PREFACE

' H E r ent t re at ise is a c olle c t ion o f six e ssa s T p e s y ,

sub e ct s o f hi t o ric m r d e aling Wit h j s al i po t ance .

Mo st of t he m h a v e be e n p ublishe d in t he Jour n als an d Pro c e e ding s o f t he Asiat ic So c ie t y of

Be n al I ha e re ise d t h rin an g . v v e p t e d e ssays d

rifi d th r re n c m ank ul t r I a t h o D . B . M . ve e e e fe e s . f

B ar a i r r u , D . L t t . M . A. f o t he fo e

Dr r ndr t L B a A. . L w ord , and t o . N e a N a h aw , M . ,

f or his kindn e ss in in clu ding t his

i in hi Calc ut t a O rie nt al erie s t re at se s S .

’ 24 UKEA S STREET , S , C C U S M A I A A AR A L . AL TTA , L CH N W 2 Au s 1 92 . gu t ,

CONTENTS

A CH PTER I .

Taxila as a seat of learning in Sanskrit and Pali Literature

CHAPTER II .

The wandering teachers in the time of the Buddha

II CHAPTER I .

Influenc e of the five heretic al teac hers on Jainism and Buddhism

CHAPTER IV .

’ Buddhaghosa s c ommentaries

CHAPTER V.

The Lic chav is in Anc ient India

CHAPTER VI .

B and Ni a t has uddha Q g n

INDE"

FO REWO RD

MR o f . B . C . Law , author the following monographs , has shown me much kindn ess in asking me to write a f f e w o . . words as to what I think his writings Mr Law , w d who is already well kno n to us , nee s no introduction . He is a devoted student of Buddhism and Buddhist

Literature . Most o f the monographs included in this book are reprints o f articles contributed to the Journals and Proceedings o f the Asiatic So c iety o f

’ c Bengal . These will go at on e to show that Mr . Law s d researches have been confine to Buddhist literature , a particularly that in P li , and that his is mostly a compilation work . However thankless such a task

has mav appear to the general reader , it an immense

f o r di value as supplying materials In an history , and to me , at least , it is of paramount importance . Though

libl abo u t di is people talk g y ancient In an history , it those actually working in the field who can realise how uncertain the data are and how scanty the materials

n which have hitherto been collected . We are o t to remain idl e under the impression that there is no further

o f l need for the work col ection and compilation , nor should we belittle the impor tance o f the works of those like Mr . Law , who have honestly and assiduously been lab ouring hard to bring together and publish the refer e noc e from a particular literature bearing upon a

particular te pic . I am far from saying that Mr . Law is the first to find o ut all the references noticed in his monographs and none need be surprised that o n certain ppint s o ur views concur as we worked together f o r " W FORE ORD .

sometime and were interested in the same subject . But I must draw attention to his list of wandering

’ teachers o f Buddha s time which has a very important

so tale to tell . We have long been under the belief that there we re no other wise men in ancient India than the originators o f what we used to call the six

’ o f f schools Hindu Philosophy . Mr . Law s list o wander

v and ing teachers will ser e to disillusionize many , convinc e them that there were no t six but sixty power

’ ful sc hools o f thought in existence in Buddh a s time and

H is mentioned in Buddh ist literature . monograph on Buddhag ho sa and his commentaries is a well-thought out essay and I hope he will gradually develop it into a larger treatise . His other essays are also interesting

has and well written . I understand that Mr . Law taken care to revise his monographs and verify the references .

L1 N I V ER SITY o r CA LCUTTA , B M BAR A . . U . u us 1 22 " A 9 . g t , H ISTO R ICAL GLEAN IN GS.

A E CH PT R I .

TA"ILA AS A SEAT O F LEAR NING IN SAN SKRI T AND PAL LI ER A R E I T TU .

' Taxila has been frequently referred to in Pali Litera ture as a centre of learning in Ancient Indi a . Pupils from diff erent parts of India used to visit the place

A t o to learn various arts and sciences . ccording ‘

Dhamma ad a h akatha Pase nadi of Ko sala p tt , , the king ,

e ‘ J n . i was educat d at Taxila vaka , the renowned physicia

o f Bi a w as at the court King mbis ra , educated in 2 and s medicine surgery here . Princes from variou 3 kingdoms used to be sent to this place f or education . 4 In o ne place there is a reference to a young man o f a a the L lha country going to Taxila for education . L lha a f it i o a . As s is the P li form R lha to identificat on ,

and l l I agree with Mr . N a a Dey who in his Notes o n the History of the district of Hugli o r the Ancient a ’ l 1 1 0 6 4 9 . 0 V o . R lha New series , VI , , p ) writes It should be borne in mind that the princess Supp adev i w as carried away by a lion at Lalha while she w as proceeding from Vanga ' t o Mag adha (Modern a a ve Beh r) , and therefore L lha must ha been situated t h be ween Vanga and Mag ad a and no t in Kalinga . The

a o r a o f identification of L la L ta , the native country

l . 2 1 P . T . t . 1 S Edi ion , p . 2 a a t e 3 . M ah av agg a (Vinaya Pit k e di e d by Old nb e rg) VIII . 3 1 1 0 45 . at a a Faiisb oll . . 259 . . 6 21 7 J k ( ) , Vol I , p , Vol V , pp , ,

. . . 447 . 1 Ibid , Vol I , p 2 I O I I H ST R CAL GLEAN NGS .

V1 Guie rat at ] aya , with by some writers cannot be all ” correct . In several places in the Pali Jatakae "there are references to highly renowned teachers living at

t o Taxila and the various subjects taught there . In

' o ne of a the J takas , a very beautiful picture of the

. li o f has a student fe those days been drawn (J taka ,

p . A so n of the King of Benares went to

arts axila from a renowned teacher . He

1 ’ c arrie gold coins as teacher s fee . In those days,there were two classes of pupils—(i) those who used t o pay f or their education ; (ii) those who s erved the1 r teacher during the day-time in lieu o f . payment and received lessons during the night . The paying pupils used to live in the house of their teacher

s n al like his eldest o . Corpor punishment for offences w as not unknown in those days : there is a reference

an to a prince being beaten by his preceptor for offence . ‘L For Citt asambhfi t a Jat aka the , it appears that lessons

onl were given to the upper classes y , namely , to the

‘ a Ksat ri as h as d Br hmins and y , for it been sai there that two Candala youths disguised as Brahmins were ll learning sciences from a teacher , but were expe ed t ou . when found Of the subjects taught , the three Vedas

a nd eighteen Vijj as are frequently mentioned . The a three Vedas are the Rigveda , S maveda , and Yajurveda . The Atharv av e da as the fourth Veda has been men s a a k lac e s t io ne d nowhere in the P li J ta as . In many p pupils have been described as learning sipp as (si as)

o nl si a y , but the word pp appears to have been used in f the comprehensive sense o learning .

1 ata a Faiisb ofi . . 347 . . 402 463 3 1 7 . J k ( ) , Vol VI , p , Vol I , pp , , ' 2 21 s Ibid , p . [ 3 i . 4 v . 1 . . . 347 . 4 7 . 77 bid , Vol II , p , Vol I , p p ; Vol , pp , ‘ TAe A A s F I 3 A SEAT O LEARN NG .

1 In the Kosiya Jataka it is stated that during the r of Brahm adat t a of B o dh isat t a eign , the King Benares , being born in a Brahmin family , studied the three Vedas and eighteen V ijj as a t Taxila ; became a renowned t eacher at Benares and used to teach the three Vedas

. and eighteen Vijj as to Ksa triy a princes and Brahmin D g boys . In the umme dha Jataka we find that t he reign of B rahmad at t a of Benares was born in the womb o f the chief q datta and w as call the age o f e t o sixt en , he went Taxila and mastered the three Vedas

i as and eighteen V jj . There is a description in the 3 Bhimase na Jataka of ho w the B o dhisat t a learnt the t hree Vedas and the eighteen V ijj as (branches of know

e a t and l dge) from a renowned teacher Taxila , in many , “ other Jat akas we find that the Bodhisat t a became well versed in the three Vedas and eighteen V ijj as at Taxila . 6 In the Bhimase na Jataka w e find that the Bodhi s atta learnt archery at Taxila and afterwards became

A and a famous archer . fter learning the three Vedas V i as the eighteen jj at Taxila , he went to a weaver named Bhimasena wh o was so called because of his

f or gigantic appearance , and asked him to search an appointment for himself as an archer , assuring him that the Bodh isat t a woul d actually do all his work f o r

Bhimase n a o t as him . When g the appointment an

c of w as ar her to the King Benares , he asked by the

al l king to kill a tiger which was devouring his subj ects .

1 fit aka Fau sb oll 4 2 Ib l d V J . . 63 ol . 285 . ( ) , Vol I , p . , I , p 3 . . I . 356 Ibid , Vol , p .

4 ’ . . 505 5 1 0 . . 200 . . 87 V o l . Ibid Vol I , pp , ; Vol IV , p , Vol II, p ; 1 1 5 1 22 III , pp . , . 5 1 . 356 . bid ol , .. . V I p 4 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS .

Bhimase na at once killed the tiger being guided by the

B o dhisat t a , and was rewarded . On another occasion

‘ of he killed a wild buff alo . He became proud his strength and valour and began to disregard the Bodhi

ds satta . Shortly afterwar , a foreign king attacked

' Bh mase na o n . i Benares was sent an elephant , but he was so frightened that he was about to fall down from

Bo dhisat t a e the back of Ithe animal . The sent him hom ' Asadisa J and defeated the foreign king . In the ataka we find that th e B o dhisatt a mastered the three Vedas

H e and the eighteen Vijj as at Taxila . was the eldest son of the King o f Benares named Asadisa and he had a

Br hmad t t younger brother named a a a . His father

son bequeathed his throne to his eldest , but he refused to take the kingdom and gave it up in favour of his l u . younger brother . The co nci lors intrigued Upon

l d ni this , he eft the king om and went to the domi on of another king where he made himself known as a bowman . The king appointed him his archer . In order to remove all doubts about him from the mindS

o ld of his bowmen , the king asked him to bring down a mango from the top of a tree with his bow and arrow . He succeeded in doing so by shooting an arrow unto the skies , which came down with the mango aimed at .

. 2 A di Sarabhan a Ja B odhisat t a ccor ng to the g taka , the was f f born in the womb o the wife o a priest . His

st ufii father sent him to Taxila to learn arts . He ed A arts and paid fees to the famous teac her . fter com

le t in p g his education , he received from his teacher

Kha arat ana Sandh i ut t ame aka gg (a, valuable sword) , y nd

1 2 v 1 2 b d . a F l 8 . 7 at a au sb o l . 7 . J k ( ) , Vol II , p . Vol , C "I AS A I 5 TA LA SEAT OF LEARN NG . sm adhanum d ; g (a bow ma e of the horn of a ram) , San dhi ut t a tunhiram a y (a quiver made up of j oints) , Sann h k fi k i a a cu am m Unh sa t . (an ar our) , (a urban) The B o dhisat t a trained up 500 young men and then re t n d e e . t o s ur ed home The king , in or er the arts o f B o dhisatt a the , collected archers and he caused his drum to be beaten in the city inviting th e i people to come and see the arts o f the Bo dh sat t a . He c r ame to the assembly with a swo d only , in his hands

' c oncealing other things given by his teacher . The assembled archers refused to give their bows t o him . B o dhisat t a requested the king to encircle a space in the centre with a piece o f cloth and himself e ntered the e n closure . On entering the enclosure he pu t o n a turban and took up his bow . He requested the king to invite

' - of c lasse sn Ak khanav e dhi V alav e dhi people the four , ,

d e e dh Sad av dhi Sarav i . , and Then the king summoned the archers . The B o dh isat t a gave thirty arrows to each and asked them to shoot them at him simultaneously while t he would parry them alone . The archers refused o shoot B i at the young odh satt a . They afterwards shot and the

' B o dh isat t a resisted their attack by narac a (a light j avelin) The B o dhisat t a said that he would pierce them with an arrow . They became terrified . Four plantain trees were kept o n four sides and he pierced them with on e

. S arrow He was further requested to how more feats ,

sarala hi of sarara um namely tt (a stick arrows) , jj (a rope sarav e ni of sara asad a of arrows) , (a row arrows) , p (a

o f w saramand a a palace arro s) , p (a pavilion of arrows) , saras0 ana of sara okkhara i p (a ladder arrows) , p n (a tank of sara adumam of arnows sarav assam arrows) , p (lotus ) , f o . (a flight arrows) He pierced a plank eight fingers thick ,

a n - o ne c of iron sheet finger thick , a art full earth and E 6 HISTORICAL GL ANIN C S .

' 1 Usabha b sand , and a hair from the distance Of an y

- v at in ana Pafi the sign o f an egg plant ( g ) . In the ‘ c av udha a J taka , we find that in the past when Brah

Bo dhisat t a w as madatta was reigning in Benares , born as hi s so n and the Brahmins foretold that he would be the best man in the Jambudipa in using five kind s

of weapons . He went to a famous teacher at Taxila to

learn arts . When he finished learning arts , he was

given five kinds o f weapons by his teacher . From Taxila en route to Benares he me t a Yakkha named

l m Bodhi sat t a Sile sa o a . When was attacked by the

k o f Ya kha , he first all shot fifty poisoned arrows one

after another . He then used sword and spear , and

struck with the club , with the right hand , with the left

w a . hand , ith the right leg , and at last with the he d

When the weapons proved useless , and when he was

V a irav udha caught by the Yakkha , he said that he had j (a weapon Of knowledge) with him with which he would " f t . A be able to put an end to the li e of the Yakkha , 9 last the Yakkha was defeated .

