DOCSLIB.ORG

The New Age, Vol 28, No 6

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The New Age, Vol 28, No 6 NOTES OF THE WEEK. ART. By R. H. Stephens. WORLD AFFAIRS. By M. M. Cosmoi. A PERIODICAL. By J. A. M. Alcock. OUR GENERATION. By Edward Moore. VIEWS AND REVIEWS: Psychic Research -- VIII. By A. E. R. READERS AND WRITERS. ByR. H. C. REVIEWS: Crucible Island. Ann’s First Flutter. DRAMA: The New Morality. By John Francis The Ivory Trail. Hope. PASTICHE. By R. M., N. C.Hermon-Hodge, Ruth MUSIC. By William Atheling. Pitter. much more likely to come off than to fail. And in NOTES OF THE WEEK. the second place, our readers will not be surprised to hear that we ourselves are not in the least surprised by Much the most significant event of the week has been it: the event has long been inherent in the existing the public initiation by the “Times” of open naval commercial system and has always, in fact, been open rivalry between this country and America and Japan. to calculation. Modern industrial nations, as we are Those who can recall the attitude of the Northcliffe always pointing out, are permanently faced by the difficulty Press towards Germany in the days preceding the War of providing employment for an increasing number will have no difficulty in discovering resemblances and of people rendered useless by increasing economies in drawing the appropriate moral. “With the present of production. Their only possible means of relief, building programme of the United States and Japan in short of a radical change in the domestic distributive full progress,” we are told, “it will not be long before system, is an increasing export; and since, in the the British fleet . will rank third among the navies nature of things, foreign markets cannot continue to of the world.” The design, of course, is not to institute absorb with a diminishing purchasing power, an comparisonsfor any inimical object. In fact, the ever-increasingmass of imports, one of two things must “Times” hastens to remark that “it cannot be eventually happen: either one industrial exporting repeated too often that insistence on this point is inspired nation must go out of business in the certainty of by no fear of possible hostile intention, either in the creating for itself a gigantic unemployment problem United States or in Japan.” The policy is entirely leading to Bolshevism, or it must attempt to knock out abstract, a matter of statistics only. At the same time, its rival by war. There is no particular “wickedness” “the nation cannot be indifferent to a state of affairs that we can see in the policy thus enforced on the which constitutes a complete reversal of the pre-War executivesof the rival nations. If, for example, we knew for Navy policy of this country.” We should think not, a surety that the Committee of Imperial Defence; which indeed, considering what our pre-War policy brought has been silently sitting ever since the Armistice, had us to; but the powers behind the “Times” know been spending its time planning war with America; or perfectlywell that insistence upon the point at issue cannot if, on the other side of the Atlantic, it were revealed be regarded as merely academic either in America or that Mr. Harding’s policy is war -- we could find no in Japan. A statistical comparison of naval strength is ground for such denunciations of human wickedness the familiar diplomatic forerunner of a comparison in as adorn the pages of the “Nation” and Mr. Morel’s other terms; and we once more put it to our readers, “Foreign Affairs.” The wickedness is resident, not in whose responsibility is greater than that of any other the executive policy, but in the legislature that defines body of people in this country, whether they are the object of the policy; and, briefly, so long as both content to see, within a measurable period of time, a war this country and America, with the full consent of their between England, America and Japan. For ourselves respective Liberal and Labour parties (not to mention we cannot with our poor resources and against the the hypnotised public), continue to tolerate and support malice and apathy of the whole of the Press do much a system that actually requires an increasing export to more than continue to point to the approaching peril. maintain it, so long will it be the absolute duty of their We are in number, all told, only two or three; our executives to employ the necessary means, of which readers are a few thousand, many of them highly and war is, of course, the chief. powerfully placed. And it is for them at least to second * * * cur efforts to avert the greatest catastrophe that can The American Note sent by Mr. Colby to the British occur to the human race. Government on the Mesopotamian oil agreement * * * particularly and on “mandates” generally “politely but It will be useless, we may say, to attempt to meet firmly” indicates the policy which America is not only the situation by denunciation, still less by indulging disposed to adopt, but must adopt within the four the opinion that, after all, it is only another of Lord corners of the existing system. In summary, America’s Northcliffe’s “stunts.” In the first place, we have demand, as “a participant in the world war and a every assurance that if it is a “stunt” journalistically contributor to its successful issue,” is for a share in the speaking,“ it has the backing of a considerable party swag, among which, first and foremost, must be among the governing oligarchies both of this country included a share in