Coverage of Sedition Charges Against JNU Students in the Hindu & The
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Star Campaigners of Lndian National Congress for West Benqal
, ph .230184s2 $ t./r. --g-tv ' "''23019080 INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 24, AKBAR ROAD, NEW DELHI'110011 K.C VENUGOPAL, MP General Secretary PG-gC/ }:B U 12th March,2021 The Secretary Election Commission of lndia Nirvachan Sadan New Delhi *e Sub: Star Campaigners of lndian National Congress for West Benqal. 2 Sir, The following leaders of lndian National Congress, who would be campaigning as per Section 77(1) of Representation of People Act 1951, for the ensuing First Phase '7* of elections to the Legislative Assembly of West Bengat to be held on 2ffif M-arch br,*r% 2021. \,/ Sl.No. Campaiqners Sl.No. Campaiqners \ 1 Smt. Sonia Gandhi 16 Shri R"P.N. Sinqh 2 Dr. Manmohan Sinqh 17 Shri Naviot Sinqh Sidhu 3 Shri Rahul Gandhi 18 ShriAbdul Mannan 4 Smt. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra 19 Shri Pradip Bhattacharva w 5 Shri Mallikarjun Kharqe 20 Smt. Deepa Dasmunsi 6 ShriAshok Gehlot 21 Shri A.H. Khan Choudhary ,n.T 7 Capt. Amarinder Sinqh 22 ShriAbhiiit Mukheriee 8 Shri Bhupesh Bhaohel 23 Shri Deependra Hooda * I Shri Kamal Nath 24 Shri Akhilesh Prasad Sinqh 10 Shri Adhir Ranian Chowdhury 25 Shri Rameshwar Oraon 11 Shri B.K. Hari Prasad 26 Shri Alamqir Alam 12 Shri Salman Khurshid 27 Mohd Azharuddin '13 Shri Sachin Pilot 28 Shri Jaiveer Sherqill 14 Shri Randeep Singh Suriewala 29 Shri Pawan Khera 15 Shri Jitin Prasada 30 Shri B.P. Sinqh This is for your kind perusal and necessary action. Thanking you, Yours faithfully, IIt' I \..- l- ;i.( ..-1 )7 ,. " : si fqdq I-,. elS€ (K.C4fENUGOPAL) I t", j =\ - ,i 3o Os 'Ji:.:l{i:,iii-iliii..d'a !:.i1.ii'ji':,1 s}T ji}'iE;i:"]" tiiaA;i:i:ii-q;T') ilem€s"m} il*Eaacr:lltt,*e Ge rt r; l-;a. -
Global Digital Cultures: Perspectives from South Asia
Revised Pages Global Digital Cultures Revised Pages Revised Pages Global Digital Cultures Perspectives from South Asia ASWIN PUNATHAMBEKAR AND SRIRAM MOHAN, EDITORS UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESS • ANN ARBOR Revised Pages Copyright © 2019 by Aswin Punathambekar and Sriram Mohan All rights reserved This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publisher. Published in the United States of America by the University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America Printed on acid- free paper First published June 2019 A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication data has been applied for. ISBN: 978- 0- 472- 13140- 2 (Hardcover : alk paper) ISBN: 978- 0- 472- 12531- 9 (ebook) Revised Pages Acknowledgments The idea for this book emerged from conversations that took place among some of the authors at a conference on “Digital South Asia” at the Univer- sity of Michigan’s Center for South Asian Studies. At the conference, there was a collective recognition of the unfolding impact of digitalization on various aspects of social, cultural, and political life in South Asia. We had a keen sense of how much things had changed in the South Asian mediascape since the introduction of cable and satellite television in the late 1980s and early 1990s. We were also aware of the growing interest in media studies within South Asian studies, and hoped that the conference would resonate with scholars from various disciplines across the humanities and social sci- ences. -
The Radical Humanist on Website
Articles and Features: Present Social Scenario In our country there is continuous fall in the economic or standard of all democratic institutions. administrative, one Particularly the increasing criminalization among finds that it is political life of India where known criminals are enveloped in gloom, elected and become members of apex political frustration (Late Ramesh Korde institutions called parliament and also of V.M.Tarkunde). provincial legislative assemblies that administer At present as reported, nearly more than all the aspects of country. This has resulted into about thirty percent population live below enormous rise in administrative corruption. poverty line with million unemployed or semi- Present scenario presents criminals and employed and at the same time rapid growth of anti-social elements have been gaining population aggravating both poverty and acceptability in social and political area. It is unemployment. The result is, Indian democracy reported that in several parts of our country is and invariably continue to be weak, shaky where mafia leaders have become political and unstable. bosses. This has led to enormous increase of The present prevailing economic, social, administrative corruption by leaps and bounds. cultural inequalities, democracy is confined to It has become all pervasive and threatens to political sphere in not likely to continue in India become way of life so that it does not evoke for long time and will not lead to deeper and any moral revulsion. moral meaningful democracy. Even though civil liberties are guaranteed by In India political parties are involved in our constitution, however in present prevailing unprincipled struggle for power that has political and economic situation where only divorced moral principle from political practice. -
The First and the Second