' 3 A Susima J Bo dhisat t a was ccording to the ataka , the f t ” A born in the womb o the wife Of a priest . A the age of

his is h . H at thi man sixteen , he lost father father was a

l kar k g a a a o . When the king wished to perform hat thi

n his s ma gala ceremony , minister requested him to

choose a priest from among the elderly Brahmins .

nd Upon this , the widow of the priest bacame sorry a

’ her young son coming t o know of his mother s sorrow enquired as to where he woul d be able to learn H at thi

1 Usabh a is a e s e s t a e—20 a t t h ls and at thi= 7 m a ur of di nc y , l y

r a t Abh id h an a adi ika 1 6 a as . . 6 . n pp p , pp 9 , 99 2 Jfit aka . I . 273 . , Vol , p 3 . 47 . Ibid Vol . II , p

8 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS

flowing with wealth and jewels and adorned with gardens . They were famous for the righteous conduct

Of their subjects . There were many shops . There

- were many buildings and seven storied houses . There

' be aut if ul t e m le s a a were many p and T la , Tam la , Bakula

n d and Tilaka trees ador ed the cities . Bharata live

" a s i . a V an av a i E there for five years (R m yana , g d tion ,

Utt arakan m a . V a u urana . d , chap The y p (chap 8 8 T kk l l ) mentions a h aéi a as the capita of Takkh a . It ‘ h as been described there as a beautiful city . In the

Brihat samhit a Takkhaéila , the term occurs thrice as the n 1 0 ame of a famous town in Northern India (chap . , S 8 1 4 2 1 6 6 . . S s loka , chap , loka , chap loka From the Av adanakalp alat a by Kse me ndra we know that King Asoka sent his so n Kunala to conquer the town of Takkhaéila which was then ruled by Kunj ara

r . karna . Kunala was in active se vice at Taxila Ti s araksa O f As - of a y , wife oka , and step mother Kun la , sent a letter to the ruler of Taxila , who was asked to pluck

’ t n o u Ku ala s eyes and send him to exile . (Bibliotheca 5 5 9 5 90 . 9 S 7 Indica series , chap , lokas , , and

1 A n i ur an d h a a Cf . g p a an Ad y t ma Ramayana ramy i a i T a kkhaé l p ur . CHAPTER II .

’ TH E WANDERING TEAC HER S IN BUDDHA S TIME .

At the time of the rise of Buddhism , there were

a as of . v rious cl ses of wanderers who , in the language Dr

Rhys Davids , were teachers or sophists who spent eight o r nine months o f every year wandering about precisely with the Object o f engaging in conversational di o n scussions matters of ethics and philosophy , nature lore and mysticism . Like the sophists among the

Greeks , they differed very much in intelligence , in earn ” 1 e st ne ss - in and honesty . The Ang ut t ara Nikay a mentions two classes o f

Paribba aka s Afifi at it t hi a j s . The first clas is known as y

9” Paribbaj akas and the second as Brahmana Paribbaj a 3 kas a ri k . The Br hmana Pa bbaj a as were in the habit o f Samdit t hikadhamma is discussing , that , matters re di lating to the phenomenal world , the term correspon ng

e o r Loka at ra o r in som way other to y , the ways of life

Afifiat it t hi a Paribba ak as mundane affairs . The y j were inte rested generally in the question of self -realisation in

t o “ thought and in conduct , that is say , in solemn judg f ” ments about human life and the whole o things . In this paper an attempt has been made to give a short aC COpnt of the Sramanas and the Paribbaj akas including those who are known throughout the Buddh ist Literature as i i the six t t th y as o r heretics . The term Paribbaj aka may require a word of ex

1 B s t a 1 4 1 . uddhi Indi , p . 2 n V A u t t r ik a a I 5 . a a N . . 3 g y , Vol , p 3 ma . I . 1 57 . , Vol , p 1 0 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

t planation . It is stat ed in the V asis ha Dharmasastra 1 . 0 aribba aka ul h s (chap ) that a p j sho d shave i head ,

’ clothe himself with o n e piece of cloth o r antelope s skin or c over his body with grass pulled Off by cows and he should sleep on bare ground .

' Prof . Rhys Davids was the first t o draw o ur at tention to the wanderers (paribb aj akas) or the sophistic e ‘ ffi institutions quit peculiar to Indi a . It is di cult to sa y when this order of wanderers came into existence . The history O f the Paribbaj akas is perhaps as o ld as the i closing period of the R g Veda . We are not in a posi tion to describe in detail or with accuracy the functions of these wanderers if they at all existed in the Vedic times .

Thus we may hold with Prof . Rhys Davids that the wanderers were no t known much before the rise o f 5L Buddhism l . r c so The sophistic institutions st i tly cal ed ,

Uddalaka Aru i di may be said to date from n , the stin

uishe d Sv e t ake t u g philosopher , father Of who tried by personal examples to set up a commonwealth of thought in i i of c ast e c re e d Ind a which allowed no d stinction , , , 3 se x age and .

A o f i lthough a Brahmin erud tion and influence , he sought after knowledg e without considering for a mo

‘ ment the social position O f the personages to whom he

went to learn . With Prof . Rhys Davids , we may fur ther maintain that philosophy in India up to a certain

Ya fiav alk date was but a lay movement . g y a was pro bably the c onnecting link between the p ast and the subsequent ages . The sophistic activity progressed

- st Ind ia . 1 4 1 1 48 . Buddhi , pp 2 . 1 41 . Ibid . , p 3 i a 1 . Udd alaka J at a a . 48 7 . K ausit a k U a i s a . p n h d , ch p k No

a ar ta d i arv a U aman u 0 Ma h bh a , A p ( p y ’ 1 1 THE WANDERING TEACHERS IN BUDDHA S TIME .

O f J Vide ha rapidly during the reign anaka , the king of , o ne O f the best known patrons o f Indian Philosophy . The kingdom o f Janaka resounded with philosophical

'‘ contests held between Yag riav alky a and other renowned t 1 eachers of the time , among whom were some women . But that was in a period of Indian History when the ideal o f renunciation had not taken a permanent hold Of

f Ya fi av alk a his the mind o the people . g y and Opponents e were almost without single exception hous holders . Nevertheless it is in the writings of Yagiiav alky a that we can trace f or the first time any reference to the two

Ta asas and orders of teachers , hermits and recluses ( p

ram s S ana ) .

The period which elapsed immedi ately before the ad vent o f Buddhism may be called the Samana- Brahmana di period , a current i om vaguely representing the vari o us classes of Indi an teachers who might be classified according to their attitude towards penance , sacrifice ,

O o f caste , asceticism and ther concerns human life and S c o iety . No hard and fast line can be drawn between

one one order and another , the transition from the to

O f the other being possible in the case all individuals . Whether between the J at ilakas and t he Paribbaj akas o r

Sramanas a diff between the and the Br hmanas , the er ence was one of degree and not of kind . Without here going into the details as to the points of diff erence amqng the various orders o f the Sramanas and the

a o n Br hmanas , we shall concentrate our attention the Paribbaj ak as strictly so c al led in the Oldest Buddhist records . It is ev ident from ‘ early Buddhist p‘ assages that the

1 B rihat A a a a U a s a s 2- r ny k p ni h d , Book 4 . 1 2 I I I S H STOR CAL GLEAN NG .

- term Sramana mav be explained in a two fold sense . l Taking it in its general sense , it means all those re i gions bodies o r teachers o f philosophy who became

nk who Bhikkhu s mo s , were known as mendicants ( )

o f because of their practice begging , who shaved their heads clean as a mark of distinction from the hermits

Ta asas ( p ) , the wearers of matted hairs , as well as from

a . the Br hmanas , the wearers of crested lock In its specific sense the name implies those bodies of men who were opposed in their general attitude not only to the Brahmanas absorbed in worldliness o r to the her S mits who practised all orts of penances , but also to some O f the wanderers who were interested in mundane

ff Sram a as a airs . The n were all hostile in their attitude towards Brahmanical traditions . The term Sramana is o f Tit thi as n applicable to the order six y , the fou ders

ak a t t i a ra of schools . The S y pu y S manas or the Bud dhist s were of course in the same predicament . The

Sramanas o f Th were the advocates strict celibacy . p V arnaSramadh arma which signifies the tenets or injune di di tions of Brahmanism was scre ted . Politics was

i . e . with them but a thing inferior , foolish talk . The only thing which really interested them was the realisation of h the igher ideals of life in thought and in conduct . It may be said that the wanderers by whom we mean Brahmana Paribbaj akas with their various orders such as those represented by the Te dandikas and others fur ni she d a connecting link between the Sram anas who were much absorbed in philosophical speculations (An

' v ikshaki a ) and the Br hmanas with whom , as with the

hilo sc h loka at ra Romans , p p y was a mere y (way o f e life) . Is there any date to d marcate the wanderers from the Sramanas ? We may here call to o ur aid ’ N 1 3 TH E WANDERING TEACHERS I BUDDHA S TIME .

o f some the Buddhist passages , particularly the passage

' on Silas lending - its name to the first volume of the

Nika a the lakkhandha a a Digha y called Si v gg . Proceed ing in the light Of this interesting tract on morality , we may say that the precepts as expounded by the

dm f - Buddha himself a it o a two fold explanation . Such terms as Pharusav ac a and Samph app alap a convey a i general as well as a technical meaning . It is a cur ous fact that the term Pharusav ac a or wrangling phrases in its technical sense refers t o the practice of the Sramanas and the expression Samphapp alap a (idle g o s sip) in it s technical sense is used in connection with the

Paribbaj akas 1 11 question . It is worthy o f note that these wanderers are spoken o f in the Buddhist texts in identical terms . We shall therefore remain content with quoting o ne Of these stock passages throwing some

n t ‘ light o the ways in which hey spent their time . The appended list of topics discussed by them is of great historical importance as indicating the manner in whi ch the wanderers gradually prepared the way f or a science o f polity in India . Now at that time Po t t h apad a seated with the

o f d all company the men icants talking with loud voices ,

of l k with shouts and tumult , all sorts world y tal ; to

of of f wit , tales kings , robbers , o ministers of state , tales

’ 1 t e st a t s t and s I H W You don und r nd hi doc rine di cipline . do . O sh o ald you know a bout t his doct rine an d dis cipline You ha ve fa lle n ” ” t n e s I t is am h t . t e a m s e in o wro g vi w I who in righ . I p aking t o t he are n o t r point , you . You a e put t ing las t wha t ough t t o

” ‘ e fi s t a nd fi s t W a t t t o t a t x i com r r h ough come las . Wh you ha ve e c o g ’ ” t at e d s o t at s all t e h s a long , h q uite upse . Your challe ng a be e n t ke n

are e t o be Se t t t u . o up , yo prov d wrong work o cle a r your v ie ws . ” - D se t a e s e c an . D a e s th e B u 1 4 1 5 i n ngl your lf if you ( i logu of ddha , pp .

c a hima N ika a V o l 2 . . 43 n jj y , II , p I T I I H S OR CAL GLEAN NGS . of of of s war , terrors , battles , talks about food and drinks ,

d [ about clothes and beds and garlan s and perfumes , talks

r ll about elationships , talks about equipages , vi ages ,

towns , cities and countries , tales about women and heroes , gossip such as that at street corners and plac es whence

water is fetched ; ghost stories , desultory chatter , legends about the creation of the land or se a and specul ” at ions t and - about exis ence non existence . (Dialogues

Of the Buddha , Vol . I , p . Examining carefully the import o f all these Bud d hist passages we may perhaps go so far as to maintain

ua that these wanderers , q wanderers , were the sophistic predecessors of Chan aky a t o whom tradition ascribes

f h a t ra - the authorship o the Art sas . It is a well known

in Arth asast ra indiv i fact that the , some schools and

e a o f duals are quoted by names , . g . the M navas , school

USan as Viéalaksha Pisun a Brihaspati , school Of , , ,

Piéuna ut ra Bharadv a a niu Bharadv a a p , j , Ka ka j , Kin

Kat a ana Bahud ant i ut ra K auna adant a j alka , y y , p , p ,

D r t m kh m i gha Caray ana and Gho a u a . The list is far fro exhaustive : some of the names such as Ghot amukh a and Dirgha Caray an a ar e to be found in the Kamasutra

s n o n o f by V at y ay a a . We are entitled the authority

Gho amukha o ne the Buddhist texts to maintain that t , among the predecessors of Chanaky a and Vat syay ana f was among the contemporaries o the Buddha Gautama . He w as a Brahmin who naively denied virtuous lif e

’ N atthi dhammiko Paribbaj ako In the Buddhist texts we find that one Digha Caray ana

who was a personal attendant Of King Pas e nadi o f

' Dir hac ara an a o ne Ko éala was prob ably identical with g y ,

’ Gh o t a mukh a-su m 1 inaa N ika a . . 1 57 . Majjh y , Vol II , p

HISTORICAL GLEANINGS

TH E LIST O F WANDERING TEACHERS AN D THEIR PI O F I I TO CS D SCUSS ON .

1 P o ha ada The Rheuma tic o n tt p ( ) . Buddha called him

’ Mallika s Sav at thi at the hall put up in Queen Park near , where he was staying with three hundred followers .

u o f The s bject discussion was the nature of the soul . 2 v n Bhagga agotta . Buddha called o him at the Malla

i The di town called Anup y a . subject of scussion was the

o f unakhat t a O f Lic e h i behaviour S the av Clan . 3 la k Pa ika utt Ace o t p o . Buddha met him at Mahavana at V e sali the principal subject of discussion was Ag afifi a ffi (e cient cause) . ‘ r d a d i hakut a N ig o h . Bu dha called on him at the G jj

R a ha di . in aj g a . He had three thousand sciples The

i c n value O f life Of the ascetics was the subject o f d s ussm .

' Buddha refers to this discussion in the Kassap asihanad a

i Nika a . . Sutta (D gha y , Vol I , p 6 o n Pilakkha Scmdaka . Ananda called him at the

A o ut h cave at Kosambi . nanda pointed t at no other speculations than those of Buddh a could fur nish a true standard of the j udgment of conduct .

' 6 a a di s Scrma zzduke . He went to N lakag ma where he cussed with Sariput t a the question of pleasure and pain . fl Aj ito He went to Sav at thi where they discussed wi th the Buddha the question o f five hundred states O f consciousness .

1 P o t h a ad - t i ika t a ta D a N a . p Su , gh y Vol . I

2 a N ika i a . D II . 1 gh y Vol I , p . 3 — Di a N 1 . . 2 35 gh Vol III , pp.