the access to the world’s oil and America; in other words, it is a “stunt” that is resources. Oil, it need scarcely be remarked, is a key-product in every sense of the word. Oil to-day is At the Guildhall banquet a few weeks ago, Mr. Lloyd power; and it therefore follows that not only is George asserted that “things were coming right.” At America’s claim justified on the moral facts of the the dinner of the Federation of British Industries last case, but her enforcement of the claim is to be expected week he had recovered from his optimism and was on the grounds of economic necessity. We do not ready to say that the period of depression now upon us pretend to know what reply Sir Basil Zaharoff and his might be long or short, hut in any event it would be friends will dictate to be made by the British and serious. Without pausing to inquire what England has French Governments to America’s demand. It may done to deserve a weathercock for its Prime Minister, be that the threatening articles of the “Times” are we pass on to note the remedy Mr. Lloyd George had the preliminary clauses. But there cannot be the least to offer. If our report can be believed, his remedy for doubt that, as things are, threats or no threats, a situation in which Production almost tragically America must and will have as much oil as England exceeds Consumption is to consume less. There must, and France, cost what it may. The “Times” Washington he said, be the most relentless economy all round. The correspondent,one of the most intelligent journalists “orgy of expenditure” that had taken place had been living (though we do not know his name from the ruin of industry after a war such as that in which Adam), summarised American policy very clearly in his we had been engaged. Everybody, in public and dispatch of last Monday. The question of foreign private station alike, must spend less. How a reduced trade, he said, was being studied in America with a demand for commodities at home is going to make up closeness hitherto unknown. The Merchant Marine for a deficiency of demand for commodities abroad we was being developed at a rapid rate; the practical are sure that Mr. Lloyd George has not the least idea. problems of lines of communication were being seriously As we have said, the immediate cause of the industrial tackled; and, above all, the extension of oil resources slump is the cessation of demand chiefly, of course, under American control was being sought with the from abroad. Foreign nations simply have not the utmost determination. Once again, we cannot see that money with which to come to our market. Mr. Lloyd it could be otherwise. Long ago, and when Mr. Vanderlip George’s remedy for this state of things is to urge the and Mr. Brandeis were trying to reassure this home consumer to follow voluntarily the example country that America would not “go in” for foreign compulsorily set by the foreign consumer: in a word, to trade, we observed that America had no option in the reduce consumption all round. matter, save by a domestic industrial revolution. * * * Foreign trade as a means of disposing of American “surplus” production is as necessary to America as it It is improbable that when Napoleon or whoever it is to this country, the alternative being unemployment. was said that the English were a “nation of The recent creation of three or four million unemployed shop-keepers”he had in mind the refinement of the phrase. in America is sufficient evidence of America’s need of Mr. Lloyd George, however, in his references to our foreign trade, and a sufficient explanation of her recent shopkeeping and the present shortage of European Note to England. Nor can the situation be eased by customers, might have been expected to distinguish words alone.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Labour Party Is More Than the Shadow Cabinet, and Corbyn Must Learn to Engage with It
    The Labour Party is more than the shadow cabinet, and Corbyn must learn to engage with it blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/the-labour-party-is-more-than-the-shadow-cabinet/ 1/11/2016 The three-day reshuffle of the shadow cabinet might have helped Jeremy Corbyn stamp his mark on the party but he needs to do more to ensure his leadership lasts, writes Eunice Goes. She explains the Labour leader must engage with all groups that have historically made up the party, while his rhetoric should focus more on policies that resonate with the public. Doing so will require a stronger vision of what he means by ‘new politics’ and, crucially, a better communications strategy. By Westminster standards Labour’s shadow cabinet reshuffle was ‘shambolic’ and had the key ingredients of a ‘pantomime’. At least, it was in those terms that it was described by a large number of Labour politicians and Westminster watchers. It certainly wasn’t slick, or edifying. Taking the best of a week to complete a modest shadow cabinet reshuffle was revealing of the limited authority the leader Jeremy Corbyn has over the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP). Against the wishes of the Labour leader, the Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn and the Shadow Chief Whip Rosie Winterton kept their posts. However, Corbyn was able to assert his authority in other ways. He moved the pro-Trident Maria Eagle from Defence and appointed the anti-Trident Emily Thornberry to the post. He also imposed some ground rules on Hillary Benn and got rid of Michael Dugher and Pat McFadden on the grounds of disloyalty.