The First and the Second ____________________________ Kah Kin Ho APPROVED: ____________________________ Alin Fumurescu, Ph.D. Committee Chair ___________________________ Jeremy D. Bailey, Ph.D. __________________________ Jeffrey Church, Ph.D. ________________________________ Antonio D. Tillis, Ph.D. Dean, College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Department of Hispanic Studies The Second and the First, An Examination into the Formation of the First Official Political Parties Under John Adams Kah Kin Ho Current as of 1 May, 2020 2 Introduction A simple inquiry into the cannon of early American history would reveal that most of the scholarly work done on the presidency of John Adams has mostly been about two things. The first, are the problems associated with his “characteristic stubbornness” and his tendencies to be politically isolated (Mayville, 2016, pg. 128; Ryerson, 2016, pg. 350). The second, is more preoccupied with his handling of foreign relations, since Adams was seemingly more interested in those issues than the presidents before and after him (DeConde, 1966, pg. 7; Elkin and McKitrick, 1993, pg. 529). But very few have attempted to examine the correlation between the two, or even the consequences the two collectively considered would have domestically. In the following essay, I will attempt to do so. By linking the two, I will try to show that because of these two particularities, he ultimately will— however unintentionally— contribute substantially to the development of political parties and populism. In regard to his personality, it is often thought that he was much too ambitious and self- righteous to have been an ideal president in the first place. -
Open Research Online Oro.Open.Ac.Uk
Open Research Online The Open University’s repository of research publications and other research outputs Indian student protests and the nationalist–neoliberal nexus Journal Item How to cite: Gupta, Suman (2019). Indian student protests and the nationalist–neoliberal nexus. Postcolonial Studies, 22(1) pp. 1–15. For guidance on citations see FAQs. c 2019 The Institute of Postcolonial Studies Version: Accepted Manuscript Link(s) to article on publisher’s website: http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.1080/13688790.2019.1568163 Copyright and Moral Rights for the articles on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. For more information on Open Research Online’s data policy on reuse of materials please consult the policies page. oro.open.ac.uk Postcolonial Studies Vol. 22 Issue 1, 2019, Print ISSN: 1368-8790 Online ISSN: 1466- 1888 Accepted, pre-copy edited version Indian Student Protests and the Nationalist-Neoliberal Nexus Suman Gupta Professor of Literature and Cultural History / Head of the Department of English and Creative Writing, The Open University UK [email protected] Abstract: This paper discusses the wider relevance of recent, 2014 and onwards, student protests in Indian higher education institutions, with the global neoliberal reorganisation of the sector in mind. The argument is tracked from specific high-profile junctures of student protests toward their grounding in the national/state level situation and then their ultimate bearing on the prevailing global condition. In particular, this paper considers present-day management practices and their relationship with projects to embed conservative and authoritarian norms in the higher education sector. -
Fake News: National Security in the Post-Truth Era
FAKE NEWS: NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE POST-TRUTH ERA Norman Vasu, Benjamin Ang, Policy Report Terri-Anne-Teo, Shashi Jayakumar, January 2018 Muhammad Faizal, and Juhi Ahuja POLICY REPORT FAKE NEWS: NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE POST-TRUTH ERA Norman Vasu, Benjamin Ang, Terri-Anne-Teo, Shashi Jayakumar, Muhammad Faizal, and Juhi Ahuja January 2018 Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 4 Unpacking Fake News 5 Disinformation Campaign to Undermine National Security 5 Misinformation for Domestic Political Agenda 6 Non-political Misinformation Gone Viral 7 Falsehoods for Entertainment 8 Falsehoods for Financial Gain 8 Dissemination Techniques in Disinformation Campaigns 9 Russia 9 China 12 Human Fallibility and Cognitive Predispositions 14 Fallible Memory 14 Illusory Truth Effect 15 Primacy Effect and Confirmation Bias 16 Access to Information 16 International Responses to Fake News 18 Counter Fake News Mechanisms 18 Strategic Communications 19 Self-Regulation by Technological Companies 20 Reducing Financial Incentives in Advertisements 21 Government Legislation 22 Critical Thinking and Media Literacy 24 Conclusion 26 About the Authors 29 About the Centre of Excellence for National Security 32 About the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies 32 Executive Summary Fake news is not a new issue, but it poses a greater challenge now. The velocity of information has increased drastically with messages now spreading internationally within seconds online. Readers are overwhelmed by the flood of information, but older markers of veracity have not kept up, nor has there been a commensurate growth in the ability to counter false or fake news. These developments have given an opportunity to those seeking to destabilise a state or to push their perspectives to the fore. -