9 D i lra N ika V o l — a . . 36 57 . g y , III , pp 6 a 1 M a hima h a V o l . I . 5 3. jj Ni y , , p 3 V — An u t ar ika . 1 1 t a N a . 20 1 2 . g y Vol , pp 7 I V ol . 230 bid . , V , p . . W I S I ’ S I 1 THE ANDER NG TEACHER N BUDDHA T ME . 7

1 Sa w bko Ra a met Buddha at j g aha . The subject

’ the discussed was value Of Buddha s teachings . Anna bharo and Vamdharo met Buddha who instruct ed them in four points relating t o his doctrine (Cat t ari i Dhammap adan ) . 3 " Utti o Ko kanudo a t h y met Buddha at S v a t i . They h t asked Budd a whe her the world is eternal or not , finite o r no t d or ff , whether soul and bo y are the same di erent , etc . 5 P ota li t h yo met Buddha at Sav at i . The Buddha asked as to which of the four personages (pugg alas )

Po t li a y o liked . He answered that he liked the p ugg ala who did not blame the blameworthy nor praised the praiseworthy . M “ a o liyasivako met Buddha at S v at t hi . He asked what are the phenomena which presen t themselves to

r o u consciousness . " 8 t r as Sajjho and Su a/va. They told Buddha that it w

Ar h at s impossible for the a (saints) to commit five sins .

“ Is it true Buddha replied , Yes .

9 Kunala liya went to Buddha at Saketa . He told Buddha that he used to roam in the aramas where he saw that some Sramanas and Brahmanas Spoke o n t he benefit o f It iv ad apamokkh a (tradi tional learning ) a nd

n f r some o the benefit o sacrifice (up a ambha ) . The

nl . Buddha replied , I am concerned o y with the benefit

0 1 An u t t ara N ika a 1 . . 85 . g y Vol I , p 2 . . II . 29 and 1 76 . Ibid , Vol , pp

3 V o V 1 4 l . . 93 . . 1 6 . 9 . Ibid , p Ibid , Vol . V , p

5 An ut t ara Nika a I . . 1 00 . g y , Vol I , p 6 7' . . . 356 . I V o h IV . 37 1 . Ibid , Vol III , p bid , p 3 V . . I . 369 . Ibid , Vol , p 9 u t a ik a a m t . N a . 73 . S y y , Vol V , p 2 1 8 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

o f w v im t ti m kno ledge and emancipation . (Vijj a u anisa s a m . )

' Timbaruka a at h consulted Buddha on Karma at S v t i . ’ N andi’ o y . He asked Buddha to explain to him the

a a Dhamma by practising which one can att in Nirv na . fi M oli asivako W y His view was that hat a man enj oys ,

he enjoys on account of his past deeds . 4 Vacchagotta consul ts Buddha o n some me taphysical A points . gain he questions M ahamogg allan a on the same subj ect . 5 Suc imukhi questions Sariput t a at R aj ag aha o n

o f modes eating . “ Sustma int er views at Raj ag aha the Bhikkhus who

t Arahat shi had jus attained p . " U ahamano w as Mallikarama Ekasalak a gg in the at . H e met Pafie akang a Thap at i o n his way to Je t av an a and discussed with him about the perfect man . 8 P ilotiko met Janussoni Brahmin on his way from

J e t a na f t h e v a . He asked him about the knowledge o Buddha who replied that it was beyond his power to m easure the knowledge Of Buddh a . 9 t hi h e P ota li ut a Samiddhi B kk u . p met , a H told him ‘ that he heard from the Buddha that kay a and v ac ikam

of m as were no true actions . Volition deliberate action is the action in the true sense o f the term . 1 0 d w as e luv ana R a a ah a Sakulad yi . He staying at V at j g

'

a rn u t t a N ika a t I . 22. S . y y p I , p 2 3 V 1 1 I . IV . 230. Ibid Vol . , p . . bid Vol , p 4 d l . 398 an Sa rh ut t a Nika . I 2 . V o . I a . 57 y y , Vol II , p ; Ibid , V , pp

4 01 .

5 - 6 - V V ol . . 1 1 9 1 28 . l . I . o II 2 4 . . 238 0. Ibid , I , pp Ibid , I , pp

7 M a him a ika a V 1 1 N o l. 22. jj y , , p . 8 9 20 . 5 V . 7 . l . . . 1 7 . o Ibid , Vol I , p Ibid III , p 1 0 — . II 1 22. Ibid . , Vol , p p. ’ 1 9 THE WANDERING TEACHERS IN BUDDHA S TIME . in company with many distinguished wanderers like

V ara dhar nf a Ann abhara . , and others He i ormed Buddha

‘An Ma adha i that in the , past ga and g were seeth ng with

S i oph stic activities .

' ‘ l Citlasaku lad i o n V e luv an a czy . Buddha called him at

Ra a aha o f Ni ant h a in j g . He calls himself a follower g

at ha t t a on him t he N u . p . Buddha tried to impress that O bservance of the five moral precepts and the pract ice o f penance were no t enough f or realisation of Summum

Bonum . Sb k d o f Ve hanasw . The subject o f iscussion this wan

was aramav an no at t a derer p , soul in its height of

’ purity . tt 3 ' e s l . Va cchago a . Buddha met him at Mahavana at V a i V ae c h ag o t t a e nquired whether it was possible for a t householder o attain immortality . On another occa sion , his enquiry consisted Of some ontological problems ,

e . . r n a hi g whether the world is eternal o o t . (M jj ma i l 4 3 ka a o . 8 a N V . y , I , pp On nother occasion V ac c hag o t t a held a di scussionwith the Buddha o n some questions relating to ethics . 4 D ighcmalcha (Long Nailed) met him at Gijj hakut a at

Ra a aha j g . He is said t o have held thi s view nothing

’ ab a of me abides . S b m me na 5 M a a i a of g nd y . He spoke Buddha in an Opprobrious

‘ h Iso ani ad term as Bhim ahu (Bruna an) . Cf . p s in which the V aj asane y as speak of some o f unknown opponents

at mahano ana whdwere perhaps unmarried recluses as j .

1 M a him a N ika 29—3 a . 9 . jj y , Vol . II , pp 9 — . . I . 40 44. Ibid , Vol I , pp 3 V . o 4 8 1 Ibid , l. I , p . . 4 . . 49 7. Ibid Vol I , p - I . 50 1 t t a at a . 1 63 . bid ol . , p Su ip , p { V I , N ’ The V aj asane y as regard their opponents modes

suicidal .

1 ‘ Sa bhiyo inf ormed Buddha that t he six distingu

Tirthakaras u w 5 , P rana Kassapa and others ere to Buddh a in age : But the latter contended wi seniority goes not by age but by sdom .

l - t t a at a 9 1 . Su Nip , p . CHAPTER III .

I NFLUENCE O F TH E FIV E HERETICAL TEACHE R S O N JAINISM AN D BUDDH SM I . It is still an open question whether an extensive re search can be instituted with regard to the influence which the doctrines O f the five heretical teachers e x e r c ise d o n the development of Jainism and Buddhism , seeing that the evidentiary material on the subj ect is

. SO as c an it . very meagre far I recollect , was Prof Max Muller who first tried to assign a definite position t o the m in the history O f the six systems of Indi an Philos o h . t o l p y With all deference that great scho ar , I must say that he has hardly succeeded in establishing the precise position which these teachers occupy in the history of the six systems Of Indi an Philosophy o r in

o f A that Jainism and Buddh ism . short account Of the

' six heretical teachers (including Mahavira) appears in ’ ' R o c khill s Life of the Buddha drawn from the Tibetan t m fi a afi a hala . ranslation of the S p Sutta . Mr Rockhill gives in his Appendix extracts from the Jaina Bhag av at i "V n t . o the intercourse between Mahavira (Nig an ha

Nat ha ut t a a Mankhali ut t a ac p ) and Gos la p , and also an c ount of the doctrines of the six heretical teachers accord ing to two Chinese versions o f the Samafifiaph ala Sutta . But he too does not endeavo‘ ur to solve the real question at issue . The same remark applies to Spence Hardy , Dr . h Oldenberg , and other writers on Budd ism who have been content wi th furnishing us with a mere legendary ' f account o them . Prof . Jacobi in his Introduction to

1 - 1 0 1 5 . p p . 0 0 2 2 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

fi ras t . S . xx n v . n . the Gaina , pt II , p f , is the first to call

our attention to the great importance of these teachers .

“ The records of the Buddhists and Jainas about t he philosophic ideas current at the time o f the Buddha; and a i t Mah v ra , meagre though they be , are of the greates

o f importance to the historian that epoch . For they Show us the ground on which and the materials with which , the great religious reformers had to build their systems . The considerable Similarity between some Of these heretical doctrines o n o ne side and Jaina o r Buddhist ideas on the other , is very suggestive , and it favours the assump tion th at the Buddha as well as Mahavira owed

’ o f some their conceptions to these very heretics . A di llu ng to these significant words of Prof . Jacobi , Dr .

i s Rhys Davids remarks , the philosophical and rel giou speculations contained in them (that is , the Buddhist

in and Jaina records) may not have the originality , or t rinsic a f d o . value , either of the Ved nta or Bud hism But they are none the less historically important because they give evidence of a stage less cultured , more animist

10 n d sa . A , that is to y , earlier incidentally they will dl undoubte y be found , as the portions accessible already Show to contain a large number of important references t o di the ancient geography , the political visions , the social and economic conditions o f Indi a at a period ” 1 hitherto very imperfectly understood .

Mr a s . Besides Prof . Jacobi , we must lso mention Rhys Davids who has made a very serious attempt t o discuss ho w these teachers prepared the way even through their d sophistry for the great Buddha . The Bud hist records earlier as well as later abound in incidental references

1 —64 s t I a R s D a s . 1 63 1 . Buddhi ndi ( hy vid ) , pp

2 4 H IS I I TOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

- a c . re luse , old , and well striken in years (Dialogues of the Buddha , Vol . II , p . ‘ The Mahasakul adayi Sutta o f the Majjhima Nikay a alludes to Mag adha as seething with speculative fervour t i s tirred up by these Tit h y as . The same Sutta points o ut that the disciples Of these teachers carried on phil e sophie al di scussions with the indomitable -energy and f boldness characterising the spirit O the age . In spite Of the general tendency o f the Jaina works to paint

Bha av ati Gosala in dark col ours , the g had to admit that Gosala attained Jinahoo d and that he was recognised as a teacher at Sav at thi some two years before Mahavira . 2 Sabhi a Sut t ani at a In the y Sutta of the p , a wandering teacher named Sabhiy a asked Buddh a if he was younger in age than the six di stinguished teachers and junior to

a aS them by renunciation . Sam na Gotam imply evaded the question by telling the wanderer that seniority went t by wisdom and not by age . But we have ano her important passage which definitely states the fact that the Samana Gotama was a younger contemporary oI these six teachers 3 The Samagama Sutta o f the Majjhima Nikay a and th ik a l e Patika Sutta of the Digha N ay (V o . III) testify t o the fact that Nig antha Nat hap ut t a o r Mahavira

oe rnle predeceased Buddha by a few years . Dr . H con j e c ture s that Mahavira died some five years before the 4 e A Buddha . It follows from the vidence Of the bhaya r 5 rajakumara Sutta o f the Majj hima Nikay a that Mahav i r a was aware of the fact of dissension between Buddha

1 . 2 . I p , Vol I a 3 . 9 1 . . 24 p Vol II p 3 . 4 t ’ A a s Has s ae a R e and h s . jivik , ing Ency clop di of lig ion E t ic

5 M a h i a N ika a V o l I 3 2 m . . 9 jj y , , p . 25 C S . I F IV I l NFLUENCE O THE F E HERET CAL TEA HER "

a nd D e ad at t a n o f . v . In the opi ion Prof Kern , the death

e t he o f Bimbisara tookplace when Buddha had reach d

’ f - ire D e v adat t a age o seventy t , and that s agitation a gainst the Buddha must be dated some time after this ‘ . event . Judging from the documentary evidence Dr

’ H o e rnle s conjectures woul d seem to have substantial

a i . historical accuracy . Mah v ra is said to have lived seventy- two years and Buddha is said t o have died at ’ a e t o f a i the g of eighty . Thus the grea er part Mah v ra s , Af lif e coincides with that of Buddha . ter carefully

i t he . examining the data suppl ed by Jaina records , Dr

H o e rnle has come to the conclusion that Gosala Man khaliput t a had become a far- famed teacher some two years before Mahavira and that the latter surv ived the “ former by sixteen years . Notwithstanding persistent insinuation as to Gosala

' his being formerly , a disciple of Mahavira and as to

hi s Go rupture with teacher , there is room for doubt if h l s ala had ever been a di sciple of Mahavira . W i e the malicious Jaina accounts deepened the mystery about

we the relation between the two teachers , may have re course to the Buddhist writings f or more reliable informa

re tion . The Buddhist fragments are unanimous in ferring to them as the most distinguished sophi sts of the e time , the recognised found rs Of the two separate schools namely the Ajivikas or Maskarins and the Nig ant has

(Jainas) . TOthe importan t question as to what was t he precise relationship between the two teachers we Shall return

t At o ur Can la er . this stage of enquiry we safely assert

1 ’ — e n s I a 38 39 . K r ndi n Buddhi sm , pp . fl ? U — v asa a d a s ao T . 1 1 0 1 1 1 . g , r pp . 2 6 IS I I S H TOR CAL GLEAN NG . that Makkhali Gosala was one of t he Older contempe ra ries of Mahavira . As regards the remaining four soph ist s h , it is not very easy to determine t eir dates . On the authority of the Buddhist Suttas we can say no more than that they were all amongst the older contemp e ra

1 r es of Buddha Gotama . There are , however , a few passages in the Buddhist Canon which furnish us with

fi e la t h a clue to the date of Sa j ay a of the B t i clan . The Buddhis t Suttas make mention o f Sa fij ay a B e lat t hj put ~ fi Sa a a . ta , and of a wanderer named j y The former is counted among the Six heretical teachers or Afifiat itt hiy a

Paribba akas j , that is , the sophists belonging to other

schools , and the latter is alluded to as the previous teach

of Sari ut t a Mo allan a c on er p and gg who be ame , later , i l the chief d scip es of Buddha Go tama . On a close examination of the import Of some Buddhist passages of the Angut t ara Nikay a it seems very probable that Safij aya B e lat t hiput t a w as the same person as Safij a

D rs . ya the wanderer . It is needless to add that i t 1 Kern and Jacobi are of the same opinion on this p o rl . .

s o w Safi a a i If , it follo s that j y d ed shortly after the time when Sarip ut t a and M ogg allana had j oined (along with

di Safi a a many sciples of j y , their former teacher) the

’ Buddhist order in the second year of Buddha s career

’

3 7t h o f . as a teacher , that is , in the year Buddha s life fi Of course , we have evidence to prove that though Sa dh j aya predeceased Bud a , a school survived at least up

till the reign of King Asoka . Thus we see that Safij ay a was an Older contemporary not only of Buddha but also o f Mahavira and Makkhali a Gos la .