    [Show full text]
  • Radical Nostalgia, Progressive Patriotism and Labour's 'English Problem'
    Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour©s ©English problem© Article (Accepted Version) Robinson, Emily (2016) Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem'. Political Studies Review, 14 (3). pp. 378-387. ISSN 1478-9299 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61679/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Author’s Post-Print Copy Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem' Emily Robinson, University of Sussex ABSTRACT ‘Progressive patriots’ have long argued that Englishness can form the basis of a transformative political project, whether based on an historic tradition of resistance to state power or an open and cosmopolitan identity.
    [Show full text]
  • George Lansbury and the Middlesbrough Election of 1906
    A. W. PURDUE GEORGE LANSBURY AND THE MIDDLESBROUGH ELECTION OF 1906 The different elements which came together to form the Labour Representation Committee1 in February 1900 were, when it came to party organisation, at once its strength and its weakness. Labour was not in the position of a totally new political party having to build up a political machine from scratch, rather the LRC was able to utilise and build upon existing organisations: these were the Independent Labour Party, the Fabian Society, those trade unions which supported the LRC, and trades councils throughout the country (the Social Dem- ocratic Federation disaffiliated from the LRC after little more than a year's membership). At both a local and a national level, however, these organisations were often hostile to each other, jealous of their independence and suspicious of attempts by the LRC Executive2 to control them. The early history of the LRC in the North East of England has many examples of the result- of these divisions within the Labour movement. In 1902 the Labour movement in Jarrow and the NEC had been hopelessly split over the question of whether Alexander Wilkie, Secretary of the Shipwrights' Union, or Peter Curran, General Organiser of the Gasworkers' Union, should be LRC candidate for Jarrow. This was much more than an inter-union squabble as Curran was a socialist and leading ILPer while Wilkie was a moderate trade unionist pre- pared to work closely with local Liberalism; Curran's adoption was therefore a victory for the more militant forces within the Labour movement. Many trade unionists in the North East who supported the LRC were opposed to a complete break with Liberalism and especially wished to work harmoniously with the existing Liberal-Labour MPs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenge of Britain's Jeremy Corbyn
    JANUARY 2015 THE CHALLENGE OF BRITAIN’S JEREMY CORBYN By Jeremy Black Jeremy Black is a professor of history at the University of Exeter and a senior fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is author of over 100 books, most recently Other Pasts, Different Presents, Alternative Futures (Indiana University Press, 2015) and A Short History of Britain (Bloomsbury, 2015, 2nd ed.). To be congratulated by Hamas, Russia and Syriza on your election may not be what most of us would want, nor to celebrate by singing the Red Flag and making clear one would not bomb ISIS militants in Syria. It is not surprising, however, if you are pro-Russia, pro-Hamas, pro-Hizbullah and pro-IRA. The election of a new head for the Labour Party in Britain, however, raises major questions about the future not only of that party but also of British politics and foreign policy and thus of Britain’s relations with the remainder of the European Union, with the United States, and more generally. The tone of British politics has also radically changed. The Prime Minister’s comment that Jeremy Corbyn posed a clear threat to Britain’s security reflected the hard-left, indeed Marxisant, character of the new Labour leader. The chairman of the Stop the War Coalition has made a range of comments over the years indicating a degree of hostility to the United States and to Britain’s defense profile that are deeply troubling. They are also totally out of line with the tradition of the Labour Party. Not only did it join a coalition government during World War Two, but Labour governments also negotiated the establishment of NATO and the development of the British atom bomb.
    [Show full text]
  • Clement Attlee Was Born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the Seventh of Eight Children
    P R O F I L E Clement Attlee was born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the seventh of eight children. His father, Henry Attlee, was a solicitor and senior partner in the firm of Druces and Attlee, whose offices were in the Middle Temple. After being home-schooled, Attlee was educated at the preparatory school Northaw Place and then Haileybury College, both in Hertfordshire. At Haileybury, which had a strong military ethos, Attlee became an enthusiastic member of the Volunteer Rifle Corps. After leaving Haileybury in 1901 Attlee went on to University College, Oxford, where he studied Modern History. He specialised in Italian and Renaissance history and graduated in 1904 with a second-class degree. After leaving Oxford Attlee followed in his father’s footsteps and entered the legal profession, although without any great enthusiasm for it. He had been admitted to the Inner Temple on 30 January 1904, and in the autumn of that year entered the Lincoln’s Inn chambers of Sir Philip Gregory. His father’s connections meant he had already C L E M E N T dined at the Inner Temple; he was called to the Bar in March 1906. In October 1905, Attlee accompanied his brother Laurence to the A T T L E E Haileybury Club, a club in Stepney, East London for working-class boys, run by former Haileybury College pupils. It was connected to B O R N 1 8 8 3 the Territorial Army, and volunteers were expected to become non- D I E D 1 9 6 7 commissioned officers.
