools, teachers and parents. My situation as a minority parent, a community worker and an educator has enabled me to study and reveal some of the easiIy glossed over intricacies that impinge on how minority parent relate to the education system in Canada. I have been privileged to appreciate the variety of ways that Ghanaian parents and families make sense of the education system in Canada.

Having noted in this study what works to de-motivate Ghanaian parents from participating fully in the education of their children, we might need more qualitative studies to explore in further details some of the factors that are either supponive of, or discourage.

Ghanaian student learning. For example, how do Ghanaian students leam outside the school?

This will enhance Our understanding about the kinds of experiences that within the context of

Ghanaian households and community are motivational and educational. Such an insight will help in the development of comprehensive theory in understanding the nature of Ghanaian students' acadernic performance as well as the kinds of strategies that might be needed to help those falling behind in their studies.

We also need research about what the educational and social service needs are from the perspective of different families. A large proportion of Ghanaian households are now headed by femaies. It is also real that Ghanaian women tend to be less educated than the men, The women also tend to be over-represented in the populations of the unemployed and social assistance users. We rnay want to know how the special circumstances of families headed by females rnay warrant different approaches to encourage their.involvement in the education of their children.

Further. we rnay need research to investigate how other African groups in Canada relate with schools that their children attend. There are large populations of Ethopians, Somalians and

Ni geri ans in Canada. These populations corne wi th diverse backgrounds and expectations. It wi Il be interesting to isolate the kinds of chatacteristics of the groups that either enhance or impede involvement with the schools of their children. This will help us work towards a comprehensive picture and a theory of how recent Africans in general relate with schools in

Canada-

Another implication of this study speaks to investigating similar issues. as articulated in this study, from the perspectives of teachers and principals. We rnay want to know the extent to which teachers think they make the effort to involve Ghanaian parents. We rnay want to corroborate or refute Ghanaian parents suspicions about teachers' attitudes towards the community. We rnay want to find out the extent to which teachers and principals hold Ghanaian parents responsible for their lack of involvement in the education of their children. A study of such nature will help provide, perhaps a baianced picture to the story of Ghanaian parents References

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RESEARCH QUESTIONS

How do Ghanaian parents define their role in the education of their children? How do Ghanaian parents go about pursuing their role in the education of their children? What obstacles do Ghanaian parents face as they go about fulfilling their role in the education of their children. What can be done to mitigate the obstacles that Ghanaian parents face in the course of fulfilling their role in the education of their children?

INTERVIEW GUIDE

Interview was conducted around the following themes.

PARENTS' ATïITüDES TOWARDS EDUCATION IN GENERAL

PARENTS' KNOWLEDGE AND ASSESSMENT OF MAJOR EDUCATIONAL POLICES IN ONTARIO: -cornmon cumculum -testing -religion in school -equity issues -hiring practices

PARENTS' LEVEL OF SATISFACTION WITH VAFUOUS ASPECT OF CHILD'S SCHOOL:

-school administration -extra curricular prograrn -athletic prograrn -placement, counselling, testing -teaching -relationship -relationship with community -preparation of students for work D) PARENTS' ASSESSMENT OF THE RELEVANCE OF PARENT INVOLVEMENT

E) PARENTS' LEVEL OF INVOLVEMENT IN CHILD'S EDUCATION IN AREAS SUCH AS:

-contact between home and school -volunteering at school -involvement in decision making -home tutonng -providing conducive home environment -advocacy -1inguistic development -scholarships/tmst fund

F) DEALING WITH CHILDREN'S OUT-OF-SCHOOL LEARNING EXPERIENCES

-Visit to the library -leisure reading -visit to educational resource centres -linguistic development -discipline

G) .MONITORING CHILDREN'S USE OF OUT-OF-SCHOOL TIME -television watching

H) DEALhrG WlTH CHILDREN'S EXPERIENCE WlTH RACIST INCIDENCE

1) DEALING WITH CHILDREN'S EXPERIENCE OF CULTURAL CONFLICTS

J) PROBLEMS THAT IMPEDE PARENTS' ATIEMPT TO GET INVOLVED IN CHILD'S EDUCATION

K) COMMUNITY SUPPORT AND JNLTIATIVES APPENDrX B LETTER OF CONSENT TO PARENTS

2004-35 Charles St. West Toronto, Ontario M4Y 1R6 September 23, 1998

Dear ParenVGuardian, There has been a growing concern over the level of involvement of Ghanaian parents in the educarion of their children- As you may be aware, we live in a multiculturai society and this means that most often, each and every community needs to look after its interest by ensuring full participation of its members in important sectors of the larger society. A community that fails to safeguard its interest through participation stands the risk of having its problems ignored. UnIike some other communities, where parents participate in many spheres of their children's education including decision making, disciplinary issues, and extra curricula activities, we have no evidence to justify the level of involvement of Ghanaian parents in the education of their children. This situation has in the past frustrated atternpts by some Ghanaian organizations and school boards to corne out with strategies that cm help remedy the acadernic problems of Ghanaian children. As a doctoral student at the University of Toronto, 1 am interested in studying this problem. My purpose is to gain some information on what parents perceive to be their roie in the education of their children. Should you agree to participate in the study, you will be asked to provide some bief information about your professional and personal experiences in Canada. You will also be interviewed about your knowledge and perceptions of parent involvement in your child's school. Finally, you will be asked to provide information about how you personally participate in the education of your child. These interviews will be taped and later transcribed. Although you will be asked to share your personal and professional experiences, al1 of your responses will be kept confidential (there will be a code assigned to your interview instead of your name). The only place your naxne will appear is on this consent forrn which wilI not be associated with your interview information. Thus, there will be no association between you and your responses. 1 may use quotes from your interview in my paper to highlight my findings, but 1will change or delete any narnes that you use (e-g.. names of children, names of parents). Al1 of the tapes collected in this study and al1 of the consent forms will be kept in a lockeâ filing cabinet with only the principal investigator having access to the raw data. Your participation in this study should take about one hour. There may be follow-up interviews if need be to cIarify issues that may not have been well clarified in the first interview. But a foliow- up interview will not last more than 20 minutes. Should you at any time feel uncornfortable or hesitant to participate in this snidy, you are free to refuse or withdraw from it and have al1 of your responses erased. If you so desire, you will be given the opportunity to learn of the results of this study before publication of my thesis through a feedback session I will plan with al1 of the participants. 1 am quite aware of the importance of education to you and your child, and, even though there are many demands on your time, 1 feel that you will be interested in assisting in this study. Hopefuily. you will provide the kind of information that will help teachers, parents, school administrators. the various Ghanaian cultural associations, churches and civic organizations as they attempt to help Ghanaian parents take an active role in the education of their children If you have any questions or need further clarification, you rnay contact me at Tel: (316)413-9797 or my Supervisor. Prof. J. Gary Knowles at TeI:(4i6) 923-6641 ext. 2403.

Yours sincerely,

William Boakye Akoto PERMISSION SLIP

1 agree to participate in the study : Educating the Amcm immigrant child in Canada: A study of how African parents negotiate the home-school intersection by William B. Akoto

Name...... -...... Date ...... ,......

Address ...... Teiephone ...... -...... -...... -.. (To kept confidentid)