1 ’ e s a s 32 . K rn Indi n Buddhi m , p . IN FLU EN C E TH E FIV E I S 2 OF HERET CAL TEACHER . 7

A Kav andhin Katy ay ana is mentioned in the Pras nop ani shat as a younger contemporary of Bipp alad a to whom we owe an outline of th e Sankhya system o f Philosophy"

The nickname Kav andhin applied to the name of

Kat a ana of Ka andhin or y y is some interest . v Kukuda was really a nickname intended to di stinguish the ‘ hi famous sop st from other teachers bearing his name . Supposing that Kukuda Katyay ana or K av andhi n Katyay a na was a younger contemporary o f Pip allad a and that the Buddha was a younger contemporary of

Kat a ana no t a a y y , it does seem improbable that K ty f ‘ o . yana was the same a g e as Safij ay a . Prof Kern relates a legend to the eff ect that Pfirana Kassapa committed suicide by throwing himself into the river with a large j ar tied to hi s neck some time in the 42nd ’ “ of t b e he v e year Buddha s life . We have reason o that Aj it ake sakamb ali was of the same age as Kukuda

Kat a ana y y . The series o f dates here suggested must t be regarded as provisional and tenta ive . It must be established by corroborative evidence o f the int e rc o n ne ti c on of the doctrines of these six renowned sophists . It is o f little importance whether one teacher was born or died a few years earlier o r later than another . What is o f real importance to t he historian is the proof t hat ‘ t he se teachers in spite of their divergences belong ed to the same period o f thought- development in India and pre pared the way for the doctrine of Buddha . It may be of some interest to note that the Buddhist attitude towards Mahavira and hi s doctrine was no t so

1 i t Br Praé no an s h a as 1 . . p , . I 5 ’ e s ia s . 33 . K rn Ind n Buddhi m , p 2 8 Ii ISTO RIC AL GLEANINGS .

B ddha ho sa o f . u hostile as in the case his predecessors g ,

’ t e as the celebra ed Buddhist comm ntator , goes so far to

’ suggest that Mahavira s doctrine o f Gat uyama Sa mv ara

- (four fold restraint) has some good points in it . I am it t . D . L A. M . told by my friend Dr . B . M . Barua , ,

. . W . (London) , that Dr F Thomas is inclined to assign to Mahavira the same positio n l n relation to five earlier wandering teachers as Socrates stands in relation to the

o t Greek s phists . Leaving aside for the momen the question as to whether Mahavira can be thus separated f ro m hi s i is o h soph stic predecessors , it important to serve that the Buddhists distingul sh these six teachers in a body from other wandering teachers of the time , as the Afifiat it t hiy a p aribbaj akas from the Brahmin Farib ba aka j s .

Pharusav ac a su The Buddhist word can , of course , p ply a criterion by which we can di stinguish two class e s

aribba akas o f of p j . It is in reference to the six schools philosophy and to these alone that Buddha and his . contemporaries said that they were in the habit o f exchanging wrangling phrases in the heat of philosophic i ’ d scussion . Yo u don t understand this doc trine and di 1 scipline . do . How should you know about this doctrine and di scipline ? You have fallen into wrong i ”2 . s views It I who am right . We know nothing All w about the lives of these teachers . that we kno

sama as about them is that they were all recluses ( n ) ,

mu d akas aribba aka s . shavelings ( n ) , and wanderers (p j ) They distinguished themselves from the hermits on o ne side , and from the Brahmin householders on the other .

1 See my pa pe r A short a ccount of t he wande ring te a che rs a t t h e ”

"I 1 1 . t e t he a. N e w e e s V o l . V 9 8 im of Buddh S ri , , , No f 2 M a h im i a a. N ka . 1 1 . 1 7 . jj y , Vol , p 29 INFLUENCE o r THE FIVE HERETICAL TEACHERS .

Thus they formed a connecting link between the ascetics practising penances and austerities in the forest and t he

Brahmin teachers engrossed in worldly aff airs . They

were , as a rule , all bachelors and cut asunder all worldly

ties , but they were not like the ascetics who were

. As entirely o ut o f touch with the civic society . a matter o f fact their headquarters were established gen e rally in the V l c inity of a royal capital outside the city di ff wall . They ered in intelligence , temperament , cha

rac t e r , and outlook . Taking the ascetic and the

Brahmin householder to represent the two extremes , these teachers can be placed either in an ascendi ng o r in a descending order ascending in regard to the degree of aloofness from sensual pleasures and descending in t f d o o . For in , reg ard the degree ascetic pre ilection

’ a i o ne stance , Mah v ra s order was degree removed from

t he Buddhist order in regard to ascetic practices , and

A Maskarins the jivikas or , one degree removed from the

t he a n . Now Jai as looking the other way , Br hmana Paribbaj akas were o ne degree removed from the Buddhist in regard to their interest in worldly concerns associated

mahasalas o ne with sensual pleasures , the Brahmin ,

Paribb a akas degree removed from the Brahmin j , the wri ters on statecraft (Ar t hakaras ) o ne degree removed t Dharmakaras so . from the , and for h This itself is a proof o f the influence of the six Tirt hikas upon the Buddhist order and of the influenc e o f the orders of

‘ ’ Mahlav ira s predecessors o n his own . It enables us to

’ make out the real significance o f Buddha s famous declaration that he was a great reconciliator between the

two 1 of i 2 extremes namely ( ) the ideal civic l fe , and ( )

the ideal o f asceticism .

“ “ In Samafifia hala t the account given in the p Sut a , 30 H ISTO RICAL I GLEAN NGS .

' Mahavira is s aid to have laid great stress o n the four fold self-restraints (Cat uyama Samv ara ) the term which is differently int e rpre t e d f by Buddha o first in relation to

' a i o n Mah v ra , and secondly his own account . In refer a i A ence to Mah v ra , the term is interpreted thus Nig antha lives restrained as regards all water ; restrained as regards all evils ; all evils he has washed away and he lives suffused with the sense o f evil held

' - - a d sinc e at bay . Such is the four fold self restraint ; n

is - he thus tied with this four fold bond , therefore is he the nigg antho (free from bonds) called Gat at t o (where

heart is gone ; that is to the summit , to the attainment

A at at t o of his aim) , j (whose heart is kept down ; that

n Thit at t o is , is under comma d) , and (whose heart is Buddha explained the t erm somewhat diff er e ntly when he explained it on hi s own account . By the four-fold self-restraint he meant the four moral

- t o f w it s s . precep s , each which is vie ed in four fold a pect 2 In the Cfila sakuladayi Sutta o f the Majj hima Nikay a a i' u we read that according to Mah v ra , the fo r precepts and self -privation are the recogni sed roads to the bliss

of ful state of the soul . With regard to the first the . four restraints Buddhagho sa thought that the Jainas did not drink cold water o n the ground that there were soul s in it . The Jaina scruples about killing may be

d to of Makkhali a hic lo trace the influence Gos la , whose

ic al g speculations gave rise to many religious problems , one of these being whether o r not we were j u st ifiefi in taking life even f or the purpose of food. We read in the Sut rakrit ang a that the H at thit ap asas were those who

' 1 um a n l - t S a a as . 1 68 . i . g Vil in , p I , p 9 V l . 6 o 3 5 . II , pp .

3 2 H IST IC AL I O R GLEAN NGS .

that professes to give a set of customary laws applic ~ a able to the V naprastha and Yati . The interest of the Buddhist passage lies in the fact that it invariably refers to the orders o f the heretical teachers with whom

Ke sa l we are concerned here . The kamv a ins were the

a of As wearers of blankets m de up hairs . regards the

A Nandav ac c ha Kisasamkic c a jivika order founded by ,

Makkhali a and Gos la , Buddha gives a separate account in the Mahasac c aka Sutta o f the Majjhima Nikay a 23 8 (p . ) which is really an abstract from the general

o f Ac e lakas e t account the mentioned above . The sali n

of features this account are g iven below .

di d c The Ajivikas not wear lothes . He cherished a

of very tender regard for all forms life , and he devel oped a curious sense of freedom which led him not to

’ obey another man s command . He was accustomed to fasting for days and weeks . In the Mahasac c aka sutta a Jaina named Sac c aka informed Buddha that the Ajivikas instead of leading such a moral life increased t he strength and fat o f their body by feedi ng o n the " of the fit r ri best food and dr ink . In a passage S ak t ang a

J Makkhali Gosala ut t a o f a aina accuses p immoral habits .

’ but Buddha s account prominently brings o ut the fact that the Ajivikas were far from being proflig at e and

o n of immoral . They were the contrary advocates the

o f a a iv o mode , the right living (Samm j ) consistent

of r with the principles spi itual life , though the epithet Ajivikas was used by the Jainas and Buddhists 3s a catchword for a person with household ties . From the meagre account given by Buddha and the Buddhi st scriptures it is absolutely clear that the Ajivikas strictly

1 a a Sfit ras t . . 4 1 1 . J in , p II , p I TH E IV I 3 3 NFLUENCE OF F E HERET CAL TEACHERS .

observed as a rule almost all the moral precepts binding

o n the J hi sa aina and the Budd st order . Thus we can y that the idea of rfg ht liv ing (Samma ajiv o ) w as taken by the Jainas and the Buddhists mainly from the Aji

f s - c s vikas . The influence o the o called heretical tea her is not only prominent in matters of practice but also

in their doctrine . Let us examine this part of our subjec t without going

of into details . Let us first examine the doctrine Paku

dha Kac c ay ana (Kukudha Katy ay ana) . In the Jaina d di ff and the Buddhist works , his octrine is designated er ently the name signifies various aspects and phases

l l - i Ni . Sassat av ad a Brahma a a ( j Sutta , D gha a l V o . k ya , I , p .

msarl rav ado 2 . Afifia iv o the of afifia j ( theory duality) ,

Sat t aka av ado atmashast av ado anik av ado . y , y 3 i . Ak ri y a v ado .

’ The logical postulate of Kav andhin Kat yay ana s phi l osophy is nothing but the Parme ne di an doctrine of ”

. f u Being Nothing comes out o nothing . (Noya p

a e i a m . s p jj as a ) What , does not perish from nothing

a v inaso sambhav o comes nothing (sato n cci , asato nacci ) .

Sfi t rakrita a 2 l hi do ng ( . . The Budd st fragments not make mention of this important logical principle . It is well known that this is the logical principle (Sat karya vada) accepted in almost all the systems of Indian

o f Gite Philosophy , notably the system the Bhagavat , Am Sank V aiée sika the a . the hya , the , and Ved nta ong mi the earlier systems we ght mention Jainism , Buddhism

of and the philosophy the Upanishads , particularly that o f Nacike t a Kat ho anishat in p , which inculcates the same principle . These led the Jaina commentators Silanka and others to identify the doctrine o f Pakudha with the 3 3 4 H ISTO RIC AL I GLEAN NGS .

‘ t i e) Sankh a am sys em of the Bhagavat G t , the y and some f O the Shaiva systems . The ontological Signi ficance o f

' it s eternalism is summed up by Mah avira and Buddha in the expressions that the soul and the world (atta ca

' l no t hin ne w oko ca) are both eternal , giving birth to g ;

e df as as that they are st a ast a mountain peak , a pillar

firmly fixed . These principles are the same f o r ever and

ever . The epithet pluralism implies that Kac c ay ana sought to explain the whole experience in the light o f six o r

seven substances . The seven substances according to

fir e the Buddhist enumeration are earth , water , , air ,

s S1 x plea ure , pain and soul . The substances given by l 2 3 4 5 the Jainas are ( ) earth , ( ) water , ( ) fire , ( ) air , ( ) 6 space , and ( ) soul . c The Jaina and the Buddhist accounts differ no doubt in some respects but they agree o n the fundamental

points . We are le d to understand that according to Katy ayan a the concrete existences are the results of the combina t ion of the s1 x or seven substances which perpetually u nite and separate ; unite by pleasure and separate by

N ac ike t a p ain . Thus partly in agreement with and

i a K ac c a an a partly in agreement with the Bhagavat G t , y a imed at e xplaining away birt h and death as common

phenomena in the world o f experience . The Pluralism of Kacc ay ana is fitly summed up in the

d Pi alada Prasno anishat o f ualism of pp in the p , that is ,

S ankhya .

' Pi alada is k n a pp , as it well now , postulated pr na and

ra i h ( uru a y (t at is , p s and prakriti ) the two ultimate

p rinciples relating to the explanation of all phenomena .