    [Show full text]
  • 67 Summer 2010
    For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 67 / Summer 2010 / £10.00 Liberal Democrat history Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y Liberals and the left Matthew Roberts Out of Chartism, into Liberalism Popular radicals and the Liberal Party Michael Freeden The Liberal Party and the New Liberalism John Shepherd The flight from the Liberal PartyLiberals who joined Labour, 1914–31 Matt Cole ‘An out-of-date word’ Jo Grimond and the left Peter Hellyer The Young Liberals and the left, 1965–70 Liberal Democrat History Group Liberal Leaders The latest publication from the Liberal Democrat History Group is Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats since 1900. The sixty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat leader since 1900. The total of sixteen biographies stretches from Henry Campbell-Bannerman to Nick Clegg, including such figures as H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, Jo Grimond, David Steel, David Owen and Paddy Ashdown. Liberal Leaders is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £5 (normal price £6) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £5.00 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.
    [Show full text]
  • Filenote Enq 2008/5/2-Pcc
    FILENOTE ENQ 2008/5/2-PCC 13 October 2008 ‘Fetters and Roses’ Dinner This was an informal name for a dinner given at the House of Commons on 9 January 1924 for Members of Parliament who had been imprisoned for political or religious reasons. This note is intended to assist identification of as many individuals as possible in a photograph which was donated to the Library, through the Librarian, by Deputy Speaker Mrs Sylvia Heal MP. The original of the photograph will be retained by Parliamentary Archives, while scanned copies are accessible online. A report in The Times the following day [page 12] lists 49 people who had accepted invitations. Some of these were current MPs, while others had been Members in the past and at least two [Mrs Ayrton Gould and Eleanor Rathbone] were to become Members in the future. I have counted 46 people in the photograph, not including the photographer, whose identity is unknown. Mr James Scott Duckers [who never became an MP, but stood as a Parliamentary candidate, against Churchill, in a by- election only a few weeks after the dinner] is described on the photograph as being ‘in the chair’. The Times report also points out that ‘it was explained in an advance circular that the necessary qualification is held by 19 members of the House of Commons, of whom 16 were expected to be present at the dinner’. This raises the question of who the absentees were. One possibility might be George Lansbury [then MP for Poplar, Bow & Bromley], who had been imprisoned twice, in 1913 [after a speech in the Albert Hall appeared to sanction the suffragettes’ arson campaign] and in 1921 [he was one of the Poplar councillors who had refused to collect the rates].
    [Show full text]
  • Labour's Everyman, –
    ch1-2.008 7/8/02 2:44 PM Page 1 Labour’s Everyman, – On April a group of figures appeared on the Northumberland horizon walk- ing slowly in the brilliant sunlight along Hadrian’s Wall. Included in the party were officials of local antiquarian societies, civil servants, businessmen, and newspaper reporters. In the midst was the Cabinet minister from Whitehall: a large-framed seventy-year-old man, with white hair and ruddy face adorned by mutton-chop whiskers, attired in an old alpaca suit and bowler hat. Instantly recognized wherever he went, he possessed an unmistakable ringing voice, in which he greeted everyone as his friend. At Housesteads, the official retinue stopped to concentrate on the silent stones. Characteristically, the minister conversed warmly with the eighty-one-year-old keeper of the fortification, Thomas Thompson, before pondering the moral and political dilemma revealed by the threat of extensive quarrying to the Roman Wall. As the Cabinet minister in the second Labour government responsible for national monuments and historic sites, George Lansbury was steeped in British his- tory. However, he recognized that , tons of quarried stone provided the pos- sibility of permanent employment in a region blighted by the inter-war Depression, but only at the expense of one of the most striking and beautiful stretches of the ancient monument.1 In Britain today, George Lansbury is probably remembered best, not as the First Commissioner of Works, but as the humanitarian and Christian pacifist leader of the Labour Party, apparently out of touch with the realpolitik of European affairs in the s.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legislative Leadership Role, of the British