The Problem Is Civil Obedience by Howard Zinn in November 1970
The Problem is Civil Obedience by Howard Zinn In November 1970, after my arrest along with others who had engaged in a Boston protest at an army base to block soldiers from being sent to Vietnam, I flew to Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore to take part in a debate with the philosopher Charles Frankel on civil disobedience. I was supposed to appear in court that day in connection with the charges resulting from the army base protest. I had a choice: show up in court and miss this opportunity to explain-and practice-my commitment to civil disobedience, or face the consequences of defying the court order by going to Baltimore. I chose to go. The next day, when I returned to Boston, I went to teach my morning class at Boston University. Two detectives were waiting outside the classroom and hauled me off to court, where I was sentenced to a few days in jail. Here is the text of my speech that night at Johns Hopkins. I start from the supposition that the world is topsy-turvy, that things are all wrong, that the wrong people are in jail and the wrong people are out of jail, that the wrong people are in power and the wrong people are out of power, that the wealth is distributed in this country and the world in such a way as not simply to require small reform but to require a drastic reallocation of wealth. I start from the supposition that we don't have to say too much about this because all we have to do is think about the state of the world today and realize that things are all upside down. -
Cap. 16 Tanzania Penal Code Chapter 16 of the Laws
CAP. 16 TANZANIA PENAL CODE CHAPTER 16 OF THE LAWS (REVISED) (PRINCIPAL LEGISLATION) [Issued Under Cap. 1, s. 18] 1981 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, DARES SALAAM Penal Code [CAP. 16 CHAPTER 16 PENAL CODE Arrangement of Sections PARTI General Provisions CHAPTER I Preliminary 1. Short title. 2. Its operation in lieu of the Indian Penal Code. 3. Saving of certain laws. CHAPTER II Interpretation 4. General rule of construction. 5. Interpretation. CHAPTER III Territorial Application of Code 6. Extent of jurisdiction of local courts. 7. Offences committed partly within and partly beyond the jurisdiction, CHAPTER IV General Rules as to Criminal Responsibility 8. Ignorance of law. 9. Bona fide claim of right. 10. Intention and motive. 11. Mistake of fact. 12. Presumption of sanity^ 13. Insanity. 14. Intoxication. 15. Immature age. 16. Judicial officers. 17. Compulsion. 18. Defence of person or property. 18A. The right of defence. 18B. Use of force in defence. 18C. When the right of defence extends to causing abath. 19. Use of force in effecting arrest. 20. Compulsion by husband. 21. Persons not to be punished twice for the same offence. 4 CAP. 16] Penal Code CHAPTER V Parties to Offences 22. Principal offenders. 23. Joint offences. 24. Councelling to commit an offence. CHAPTER VI Punishments 25. Different kinds of punishment. 26. Sentence of death. 27: Imprisonment. 28. Corpora] punishment. 29. Fines. 30. Forfeiture. 31. Compensation. 32. Costs. 33. Security for keeping the peace. 34. [Repealed]. 35. General punishment for misdemeanours. 36. Sentences cumulative, unless otherwise ordered. 37. Escaped convicts to serve unexpired sentences when recap- 38. -
The Right to Insult in International Law
THE RIGHT TO INSULT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW Amal Clooney and Philippa Webb* ABSTRACT States all over the world are enacting new laws that criminalize insults, and using existing insult laws with renewed vigour. In this article, we examine state practice, treaty provisions, and case law on insulting speech. We conclude that insulting speech is currently insufficiently protected under international law and regulatedby confused case law and commentary. We explain that the three principal internationaltreaties that regulate speech provide conflicting guidance on the right to insult in internationallaw, and the treaty provisions have been interpreted in inconsistent ways by international courts and United Nations bodies. We conclude by recommending that internationallaw should recognize a "rightto insult"and, drawingon US practice under the FirstAmendment, we propose eight recommendations to guide consideration of insulting speech in internationallaw. These recommendations would promote coherence in international legal standards and offer greater protection to freedom of speech. * Amal Clooney is a barrister at Doughty Street Chambers and a Visiting Professor at Columbia Law School. Philippa Webb is a barrister at 20 Essex Street Chambers and Reader (Associate Professor) in Public International Law at King's College London. We thank Matthew Nelson, Anna Bonini, Katarzyna Lasinska, Raphaelle Rafin, Tiffany Chan, Deborah Tang, Ollie Persey, and Mirka Fries for excellent research assistance. We are grateful to Professor Guglielmo Verdirame, Professor Michael Posner, Professor Vince Blasi, and Nani Jansen for comments. COL UMBIA HUMAN RIGHTS LAW RE VIE W [48.2 INTRODUCTION Freedom of speech is under attack. States all over the world are enacting new laws that criminalize insults and are using existing insult laws with renewed vigour. -