Q T he logical consequence of his ' d oc t rine was fatal to IV I 3 5 F E HERET CAL TEACHERS .

n the substances are u created ,

a e me c hani uncaused , xistent , and if they

ni t f cally u e and ate , the theory can ill af ord to di b ad account for the moral stinction between good and ,

o f between right and wrong . This is the significance

i i ad Kac c a ana the epithet ak r y av a . y identified thought with being . The result was that he explained away the d estinies of the particulars under the glamour of the a a universal concepts . Both Mah vira and Buddh rejected the position of Kac c ay ana though theoretically they agreed with him that the real object of experience as a whole can never be cognised and described by appro

riat e n a p symbols . Thus the i fluence exercised by Kacc yana upon Jainism and Buddhism was rather of a negative character . The way for Mahavira and Buddh a was prepared by Ajit ake sakamb ali whose doctrine like that of Epicurus

’ is The of A it a s generally misunderstood . negative side j philosophy is more prominent than its positive Side In its negative side his philosophy was employed to demolish the whole ground o f the Brahmanic faith and l it ceremonia works . Indeed breathed an utter con f tempt o everything Vedi c o r Brahmanic . He naively

e - denied the possibility o f r birth and retribution . The

c o f S world was just a con ourse four elements , the pace

o f being the repository the senses , the soul being just a

of i A chemical product matter and noth ng more . jita ' rendered a great service to Indian Phi losophy by the positive Side o f his philosophy which was directed

l Kac c a against the dua istic or pluralistic theory of y ana . h ‘ ‘ That whic is psychical is corporal . o Tam j iv o tam Thus Mahavira and Buddha fit ly described

’ t he n o f it s main co tent Aj a doctrine . What Ajitareally 3 6 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

' n o t ul o r contemplated was to identify body with so ,

out r matter with spirit , but to point that a particula object o f experience must be somehow viewed as an i l l ind visib e who e . Now the Chieftain Payasi who thought o n the line of

’ Ajita stated his predecessor s thesis in clear and une q ui

t t ant I I a a Su a D i Nika a . . vocal terms (P y si , gha y , Vol )

of thanan a is In the language the S g , such a doctrine ad a i aptly designa ted na santi p aralokav a. Mah v ra

’ and Buddha were right to suppose Aj it a s doctrine of non-action (Akiriy av ada) because Ajita destroyed the ultimate ground of moral distinctions by denying the possibility Of personal continuity and thus deprived life of his a i its zest . However services to Mah v ra and Bud

e 1 of dha were considerabl . ( ) He led them to think ,

or i reality real object as a single ind visible whole , and ( 2 ) he led them to seek for the ground of moral di st inc tions in the volition of mind rather than anyt hing else .

P ara a — amafi a hala ut n Kassap a . The Buddhist S fi p S ta gives a distorted and mutilated picture o f the phil o so hic al p speculations of Pfirana Kassapa . The Bud dhist teachers are led by their moral predilection to

’ ’ judge only of the moral bearing of Kassapa s phil

The t he osophy . v assert that Purana Kassapa rules out play of will in our moral life from the domain of Spe c u lation . The Jainas j oin hands with the Buddhists in

’ kiri av da grouping Kassapa s doctrine under A y a . The ’ Buddhist account keeps the theoretic Side of Ajit a s philosophy in the background . However , an important ’ passage of the Jaina Sfit rakrit ang a clearly states that his e f f was really a th ory o the passivity o soul . When a

1 kr a 1 Sfitra it n a . . 3 g , i i . I O F IV I S 3 7 NFLUENCE THE F E HERET CAL TEACHER .

man o r acts causes another to act , it is not his soul which a cts or causes to act (e v amakarayu The Jaina c ommentators identif y this doctrine with Sankhya phil

osophy which also posits the soul as a passive principle . In the absence of documents coming down to us from

w as his Kassapa , it is difficult even to imagine what c onception of the part played by the soul in the con

s an cious experience of the individual . The S khya system speaks no doubt O f the soul as a mere passive spectator while prakriti performs all active functions Of the body di and the mind . But he tried to get over the fficulty by asserting that the presence of the soul even as a passive spectator is essential to stir up energy in

a i prakriti . Up dh is the principle which connects body il and mind with soul . Although such deta s of Kas A.

’ s apa s philosophy are unknown , it is undeniable that his theory of the passivity of the soul was an important step t owards the development o f the Sankhya system from the

l Pi lada rough out ine given by pp a . Thus we see that the

’ influence o f Purana Kassapa s speculation upon Jainism and Buddhism was rather of a negative character and the latter rejected in a body Kassapa ’ s theory about the

soul as absurd .

M akkhali s l not Go a a . It is improbable that by the theory of fortuitous origin o r chance ( adhic c asamup

a ahe t u a ac c a av ad o akaranav ad a at dric c ha p do , pp y , , y in the Sv e t asv at ara Upanishad) Buddha understood the logibal postulate of the philosophy of Purana Kassapa besides that o f the philosophy of the Vedas and Upani

shads . Something Comes into existence that was previ

ousl - ahut v a aho si sa y non existent ( ; that. is to y , some t Out f hing comes o nothing ) . This is the fundamental

o of Pfi rana dh l gical principle . Kassapa as Bud a under 3 8 I I IN H STOR CAL GLEAN GS .

dhic c stood him . The term A asamuppad a is obviously

’ a ic c asa mu ada the opposite of Buddha s p t pp , the theory

w c ‘ : of causal genesis , hi h is explained thus This is that

o n i comes to be , the ar sing of this , that arises , etc . Of

’ u was course , P rana Kassapa s principle interpreted by

Buddha from the moral standpoint , something comes out of nothing means that from the soul which is

c of un aused arises the experience pleasure and pain , the

o f the sense good and bad , etc . It is curious that theory of non-causation or chance is ascribed to Mak

a Samafifia hala inc o m khali Gos la in the p Sutta , but the p atibility of such a theory with the general trend o f

’ a AJEI Gos la s thought requires some explanation . The g ut t ara Nikay a has a passage where the doctrine o f Parana Kassapa and Makkhali Gosala are mixed up by A nanda . The interest of this passage is that the theory of chance is associated with the name of Purana

a Kassapa . Perhaps this confusion led Buddha Gautam

' ’ t o d e c lare M s . Go sala s doctrine to be the worst of all . r Rhys Davids points o ut that in this passage Buddha conf ounded Gosala with Aj it ake sakamb ali when he said in j est that the blanket made up of hair was hot in bet weather and cold in cold weather . Judging from

i o f Makkh ali a the l ne thought followed by Gos la , it seems that he w as a fatalist or determinist rather than a pro

of pounder the doctrine of chance . Everything was

unalterably fixed . This was the fundamental thesis Of r t Makkhali Gosala as we read it in the Jaina Bhag av a i .

Buddh a hosa i a g also says that accord ng to Gos la , things

t w no t happen exac ly as they are to happen , that hich is ‘ to happen does no t happen . It is clear from this that

' 1 - — 1 5 . a a n a a as i . 1 60 6 S m g l Vil in , pp

4 0 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS .

finite o r limited in both ways as illustrated by the simile o f a ball of string which spreads out just as far and no a further than it can unwind . For Gos la there is not only

of e xist e nc e bu t o e a gradation of the types , als th re are

of o f eight stages development in the life a man , at each of which the mental growth corresponds t o the physical

o f and vice versa . The theory the gradual development c a Ait are as in onnects Gos la with the past , the y p arti c ular Ait are a A i ( y ranyaka) , and with succeed ng ages , which had seen the birth o f the religious philosophies

’ d sa o f Mahavira and Bud ha . Go la s biological specula t ions supply his worthy successors with ample food f or thought , with arguments which are put by them mainly

h u S se . to a moral , social and , in ort , to a practical One

f ase t t ha o f illustration will su fice . In the V Sutta the

Sut t ani at a on p , Buddha opposes the caste system

t of r g rounds drawn from biology . The heory caste o a y ti is untenable as it introduces species within species .

of in Buddha gives a list of species various animals , s ects and plants and holds that such a variety o f species is m Sut t ani at a 1 1 5 not to be found a ong men ( p , p . , verse The theory o f caste or yati easily breaks down when we se e that a Brahmin and a candala do not diff er in their physical constitution and can together procreate children . A short and malicious fragment in the Samafifiaphala l a i Sutta tel s us that Gos la d vides actions into act , word ’ : m and thought thought being regarded as half kar a . This division of karma which some writers Suppose to be derived from the Ze ndav e st a was really an indigenous

Indi a growth in a and played an important part in the h . AS a Jaina and Budd ist thought a naturalist , Gos la lays stress on act and word Buddha as a psychologis t I O F TH E IV I 4 1 NFLUENCE F E HERET CAL TEACHERS .

lays stre ss on th ought or volition (cetane ) ; Mahavira

who -forms a connecting link between them is said to have laid equal stress on manokamma and kay akamma on the ground of the interaction o f body and mind i m 1 Cit t a nv a o a ka anv a amc t t a . ( y k yo hoti , y y hoti) The deterministic theory of Makkhali Gosala constitutes a l moral difficulty . If iving beings are bent this way and

i re s on that way by the r fate , how can we make them p sible for their actions ? Both Mahavira and Buddha

’ think that Makkhali s theory leaves no room for the sa of freedom of the will . That is to y , his is a doctrine

- non action (akiriy av ad o) . But in point of fact the moral freedom of men is no t inconsistent wit-h the deterministic theory of Gosala and the relation of Gosala ’ s theory to i philosophy in general and to moral philosophy ) Ind an in particular is that it es tablishes the governance o f law f i in the universe o exper ence . It also tacitly suggests that not onl y physical phenomena but also mental and

re moral phenomena a subject to definite laws . Thus his we see that he gives successors caution , that moral i freedom , if there be any , must be freedom of being w thin f i o . s be the operation laws If will to operative , it must operate in accordance with the general order of

things .

Sa a a B la t —t i fij y e tthip u to . I is st ll an open question whether Safij ay a Be lat t hipu t t o was the same p e rson as

Safi a a O f Sari ut t a j y , the wanderer , the former teacher p ,

whd o n became later the chief disciple o f Buddha . Prof .

’2 Jacobi has identified the two names . Of course the Be lat t hiput t o himself was a far -famed wandering teac h

1 i a V o l . 238 . M a h im a N k a . j j y , I , p

d a t r s t . I . a Sfi a . J in , p I , p xxix I L A S 42 HISTOR CA GLE NING .

of o f afi a a er the time . There is mention a S j y in the l Jaina Utt aradhy ay an a Sfi t ra . There it is stated that he li w as converted to the Jaina faith by G ardhav a . Sup

‘ posing that Be lat thiput t o was no other than the wan derer and that Sariput t a was the connectinglink between

d S as him and the Bud ha , we can how how scepticism a philosophic method was superseded in course of time by a method which was critical . The transition did not

’ afi a a s however take place abruptly . S j y contribution to Indian philosophy was Similar to that of Pyrrho in “ di Greek philosophy , who visited India and stu ed philos o h p y under the Gymnosophists in the 4th century B C .

or as His contribution was a negative destructive one , di it aimed at avoi ng all dogmatic conclusions . He was the first to maintain a neutral attitude towards the dogmatic views of life and things and to prove that it was impossible to offer certitude for human knowledge concerning the reality of life and things . He was the first to turn men ’ s attention away from vain specula tions and to teach that the best pathway to peace fay elsewhere , in preserving a tranquil state of mind . Thus he suggested the problems to be excluded from the domain of speculation and he inaugurated a critical era domina

ted by higher ethical ideals .

As Safi a a l a philosopher , j y be onged to the sophistic period and his doctrine was unintelligible except in rela tion to the teachings o f Pakudha Kac c ay ana and Ajita mb Ke saka ali .

1 a fi t ra s t . I I . 82. Ja in S , p , p ' I CHAPTER V .

’

B UD D H AGH O SA S CO MMENTARIES .

Tradi tion ascribes to TheraBuddhagho sa the author

as m ship of several exegetical works , which , we have the

Visuddhima a . now , are headed by the encyclopaedic gg He is said to have written commentaries o n the whole o f Pat imokkha the Vinaya Pitaka including the , the

Nika as o n of A four y , and the seven books the bhi

- im dhamma Pitaka . The commentaries onsome Of the portant books of the Khuddaka Nikaya are also attributed

. di B ddh h R S u a o sa Mrs . h to him Regar ng g , y Davids says , ‘

It may r e adi ly be granted that B uddhagho sa must not.

en bl . be accepted . oc The distance between the con stru ctive geni us of Gotama and his apostles as c o m pared with the succeeding ages o f epigoni needs no

. depreciatory criticism on t he labours of the e xeg e sist s

’ Buddha ho sa s to make itself felt forcibly enough . g philology is doubtless crude and he is apt to leave the

n w is cruces unexplained, concerni g hich an Occidental

h is most in the dark . Nevertheless , to me work is not

i h also a of . only h g ly suggestive , but mine historic interest To put it aside is to lose the historical perspective of t he ” of 1 course Buddhist Phi losophy .

o f Here , however , we are concerned with the works Buddhagho sa as revealing the development of hi s o wn mind rather than bringing out the expositions of his

earlier thoughts .

0 1 I t t s sa st Ps l a s . t . n roduc ory E y , Buddhi ycho ogic l E hic , p xxv 4 4 I I I S H STOR CAL GLEAN NG .

O ri i g n a nd D evelop ment of Co mmenta ries .

Before we discuss the question of the origin and

’ d of Buddh a ho sa s ‘ e evelopment g comm ntaries , a word or

two about the nature o f a commentary seems necessary . A commentary means readi ng new meanings back into

’ O ld texts accordi ng to one s own education and outlook . Its motive is to explain the words and j udgments o f

others as accurately and faithfully as possible . This

an d remark applies equally to all commentaries , Sanskrit a P li alike .

— ‘ The teacher R e v at a is represented as saying t o his

“ l Buddha ho sa a pupi g , The P li or Tripitaka only has

been brought over here , no commentary is extant in

this place . The divergent opinions O f teachers other

than the Theravadi ns do not lik ewise exist . The Ceylon c ommentary , which is free from faults , and which was written in Sinhalese by thoughtful Mahinda with due

r of egard to the methods expositions , taught by the

h h an Supreme Budd a , put up before the t ree councils , d

Sari ut t a rehearsed by p and others , is current among the

people of Ceylon . Please go there and study it and then translate it into Magadhi which will be useful to ” the whole world . From this it is evident that the commentaries were not to be found in Indi a at the time of Buddhagho sa

they were all to be found in Ceylon . It follows further

t e that the commentaries , as hey com down to us , were not the original c ompositions O f either Buddhagho sa o r

his illustrious predecessor Mahinda . These comment di aries , as it appears from tra tion , were originally the productions not o f a Single author but of a community

1 ’ ’ M ah i v nas a a Re a e . 28 . a Ch . 7 e s s P , , And r on li d r , p ’ B UD D H AGH O SA S O I 45 C MMENTAR ES .

o f monks . Mahinda was merely a translator in Sinhalese

dd a h sa r t ranslat r in a and Bu h g o a e o P li . ‘ Buddh agho sa himself freely admits in hl S prologues t o

l s several commentaries , that he annotated those passage

his only which were not commented upon by predecessors ,

l e and the rest he only translated . Al available evidenc

’ points t o the fact that within the first decade of Buddha s enlightenment , Buddhist headquarters were established in various localities adj oining many important towns

h s l . R a a a a V e a i and cities Of the time , viz Benares , j g , ,

' ' N a a Pav e U e ni a a Ulum a land , , jj , Camp , Madhur , p , and

At o ne of so on . every these places sprang up a com munity o f Bhikkhu s under the leadership and guidance Of a famous disciple of the Buddha such as Mahakas

Mahakac c a ana Mahakot t hit a Sari ut t a Mo al sapa , y , p , gg f a . o l na , and the like Following the rule the wanderers or sophists they used to spend the rainy season in a royal

o r pleasure garden a monastery , after which they gener

Ra a ah a Be luv ana ally met together once a year at j g , , dl Sav at t hi or elsewhere . Frien y interviews among them

on selves , and occasional calls contemporary sophists ,

no t A e were unknown . mong thes various leaders of

Bhikkhu s in i , some ranked foremost doctr ne , some in discipline , some in ascetic practices , some in story

S n telling , ome in analytical expositions , some in preachi g , 2 s A o on . some in philosophy , some in poetry , and mong Buddha ’ s disciples and followers there were men who

o f a and came Br hmin families , who mastered the

Vedas and the whole of Vedic literature . It may be

I - a i fi h a aakas ini . 1 Su m a n ala s . S rat t g Vil in I , p j , p .