    THE LEGISLATIVE LEADERSHIP ROLE, OF THE BRITISH PRIME MINISTER by Chia-chin Hsieh I! Bachelor of Arts Tunghai University Taichung, Formosa 1959 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May, 1964 OKLAHOMA ITATE UNIVER ~!BRARr JM j l9t>5 THE LEGISLATIVE LEADERSHIP ROLE OF THE BRITISH PRIME MINISTER Thesis Approved: ~/rP-7 /Cd_ Thesis Advisor 569616 ii PREFACE The British parliamentary-cabinet system, which is characterized by the fusion of executive and legislative powers, is one of the two most imitated models in the contemporary world. It has produced a responsible type of legislative leadership in which the concentration of authority has been balanced by obligations of political accountability. The Prime Minister, in assuming the leadership of the Government and the House of Commons, must politically render an account of his public mandate to his party, to the House of Commons, and to the electorate. For the past three hundred years, the Prime Minister has gradually usurped the exercise of almost the totality of the formal constitutional powers still nominally vested in the Sovereign and in Parliament. Commencing from rather humble status as chief advisor to the monarchy and then undergoing transformation into the parliamentary agent and custodian over the Monarch, the Prime Minister has become the kingpin of the Government and Parliament. This transformation of the Prime Minister from the position of servant of the Crown and Parliament into master of both is the consequence of the formation of well-disciplined and highly-centralized political parties in Great Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Durham E-Theses
    Durham E-Theses The British labour party and the League of Nations 1933-5 Corthorn, Paul Steven How to cite: Corthorn, Paul Steven (1999) The British labour party and the League of Nations 1933-5, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4497/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 1933-5 PAUL STEVEN CORTHORN THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without the written consent of the author and information derived from it should be acknowledged. UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM SEPTEMBER 1999 23 THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 1933-5 PAUL STEVEN CORTHORN THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UMVERSITY OF DURHAM SEPTEMBER 1999 This thesis examines the divisions over foreign policy that emerged within the Labour movement from 1933, and culminated in a debate between its leaders at the 1935 party conference.
    [Show full text]
  • Spirit of Britain, Purpose of Labour Building a Whole Nation Politics to Re-Unite Our Divided Country
    Spirit of Britain, Purpose of Labour Building a whole nation politics to re-unite our divided country Edited by Stephen Kinnock MP & Joe Jervis 1 Spirit of Britain, Purpose of Labour Building a whole nation politics to re-unite our divided country Published in 2018 by Labour Future Limited Labour Future is a broad campaign with a positive vision for the future of the Labour Party and the future of the United Kingdom. It is committed to ensuring the Labour Party campaigns as a broad church, representative of all communities and opinions to secure a Labour government. Labour Future’s mission is to help unify the Labour movement, and reconnect with our traditional heartlands. Stephen Kinnock is Labour MP for Aberavon. Joe Jervis is co-founder of the English Labour Network and writes here in a personal capacity. Copyright Foreword and Conclusion © 2018 Stephen Kinnock Copyright Editorial Selection and Spirit of Britain section © 2018 Stephen Kinnock and Joe Jervis Copyright individual chapters © 2018 Anna Turley and Charlotte Holloway, John Mills, Trevor Phillips, Dan Jarvis, Emma Reynolds, Justin Madders, Sunder Katwala and Jill Rutter, Rowenna Davis, Steve Reed, John Denham, Will Straw. Stephen Kinnock and Joe Jervis have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1998 to be identified as the editors of this work. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations with clear signposting, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into any retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise – without the prior written permission of the publisher.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Life-History of a Great Political Party There Are Five
    PREFACE In the life-history of a great political party there are five natural divisions or chapters : the first deals with its origin ; the second, with the period between organization and advent to power ; the third, with its experiences while in power; the fourth with its experiences while in opposition ; the fifth, with the causes and circumstances of its dissolution. A. D. MORSE, Parties and Party Leaders, p. 25. THIS is a study of the structure and problems of the Labour Party from 1931 through 1937, a period of six years as His Majesty's Opposition in Parliament. The origin and growth of the Party have been sketched briefly in the introductory chapter. Primarily, how- ever, I have been concerned with examining the Labour organization and its record since the General Election of 1931. Americans of progressive leanings long have admired the British Labour Party rather overcreduously. Like many of my countrymen I have been curious about this Party which vaulted from a humble beginning to national office within a single generation. As a student of American Parties I was anxious to observe a major Party machine built without those twin evils of our politics, the spoils system and financing by the wealthy. ix X PREFACE When the opportunity to investigate the Labour Party did come, I decided at the outset not to attempt any definitive history of the Party, but to confine my work to inventorying its resources and tracing its trends over a limited period. My study has been restricted further by personal inclinations—I am more interested in practical politics than in theoretical considerations.
    [Show full text]