Briefing on the Sedition Act of 1798 Handout A
Briefing on the Sedition Act of 1798 Handout A After the French Revolution, an intense political conflict developed in the United States. Members of the Federalist Party feared France because the French king was beheaded in their revolution. Federalists preferred England as an ally. Members of the opposing Republican Party preferred France as an ally. (It is not associated with today’s Republican Party.) In 1796, John Adams, a Federalist, was elected president. Thomas Jefferson, a Republican, became vice president. In those days, the presidential candidate who won second place became vice president. It did not matter if he was from a different political party. (Under those rules, Donald Trump would be president today, and Hillary Clinton would be vice president!) In 1797, French officials tried to bribe U.S. diplomats. Federalists considered this an outrage. The Federalist- John Adams, Pres. U.S. Photograph. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/2004665571/>. controlled Congress decided to suppress French influence in U.S. politics. In June and July 1798, Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts. The Alien Acts included a new law that made it harder for immigrants to become citizens. Another new law authorized the president to deport any non-citizen (immigrant) he suspected of plotting against the government. The Sedition Act restricted freedoms of assembly, speech, and the press. Sedition means any act that stirs up rebellion against the government. The new law outlawed protest against laws and acts of the president. It also made it illegal to express “any false, scandalous and malicious writing” against Congress or the president.* The new law punished anyone with “bad intent” who criticized Congress or the president. -
Insurrection & the Cult of Personality
Insurrection & the Cult of Personality: A Truth-Reckoning and Call for Accountability Matthew 2:1-18 Rev. Todd B. Freeman College Hill Presbyterian Church, Tulsa January 10, 2021 Today was supposed to be a celebration of Baptism of the Lord Sunday, the First Sunday after Epiphany. The working title of the sermon I was preparing was, “New Beginnings”. Just as baptism marks an initiation, a starting point, into following the ways and teachings of Jesus, I was going to explore the hope and the calling to new beginnings in this new year. But on Epiphany Day itself, which is always on January 6, twelve days after Christmas, all that was tossed out in order to respond to the violent insurrection and desecration of our nation’s Capitol building. An insurrection is defined as a violent uprising or assault against civil authority or an established government. And sedition, by the way, is defined as conduct or speech inciting people to rebel against the authority of a state. So, instead of reading the story of Jesus’ baptism today, I decided to use the assigned lectionary scripture passage for Epiphany itself, the story of the magi and their encounter with King Herod. Why this passage? Because I find a connection between the leadership of the lying, paranoid, power-hungry, fearful, threatened, angry, and violent King Herod, and the leadership (the words and actions, as well as their resulting consequences) of our current president. The recent words and actions of President Donald Trump have been almost universally accepted as stoking and inciting that insurrection . -
Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union
Florida State University Law Review Volume 36 Issue 1 Article 3 2008 Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union John C. Knechtle [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation John C. Knechtle, Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union, 36 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. (2008) . https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr/vol36/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida State University Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW HOLOCAUST DENIAL AND THE CONCEPT OF DIGNITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION John C. Knechtle VOLUME 36 FALL 2008 NUMBER 1 Recommended citation: John C. Knechtle, Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union, 36 FLA. ST. U. L. REV. 41 (2008). HOLOCAUST DENIAL AND THE CONCEPT OF DIGNITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION JOHN C. KNECHTLE∗ ABSTRACT On April 19, 2007, the Justice and Home Affairs Council of the European Union adopted the Framework Decision on Racism and Xenophobia (the “Framework Decision”),1 which seeks to initiate sub- stantial hate speech regulation throughout the European Union, in- cluding public speech which condones, denies, or grossly trivializes the crimes defined by the Nuremberg Tribunal, namely the Holo- caust.2 Although the Framework Decision does not have direct effect in member states and the European Commission does not have powers to initiate enforcement actions, the Framework Decision asks Euro- pean Union member states to enact legislation that criminalizes vari- ous forms of pure speech based on their content alone.3 In my recent writing on this subject, I formulated a set of factored principles which address the issues of when and how governmental 4 entities should regulate hate speech.