2 Vida Et ad a av a o An u tt ara N a a M ah av arhsa e te gg g g , g ik y I , di d by a ’ e e Th C M ah kassa a . ig r , e ouncil of p 4 6 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

' naturally asked : What were these profoundly learned and thoughtful Bhikkhus doing all the time

“ The Buddhist and Jaina texts t e ll us that the itine r

O f ant teachers the time wandered about in the country , engaging themselves wherever they stopped in serious

o n t discussions mat ers relating to religion , philosophy , l

mOralS . ethics , and polity Discussions about the inter pre t ation of the abstruse utterances of t he great teacher

’ were frequent and the m ison d etre o f tthe developments

dh of Of the Bud ist literature , particularly the comment

i ar es , is to be traced in these discussions . There are

r numerous interesting passages in the T ipitaka , telling us how from time to time contemporary events sugges ted

Bhikkhus or manifold topics of discussion among the , how their peace w as disturbed by grave doubts calling . forth explanations either from the Buddha himself or from his disciples . Whenever some interested sophists spoke vehemently ‘ in many ways in di spraise of the ’ 9 h Buddha , the Doctrine and the Order , whenever anot er S ’ 3 w such ophist misinterpreted Buddha s opinion , hen ever a furious di scussion broke o ut in any contemporary ' 4 o r e Bhikkhu im ro Brotherhood , wh never a behaved p

Bhikkhus perly , the generally assembled under the

di u pavilion to sc ss the subject , or were exhorted by Buddha or by his disciples to safeguard their inter

w as o ne ests . It on such occasion that Buddha was led to off er an historical exposition of the moral precepts

, l Vida my pa pe r A short a ccoun t of t h e wa nde ring t e a che rs a t ” " I N O t h t m h B a N e w se s V . e e t e e . 7 i of uddh (J ri , Vol , ,

1 9 1 8 .

2 - i a D a N k a I . 2 . igh y , ? p

3 hima- ik a 20 - M a N a . 7 8 . jj y , III , pp

4 - m am 24 4. I . Sa a asu t t a . 3 bid , g , II , pp

48 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS

have been that ‘ he will experience either pleasure or

’ e pain or n ither pleasure nor pain . But as regards

’ amiddhi s oint \h e S reply to the first p , had nothing to say against it .

B e i that as it may , the fact rema ns that the wisdom

of Samiddhi and folly , yet a junior learner , formed

’ the argume nt o f Buddha s longer analytical exposition

- o f of the all important subj ect Kamma , which he termed ‘ the Mahakammav ibhang a in contradistinction to his 2 S Culakammav ibh an a horter exposition , the g , which was addressed to a young Brahmin scholar named t a . Subha Thus it, can be established hat the Mah kam mav ibh ang a was the Sutta basis of the Abhidhamma exposition of the Sikkhap adav ibhang a which is incor fi orat e d in the second book o f the Abhidh amma Pit aka p c of But as a matter fact , both these expositions have left their stamp o n subsequent exegetical literature as is evidenced by the Ne t t ip ak arana and the At thasalini and other such works . Scanning the matter closely we . ’ can say that Buddh agho sa s exposition of kamma in his

At t h asalini is really the meeting place of both . The Majjhima Nikay a contains many other illuminat

u Sa a at ana ing expositions of B ddha , notably the l y Vi

‘ ' " n Aranav ibhan a a Vibh arr a bha ga , the g f the Dh tu g , and ’ D akkhina V ibh afi a the g , which have found their due 8 Abhidhamma places in the literature , supplemented by higher expositions . They also have found their way

1 - — Ma hima N ik a a . 207 2 1 5 . j j y , III , pp 2 — — 1 2 1 83 . 2 . t t ak ar a na 8 2 206 N e i . I I . 0 bid . , II , pp p , pp

3 - V i h a n a . 285 291 . b g , pp

4 - M a hima N ik a . III . 2 1 5 222 . jj ya, Vol , pp 5 — . . 230 237 . Ibid , pp

- 7 - 6 I 253 25 7 . 23 247 . . . . . 7 Ibid , pp bid , pp 8 — — ' h a e t c . h 2 . D h fi ukat V i n a . 3 8 90 Cf . t , b a g , pp 70 7 ; ’ A I 49 RUD D H AGH O S S COMMENTAR ES .

t di of into the later commen aries inclu ng , course , the

we monumental works o f Thera Buddhagho sa . Then

Sén'i ut t a i have from Thera p , the ch ef disciple of Buddha ,

o f A t t he a body of expositions the four ryan ruths , l “ Sac c av ibhan a or Sac c ani dde sa i has g , wh ch found its

Abhidhamma due place in the second book of the Pitaka , where it has been supplemented by a higher exposition (Abhidhammabhaj aniy a) based upon the sutta e xposi 8 ’ ari t t a s e tion . S pu exposition contains many of thes stock passages or the older disconnected materials with which the whole of the Pitaka literature , as we may

w as . of inde e n reasonably suppose , built up This piece p dent commentary has been tacked on to the Satip atthana ni Sutta , itself a commentary , and fur shes a datum pf distinction between the Sat ip at t hana Sutta in t he Majj hima Nikay a and the Mahasatip at t hana Sutta in

the Digha Nikay a . A complete catechism o f important terms and passages o f exegetical nature is ascribed to Sariput t a and is fami “ liarl as a San it i Sut t ant a o f y known the Mah g , which a Buddhist Sanskrit version exists in Tibetan and Chinese translations u nder the name of Sangiti Parayay a S utra The method o f grouping various topics under numerical heads and o f explaining by means of Simple enumera

Sari ut t a the tion , invariably followed by Thera p in

singularly interesting catechism above referred to , cha

rac te rise s t w o o f Sam utt a the Older connections , the y ‘ and Ang ut t ara and certain books of the Abhidh amma

1 — Ma h ima N a a . 248 252 . j j ik y , III , pp 2 ah as a i at t h an a Sut tant a Di a N a a . M t p , gh ik y 3 — V ibh a a . 1 93 205 . pg , pp 4 ’ Di a i a a I See e e e e s P . Takak usu s gh N k y , II , for r f r nc rof highly

st t e a t e the Sarv fist iv adin s 1 905 6 in ruc iv r icl on in J , p . 7 . 4 5 0 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

Pu ala Pafifiat Pitaka , notably the gg t l the materials of

mthe An ut t ara h which were mostly drawn fro g Ni aya . This is a fact which alone can bring home to us the

’ nature o f Sariput t a s work in connection with the l e Pitaka iteratur . But Sariput t a does not exhaust the l d ist . We have to consi er other renowned and p ro f o undl d of y learned isciples Buddha , among whom some w were women , who in their own way helped for ard the

of process development of the commentaries . Take , for

' Mahakac c a ana example , the case Of the Thera y who was allowed to enjoy the reputation of o ne who could give a detailed exposition Of what was said by Buddh a A. ‘ M a hima Nika a in brief . The jj y alone furnishes four 1‘ e Mahakac c a an a xegetical fragments written by y , which are of great value as forming the historical basis Of the 8 hr t wo a o ne t ee later works , in P li and in Buddhist

hi . Sanskrit , w ch are all ascribed to him The few frag ments by Mahakac c ano (Mah akac c ay an a) which have reached us are important for another reason : .they exhibit the working o f the human mind in different d Mahakac c an o irections . It is interesting to note that , S l O far as we can judge from these O der fragments , s eldom indulges in mechanical enumeration and in the

’

. H e ni of h Sari ut t a . coi ng tec nical terms as p did , on the contrary , confines himself to bringing out the inner

’ S ignificance and true philosophical bearing of Buddha s

first principles . C ‘ Then we have to make our acquaintance with I he ra.

‘ Mah ako tt hit a who was an authority next tt o none but Buddha himself on Pat isambhida o r methodology of

r

' 1 D i av a rns a O e e 1 9 p ( ld nb rg) , p . 0 .

2 m I 8 1 94 223. Ma hi a N ika a 1 1 0 II . 7 jj y , I , pp . foll , p p , , C 3 t o a de sa fi an a rast h fin a Sas tra . Pe ak p , J p ’ 5 1 B UD D H AC H O SA S COM MENTARIES .

’ us Buddh a s analytical system . He gives the charac t e ristic marks or Specific diff erences o f current abstract 1 terms signifying th e various elements o f experience . . He warns us at the same time against a possible miscon

e t i n d n c o . p Reason , un erstanding , perception , sensatio and so forth are not entities . They are not dissociated , 2 ae firSt but all are inseparably associ t d in reality . The

’ part of Mahakot t hit a s explanation may be said to be the historical founda tion of t he Lakkhan ahara in the ' 3 e t ti ak ar an a o f a - Pafiho N p , some pass ges in the Milinda , in the commentaries o f Buddhagho sa we have similar

Mo allana A Dhammadinna contributions from gg , nanda , t a no . and Khem , but we need multiply instances A careful examination of the contents o f the second book of the Abhi dhamma Pitaka has proved beyond doubt that there is no hard and fast line between the

Abhidhamma di Sutta and the Pitakas , the vision resting i ma nly upon a difference of modus op era ndi . The Abhidhamma method was based upon and followed c losely in the line o f t he Sutta exposition which is evi I t ff d e nt ly earlier . goes without saying that the di er ence betweenthe two methods is not only one of degree

ne f the but at times o o kind . In Spite of fact that the

Abhidhamma d fi e exposition is irect , de nite and m thod

a i a r ical , we cannot say th t n all cases its v lue is g eater n than the Sutta expositio . There will always be a dif ference of opinion among Buddhist scholars as to whether

1 Paj an at i p aj an at it i t asm a p afifi av a t i v u c c at i Vij anat i vij an at it i t asm a V ififian an t i v u c c at i

M a hima N ika I 2 2 . 9 . jj y a, , p 2 I Im e d hamm fi sa a is t bid msat t h no v a rhs a t h a.

3 - i a Pa fih o . 62 E t e b Tren kne r Mil nd , p . ( di d y c . )

3 ma s - — a e . . su ala as i 62 65 g g Vil in , I , pp . . 5 2 I I C I H STOR CAL LEAN NGS . the Adhidhamma books contain the genuine words o f ’ l t ama l Buddha Gro . It is neverthe ess c ertain that the

‘ maj or part Of that literature is based“ up on t he teachings o f and expositions the great teacher . There may be a Sariput t a or some other unseen hands

o n c di at work behind the scene , but , the whole , the re t , l as history proves it , be ongs ultimately to Buddha him

The f bhi hamma self . whole o the A d Pitaka has been

. separately classed by B uddhagho sa as V e yyakaran a or

Exposition . We are told that this class comprises also the g at hale ss or prose suttas which are not found in the " remaining eight classes of early Buddhist literature . The foregoing discussion has shown that the V e d allas

is need not be grouped as a separate class . There no reason why the Culav e dalla and the Mahav e dalla suttas in the Majjhima Nikay a Should not be included in the v e kara t yya na class . A all events it has been clearly

Kat hav at proved that in the Tripitakas , excluding the

3rd thu , which was composed in the century we

he so sa V e akarana . t have two layers , to y , of yy , viz

' Sutt abhaj aniy a and the Abhidhammabhaj aniy a Khan

Vibhan a idde sa— diff n e dha , g , N these are but erent sy n o f . sa c o nyms the same term That is to y , the suttas

or taining terminology , definition , enumeration ex

or as planation , whether with without such names

Khandh a Vibhan a Nidde sa , g , , constitute the first great

six Abhi dhamma landmark ; and the books , largely

n is based upo the suttas , the second landmark in the h tory

is of Buddhist commentaries . The third landmark not H easy t o determine . ere we have a choice between a

r 1 Se e for a le arne d dis cuss ion on t he s ubj e ct a mong th e The re s

‘ - a in i . 29 3 1 . At th as l , pp

- 2 n u t 4 At t has alini . 26 . uma n a B e se e . 32 S g ala Vil s i i ( rm di ion ) , p , , p ’ 5 3 B UD D H AC H O SA S COMMENTARIES .

' few works ascribed t o Mahakac c ano and the Katha v at thu of which Thera Mog galiput t a Tissa is said t o be ' s e of the author . A r gards the date the latter , it is almost cert ain that the book was composed about the t ime of the third Buddhist council held under the aus

’ ic e s f S ka Mahakae c ano s p o King A O . The case of works f A Pc ako is somewhat di ferent . careful survey Of the t p ad e sa whic h is still bur ied in manuscripts Shows that

o f whatever might be its date composition , it is a supple mentary treatise to the Ne tt ip akarana of which a beauti f ul edition in Roman charac ter is give n to us by Prof . E

fiana rasth na . A Hardy Buddhist Sanskrit work , the J p a S e a a Mahakat a an a . a str by a y y , is held , as Prof T k kusu informs us , as an authoritative text by the Sar

‘ ast iv a s V asuv andhu y din . This Sas tra is mentioned by f in hi s Abhidharmako sa as one of the se v en Abhidham i ma books . The work w as translated into Ch nese by

San had e v a 3 3 A D . 8 A . g and another in . nother trans a D 6 5 H iue n l tion was made in A. . 7 by Tsang who trans l Abhidharmamahav ibhasasast ra ated also the , a com

’ mentary o n Mahakaty ay ana s work composed during 3 t the council under Kaniska . The Chinese traveller ells u s that the Jfianaprasthana Sastra was composed three hundred years after the death of Buddha . Buddhist scholars have yet to settle the question whether or n o t Jfianaprast hana has anything in common with the Net t i a ara a or a o f p k n with Patth na , the seventh book the t Abhidh amma . now Pitaka The Ne ti , as we have it , c ontains a section named Sasanap atthana which em bodies a classification of the Pitaka passages according

1 H a t t t o t he N e t t i akara a . xxxu . . . rdy , In roduc ion p n , p f n l 9 ’ . t s I t t 44 E Burnou n roduc ion , p . 7 . . 3 B e e ] st R — e s . 1 4 1 5 . Buddhi cord , I , pp 7 7 5 4 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

t J ' to heir leading thoughts . udging f ro m the valuable

fian a rast hah a extracts from the J p given by Prof . Taka

h t he . kusu , we can decide once for all t at work is not

ide nt i al a Abhidhamma a p with the P li book , Patth na , though presumably it bears some resemblance to the

latter . The Netti and Jfianaprasthana have many S points in common , as they were written to serve a imi

lar purpose .

of hi s In the opening paragraphs or pages two books , Mahakac c ay an a frankly s tates that his work was not t o start a new idea but to produce a systematic and analytical l exposition of the expressions of others (p arat og ho sa). 2 The Parikkharahara of the Netti is a chapter based

a on upon the patth na , though it throws new light the

f AS se c subject o causal correlation . appears from the

Na asamut t hana Mahakac c a ana tion on y , y refers to the Buddhist schismatics or heretics (Dit t hic arit a asmim

Sa abba it a S di sane p j ) , whom he harply stinguished

' from the outsiders (Dit t hic arita b ahiddhap abb ajita) . Such a thing as this is not possible within t he first cen

’ of a r tury Buddha s Nibb na . It presupposes the fou Nikay as and all other Older books of the three Pitakas from which it has quoted several passages . Without

not going into further details , we shall be far from the truth to suppose that the works of Mahakac c ay an a were indeed a connecting link between the Tripitaka o n

o ne Side and all subsequent Buddhist texts on the other . Thus if we have to choose between his works and t he

Kat hav at thu t to , the priority mus be said belong to the

former .

’ 1 a t a st B d s t P s M . B arua s e e o B . Prol gom n hi ory of ud hi hilo ophy , 1 0 42 p p. , . 2 — t i ka r n 8 80 . Ne a a a . 7 t p , pp

5 6 I I I S H STOR CAL GLEAN NG .

‘ q uoting various Sinhalese commentaries , can be pointed

o u t l as the Sixth landmark . Besides these Cey on com

me nt arie s Buddha ho sa h as c asual c re f e re nc e , g made to 2 Di habhan akas Ma himabha the Opinions Of the g , the jj 3 nakas and other such schools of Theras . In his intro ‘ duction to the Sumang ala -Vilasini he gives us a Short ac count o f these schools of Theras which were originally but so many schools of recitation rather than of opini

’ n o . In the background of Buddhagho sa s works which

c l are ata ogued here as the seventh landmark , there are t h e of i Mahakac c a ana whole Trip taka , the works of y ,

K athav at thu i - n Pannat tiv ad a the , the M linda Pa ho , the o f e The fav adins t achers other than the , certain Vitan 6 d av adi ns Pakat iv ada an s s , (the S khya or the Yoga y 6 t e m t T sum he i o f Bhikkhu s o f n . o ) , and v ews Ceylo . up : there is evidence enough to confirm the truth of

Buddha ho ssa the tradition that neither g , nor Thera

of O ld o f Mahinda , nor the Theras , were the originators the comm e ntaries ; but we cannot agree with them when t Niddesa hey all deny their claim to originality . The which is an old commentary o n certain suttas in t h e Sutta Nipata cannot compare favourably with Buddha ’ 7 hosa s Para i The Pe t ako ade sa g mat t haj o t ka. p of Ma

hakac c a ana of y , which a passage is quoted by Buddha

' h o sa t li no At t hasa ni . c an g ,is the In justice to all , we s a his e i l y that Buddha himself , disciples and th r discip es were those who prepared the way for great Buddha

hosa g , the commentator .

1 B st a a Ps t s - uddhi M nu l of ychological E hic , pp . xxiii xxiv .

2 and 3 At t h li 4 - as a ni 1 5 1 39 4 42 . . 1 1 . 9 0 0 1 5. , pp , , 7 , pp

6 At th as alin i h 241 n a e se t 3 90 92 . (Si l Edi ion) , pp . , , , 6 l - P u a a Pa nne t t e t a a e se t . 722 . g g i Comm n ry (Sinh l Edi ion) , p 7 ‘ A t a i ' h as l n 1 P t k t t . t 65 . a e v u a rn i , p . e ’ 5 7 BUDDHAC HOSA S COMMENTARIES .

’ r Enquiries into Buddhaghosa s C ommenta ies .

’ A critical survey of Buddh agho sa s works suggests to

‘ an inquiring mind many far-reaching questions O f which very few have indeed been hitherto examined o r an

s we re d . Perhaps the most important of them is this How far has Buddh agh osa revealed himself in his com me nt arie s headed by the Visuddhimagg a ? In other

’ Buddha ho sa s words , what historical information about g life can be culled from his works Other questions that

ask may arise are all subsidiary to this . We may , for

1 Mahav a msa e example , ( ) Supposing , as the would hav

uS Buddh g ho sa believe , that a was born in a Brahmin

of a family Gay , mastered the Vedic literature with all its auxiliary sciences and ar ts and learnt the views of

Pat afi ali is . j so well that he could cite them verbatim , it to be inquired : can we find any trace o f the influence of Brahmanic cultur e and of the system of Pat afij ali on his 2 Wh B works ( ) ere did he meet Thera evata , who con verte d him to the Buddhist faith after defeating him by means o f arguments in a philosophical discussion ? (3 ) Can we give any proof in support o f the .Substantial tradition that he wrote his At thasalini while in India ? ( 4 ) What reminiscences of Ceylon are to be found in hi s commentaries ? ( 5 ) What light is thrown by his l works on the social , politica , philosophical , literary , and artis tic history of Indi a of his time ( 6 ) What is the relation of B uddhaghosa to B uddh ad att a and other teachers o f South India in regard to the interpretation O f Buddhist philosophy ? (7 ) What are his social con t ributions to Buddhist o r to Indi an philosophy (8) In What way was B uddh agho sa a connecting link between

t he ? 9 Northern India , Deccan and Ceylon ( ) Can we di scover in Buddhagho sa any anticipation o f Sankara 5 8 H ISTO R ICAL GLEANINGS

( 1 0) Wh at is the place Of Buddhagho sa as a writer and . o f philosopher in the history India , particularly in the

‘ history Of Buddhism ( 1 1 ) H o w is it that Buddhaghosa makes no reference to Mahayana Buddhism ( 1 2) What

’ is the immediate background of Buddhagh osas philo so

? 1 1 3 phy , ( ) What is the extent of the indebtedness Of Buddh agho sa to the Buddhist kings and teachers of

' Ceylon AS each o f these q ue stion s re q uire s a separate l e paper , we sha l content ourselv s in the following pages with attempting to answer only o ne with the help of

the available records .

B t r u ddhaghosa in his C ommen a ies .

B uddh a h o sa uS e of his g has left for , no oth r record

m The f life than his co mentaries . in ormation that comes 4 f ro m o the r i s . sources meagre . Mr Gray was the first to collect in his B uddhagh o suppat ti some references to his

Mahav a msa Sasanav amsa life from the , the , and the

like . The accounts given in these works are hardly anything but anecdotes which may be summed upas foll ows

Buddh a ho sa b orn BrahInin m ( Y g was in a fa ily in the

vicinity of the Bodhi terrace . He was brought up dur

ing his early years in Brahmanic tradition . He mastered the three Vedas together with all the supplementary

k o n an w as wor s science d art . He an adherent of the system of Pat afij ali previous to his adoption o f the

a n o f t ime Buddhist f ith . Followi g the usage his he

wandered about in the country as a sophist . He called at a monastery where he happened to meet a Thera B evata who is said t o ha v e defeated him in a philo so

hic al di li p scussion . He studi ed the Pa Tripitaka under ’ . B t l t h w a . hi o so hic al eva a , He rote p p treatise entitled e ’ " ‘ B UD D H AGH O SA S M RI S 5 9 COM ENTA E .

Nano da a o o n ce y n He als wrote a commentary a rtain section Of the Dhammasang anr under the name ‘ of the

' At thasalin as i . He W engaged in writing a Parit t aat t hakatha whe n Thera B evata urged himto go to Cey

lon . The Sasan av amsa tells us that he accidentally

met o n the way Thera Buddhadat t a ' who was then re

ni 1 ' tur ng from Ceylon . Buddhaghosa visited Ceylon during the reign of King Mahanama ; t he sole Obj ect o f his journey to Ceylon was to retranslate t he Sinhalese Commentaries into Ma

g adhi . He studied the Sinh alese commentaries under

San ha ala of Mahav ihara Thera g p at Anuradhapura . There he produced the Visuddhimagg a which is esteemed

' a of h ‘ A he s e nt as an encyclop edia Budd ism . fter that p

” Ganthakara , his time at the Monastery where he com posed all his commentaries ; thereafter he returned to

d Sasanav amsa B d India . It is recor ed in the that u dhagho sa was a native o f Gho sag ama near the Bodhi

' as ‘ terrace . The Brahmin Kesi w his father and Ke siy a

his f hi s mother . The primary Object o voyage to Ce y l lon was to retranslate the Tripitaka into Pa i . The Ma

hav a msa o n is silent these details .

ddha h is Bu g o sa reticent about himself . He nowhere

or tells us who he was where he was born . There are occasional references to CeyIOH ‘ and to his teachers a nd

e n re friends , from which nothing d fi ite can be inferred i l is lif is d i garzing h o wn e . That the V u dh magg a was h s fi is the rst production in Ceylon beyond dispute . In

Samant a asadika on th e preface to his p , the commentary a Vinaya Pitaka , he tells us th t this was the first com mentary o n the canonical texts ; He makes an apology

l 1 ma 29 as a v a s . . s s n , p 60 IS I I S H TOR CAL GLEAN NG . for undertaking to write a commentary o n the Vinaya

o f Pitaka first , contrary to the usual order Dhamma

i n o f and Vinaya . He says that Vinaya is the f Ound at o the Buddhist faith . The Samant apasadika was followed by his commentaries on the four Nikay as in succession . which preceded his commentaries on the seven books o f

Abhidhamma the Pitaka . The Jataka commentary was evidently composed before the Paramat thaj ot ika being a serial commentary o n certain books of the Khuddaka nik 1 ay a . His later commentaries refer to his earlier ones ? and all presuppose his Visuddhimagg a Hence a con c ord anc e of them may be an invaluable aid to the study

Buddh a hosa Of g and his works .

Buddha hosa a g was an inhabitant o f south Beh r . This

of part the tradition may be taken for granted . His connection with the Brahmin family and with Brahmanic

tradition is undeniable . The evidence o f his comment

o t e aries amply bears this u . His comment upon th Pali s passage relative to the supplementary treatises of the Vedas could not be expected from one who was not

conversant with the whole of the Vedic literature . His

e m h asis on u F p Vinaya is another proof of the infl ence of

his . s previous learning His definition Of killing , theft ,

. S u e x o si etc , how an enormo s improvement on older p

1 Suma n ala V i a i At t hike hi Sama nt a asadika i h l S ni . 70 . g , I , p p

V in a at th aka h a m l k v a ah a rh P u ala -Pa nfia t t i C om y t O o e t g e t b a . g g

' ” h alin i e t a h m . A t as . 222 . n t a t t h aka a a m n ry , p Ay a nn Ang t ra t n yo t

e e s t o t h m a t asa ika V ibh n a e t a e Sa n a d . 9 7 98 . a r f r p , pp , g Comm n ry , 4 p . 07 .

9 At th alin 1 6 1 1 8 Suma n al av ilasini as i . 1 68 1 83 8 1 8 90 9 . , pp , , 7 , , g , 2 P l — fifi . . u a a a a t i 254 p g g p y , p . . 3 l “ M h a uri alakkh an a mt i a a~ Suma n a av ilasini . 248 . a s g , I , p 3 p m h

' 4? p urisana mB ud dh ad in arn lakkha na-dip aka rh d v ad asasah ass ag andh ap ; ” amana th rh p ms at a . ’ B D H O SA S I 6 1 U D H AG COMMENTAR ES .

as tions . Buddha a psychologist was quite content with the definition of Kamma as volition (Ce t ana Bhikkav e

' v adami Kammarn.) Buddhagho sa framed a definition 1

c . ac ordingly But , as appears from his explanation , for him an action is n o action until the will is actually mani “ f e st e d n o f in conduct , which goes to prove that his poi t

view was jur istic or practical . The tradition telling us that he was an adherent of the system of Pat afij ali also seems to have historical accu

u racy . He is insolent througho t his works in his attacks

i a r . Pakativ ad a . e . n o on , , the S khya the Yoga system He shows extravagant zeal for diff erentiating the Bud

’ dhist conception o f Avijj a from the Pakativ adin s con 8 c e tion of p Pakati as the root cause of things , and the

’ Buddhi st concep tion of Namar fipa from the outsider s . f Purusa conception o and Prakriti . He betrays never ‘

t he le ss his previous relation with the Sankhya and . the

f amarfi Yoga systems . His conception o N pa is very much like the Sankhya conception o f Purusa and Pra

i E of krit . ven the very simile the blind and the lame by 4 which the two conceptions are illustrated is the same .

I m Buddha hosa his c onc e t ight be argued that g based pca k tion on the authority of the earlier Buddhist thin ers , h 5 notably Nagasena and Asv ag osa . But who can deny

that the Buddhist thinkers , too , were greatly influenced by the Sankhya line o f thinking ? Indeed taking into l consideration all avai able evidence , we cannot but

1 u ma n la v las ini t . I S g a i , p , p ,

2 ma as in f Su n al av il i . C . g

3 V isudd hima a a e se t — g g (Sinh l Edi ion) , pp . 407 408 . 4 ’ Cf . t he ass a e V asa s C e ta o n a Sfit ra I 44 . p g in y omm n ry Yog II , 1 s a ni . . At t ha li , p 6 5 . Pa ramat t ha o t ika I . 1 69 . j I , p 6 2 IS I I S H TOR CAL GLEAN NG .

h mn t n Bud agree wit M . Oltramare in ai aini g that the dhist conception of Namarfip a was from a certain date steadi ly tending towards the Sankhya c onceptions of l the Fa rusa and Prakriti . It would be travel ing too far from o ur immediate obj ect to institute an enquiry into the relationship between the Buddh ist philosophy and mode o f self-realisation on one hand and the Yoga

h o the system on the other . Accepting as a working yp

sis t that the relationship is in many respec s very close , it requires me great effort Of the imagination to realize

how B uddh aghosa easily passed from the O ld to the

o f Buddha ho sa new . The fact g being thus a connect ing link between the two systems is enough to give him a very important place in the history of Indian Phil

Buddha ho sa osophy . g enriched his Buddhist heritage

i e f o r w th fresh mat rials from other systems ; consider ,

O f re example , his use the term , which

’ li s aha h minds u s at once of Pat afij a M b asy a . There are f many other Similar passages . The student o Buddha gbosa can judge for himself the great scholar ’ s tender

regard for his friends in Ceylon , his devotion to his

A t e achers o f { , his gratitude to his patrons , his meekness

spirit , his resourcefulness , his vast erudition and other w l traits hich characterize a great teacher of mankind . A it though is not definitely known at what age he died , it

e le is . c onc iv ab that he lived long enough to se e his

u - labo rs amply rewarded , enj oy the world wide fame

- so . AS that he well deserved He did not live in vain . long as Buddhism remains a living faith among mankind Buddh agh osa will no t cease t o be remembered with

reverence and . g ratitude by Buddhi st peoples and e schools . We shall touch just o n more point before ,

e Buddh a h sa t cf w conclude . g o is perhaps the grea est .

6 4 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

1 t e ry erected by V e nhudasa or Kanhadasa on the banks

' o f the Kaveri . It is doubtful if the two teachers me t each other either

in India or elsewhere . They drew materials from the

S . ame source , no doubt This fact can well explain why

the Visuddhimagg a and the Abhidhammav at ara have so

many points in common . In point of fact the two

of e e teachers wrote independently each other . N v rthe

Or Abhi less , whether prior posterior , the dhammav at ara of Buddh ad at t a can be safely regarded as a catechism of

V isuddhima a B d . ud had at t a the last portion of the gg ,

of too , used the simile the purblind and the lame as an ‘ analogy O f the relation between nama and rfip a f Bud

’ dhad at ta s division of terms into samuha and asamfiha

is another interesting point . It will be remembered that ( such a division o f terms as this was far in advance of the older classifications embodied in the Pugg ala Panfiat t i fi c o mme n tary Supposing that Kumara Gupta of the Imperial Gupta dynasty was a contemporary of King Mahanama o f Ceylon and that Buddhagh o sa was a

o f Buddhadat t a younger contemporary Thera , it follows

hat Ac c ut av ikkant a of a p t D ( king K lamba ynasty was a

contemporary of Kumara Gupta . It is conceivable that the Buddhist monastery where

Buddha ho sa B S g met Thera evata , was ituated somewhere

sa of a in South India , y , near the upper banks the God

' ’ Buddha ho sa s o f vari . g knowledge South India below

the Godavari is next to nothing .

’ The scene of B uddh aghosa s caree r as a scholar in Indi a was confined between the Ganges o n the north and

’ 1 a m ll . B t s Ma a V ififi an a . f e uddh ad a t a nu ls , p , pp xv ,

9 h d mm a t ar 1 1 5 Ab i h a v a a p . . 3 i t 1 7 3 . f Fa a a Pa fifiat t C e a . C . gg l omm n ry , p ’ A S O I 65 B U D D H AC H O S C MMENTAR ES .

the Godavari o n the south . These two rivers wer e mi 1 E fi t uppermost in his nd . lsewhere he de nes sou hern provinces (Daksinaja napad a ) in the Deccan (B akkhi napatha ) as a tract o f land lying to the south of t he ? Ganges His personal acquaintanc e with the Andhra countries is evident from hi s detailed ac c ount of an t e f 3 island in h midst o the Godavari . In an interesting " of Suman ala a i has c a passage the g Vil sin , he des ribed p

I p arently a local aboriginal c ustom of bleaching human “ bones . Moreover we find in him anticipations of the f Mayav ada of Sankara . Matter summed up in terms o

the four gross elements is unknowable . The impressions

of o ur which we have matter are mere appearances . If

’ f r itf ul e n uir hypothesis be true , it will be a most u q y in the immediate future to determi ne how Thera Buddhaghosa was a connec ting link between Northern

India , the Deccan and Ceylon .

1 t tha alin 1 4 A s i , p . 0. 2 - a man a a a . s i 265 . S g l Vil in , I , p 3 Parama t th a o t ika . 58 1 . j , II , p

4 m n ala- as i D an ant i Su a n t . o 84 . g Vil i , p I , p , p . CH APTER V 9

TH E I CH A IS I A L C V N N CIEN T INDIA.

The mighty race o f the V ajj ians fills an important c of i unf or hapter in the ancient history Ind a . But

' t unat ely very few hi storians have up till now dealt with the subj ect with that thoroughness which it de dmi serves . Their methods of a nistration , their martial

all l r im spirit , above , their nobi ity of cha acter , are so

so so pressive , inspiring and fascinating that it is really inexplicable how they esc aped the attention of eminent

c scholars . Their ultural history is bound to be attract

f of hi ive . They had eight con ederate clans w ch the

‘ i hi Lic c hav is of V a sali were the most important . In t s p aper an attempt has been made to deal with some

e m important topics relating t o t h . 1 i Drs A i id abhfi san . . V The late . V . Sm th and S C . y c ontributed two articles on the subject to the Indian A i A . Lic chav s ntiquary ccording to Dr . Smith , the

i n 1 su were Tibetans the r origin . This conclusion he p ports o u two grounds : (a ) the way in which they dis f o 6 di . . posed the dead , and ( ) their ju cial system Dr

Vid abhfi a on Lic c ha y s n, the other hand , holds that the

v is o were originally Persians , they having migrated fr m their original home at Nisibi and settled in Indi a and

‘ t h e Tibet . But neither of these theories will stand test o f a thorough critical examination .

f' c thians Mr . Hodgson holds that they were S y It is

1 An fi - I . t . V c " 2 2 6 . 33 3 . nd . XXII , pp 2 " — . . 8 80 Vol XXVII , pp 7 . 3 ’ C e te sa H . 1 . oll c d Es ys by od gson (Trubne r s e dit ion) , p 7 LI CCH AV IS I I IN I 6 7 THE N ANC ENT D A .

mentioned in the Vaij ayanti that a Ksat riy a lady mar ‘ c c rdi n t o ried to a V raty a brings forth a Lic c hav i . A o g

‘ le xic o ra hers Amaras1 mha H ala udha the g p , y and Hema

r K at ri as V rat as- o f cand a , they were s y and y sons Ksa

i B htlin k B o th of t r y as . o g and are the opinion that

o f they came a regal race . Monier Williams supports “ 3 The D ulv a e Mo allana t his view . states that wh n gg

V aisali of Lic c hav is entered in search alms , the were

o f c oming o ut of the city to subdue Aj atasatru . Out veneration they enquired whether they would be suc

A a Mo allan a c e ssf ul in a campaign against j tasatru . gg

’ ”

of V asi ha s l . replied , Men st race , you wil conquer

' Lic c hav is Ksat ri as w e This proves that the were y , for

’ i t K atri as know that men of V as s ha s gotra are s y . It is mentioned in the Mahap arinibbana Sutta of the Di gha Nihaya that the Lic c hav is claimed a portion of the relic o f the august body o f the Buddha as they were

c ast e me n . Bha av a khat ti o his It is stated there , g pi y ,

am khat ti a o ne Ksat ri a may pi y (Blessed is a y , so are

we) . From these two instances , we can safely come to

i ri a the conclusion that the L c c hav is were Ksat y s . This m is also corroborated by the Jaina account given in the . fi Kalpasfi t ra It is stated there that Mahavira was a mate rnal uncle of the Lic c hav is and they illumined the c ity to commemorate his death . It may be interesting to note in this connec tion that a great famine broke o ut

aisali at when Buddha was invited to check it . The Y’

1 a a a t i O e rt L r . 76 . 108 . V ij y n ( pp ) , p , ,

2 A a s it s t a m . e w D r e 62 . N S n kr Engli h ic ion y by Mo r Willi am s , p 9

e d t 1 89 i ion 9 .

3 The L e t h e u a b R P t n if of B ddh , y ockhill , p. 9 7 , o o o te .

4 ika a D i h an . T . . I 1 . I p 64 g y (P S Vol , . . ‘ 5 a a Sfit ra a e se 1 2 2 6 8 . 6 . B E . K lp (J cobi) . V r , p , S . , Vol . XXII . 68 I T I I S H S OR CAL GLEAN NG .

chief queen of Benares bec ame pregnant and was deli f f o o . she vered a lump flesh To avoid a scandal , placed h n it in a pot and t rew it into the Ga ges , the pot drift

ing with the current . Gods took it and wrote on it that

it son contained the of the chief queen of Benares . A

s hermit found the pot and kept it with him . From thi lump of flesh children were born and they were known ‘ i h is as the L c c av . This mythical account has very little

historical value o f its o wn .

As the Lic c hav i or Le c c hav i to term , Chinese w orks ” o ut point that by it we understand skin . Buddha 3 gbosa in his Paramatthaj otika o n the Khudd aka Patha

a-c hav i Lic c hav i ic c hav i H e splits it up into lin N . says that things in their stomach appear to be attac hed

c hav i Li c ha- to their or skin and hence they are called c é v i ibb etv a t ha it a v i a afi a fi s . S p y nesam fi ma fiamlina h i a o s .

Lic c hav is V aisali d The young of were a free , wil

people , very handsome and full of life . They dressed ‘ t he well and drove fast carriages . Onc e Buddha with

f his Bhikkhus went o ut in search o alms . He addressed

' ( H GI S saw the Lic c hav is “ IO O W when he on his way , Look

Lic chav is Tav atim at the , those who have not seen the ” ic c hav is sa k L . gods , let them loo at these We know “ that the Tav atimsa gods were very beautiful . " It is stated in the Dulv a that there were continuous

i hana and festivities among the Lic chav s . Of them G

1 — 1 1 65. Paramat th aj ot ika pp . 58 2 ’ s a C an . II . 79 . Wat t e r Yu n hw g , Vol , p - 3 u - a s. 1 58 1 65 P aramat thaj ot ika on Kh ddaka P th pp . . 4 ’ at te s an wa . . 79. W r Yu Ch ng , Vol II , p 5 t I . 262 . Mah av ast u d . e a . , e S n r Vol , p 5 B udd st t as . . 32 . hi Sut Vol XI , p

7 l . 63 . The Life of t he Buddha by Rockhi l , p T LIC CH AV IS I I I I 69 HE N ANC EN T ND A .

Sabbarat ti At v aro were the most important . the Sab

barat tiv aro Sa bbarat tic aro or festival , songs were sung ,

t r and rumpets , d ums other musical instruments were I use d , flags were flown , kings , princes and commanders in-chief took part in the festival and spent the whole

ni - ght in merry making .

’ It is stated in the Dhammap adat thakatha that they used to go to gardens with prosti tutes (Nagara-sobhini ) ? a nd enj oy themsel ves very much 8 Some young Lic chav is were rude in manners . They ‘ l "c ait as loved fine arts and bui t many beautiful y , parks

5 un and gardens . It is held that they were believers in the Buddha and they had their Caity as consecrated to “ akk . the Y has . This view is incorrect It is evident 7 from the Ang u tt ara Nikay a that they were devoted to

i al 500 Lic chav is . V a s i Buddha When Buddha was at , 8 Ma hima Nika a worshipped him . It is stated in the jj y that some Lic c hav is saluted Buddha with folded hands

as t as soon as he w seen by them . Some sa silent at a

di t I e s stance from Blessed One . They were o very d evoted to Buddha that they are said to have arranged 9 f o r a voyage him by boat . They took delight in philosophical speculations about t he - of - non cause sins of beings , non cause of the purity

10 ‘ o f a lc h alobha beings , nirv na, ha , dosa , moha , , adosa

1 Sam ut t a N a a . 2 y ik y Vol I , p . 01 . 2 Dh amma ad a t t h akat ha T — , . S. . 279 280 . p P . Vol III , pp . 3 ’ a t te s a C wan . . 9 . W r Yu n h g , Vol II , p 7 4 An ut t ara Nika a V ol IV g y . , p . 309 . 5 Th e L e t h e a R if of Buddh by ockhill , p . 63 . 6 ’ B e a s L e H iue n Ts an . t t l if of i g In roduc ion , p . xxiii . 7 An u t tar a N ika a . 2 . 3 . g y , Vol III , p 9 3 M a hima N a a . 22 jj ik y , Vol I , 8 . 9 D iv av ad an a C d — e an N e . Q y ( ow ll il) , pp 55 56. 1 0 Sam u t t a N ika - a . 68 1 y y , Vol III , pp . 7 . 70 I I I S H STOR CAL GLEAN NG .

h ‘ di and amo a . They scussed among themselves prob

of de st ruc lems dealing with the destruction action ,

o f of n r a tion sensation , means attai ing ni v na , three ? n o f suflerin s A ki ds g , etc bstruse metaphysical discus

i a nna v imut t i sions relating to s la , sam dhi , pa , , influence 3 of the purity of sila and tapa and sublimity of dh am “ ma engaged their serious attention . They used also to discuss the five kinds of rare gems : h at thirat ana ls

i i hi a . . . assarat ana aha at rat ana t t rat an . , g p , and Dr B M Barua holds in his Prolegomena to a study of Buddh ist 6 Philosophy that the V ajjiput t akas recognise soul and their view o f atma differs from the views of Sankhya and

Lic ha is . the Vedanta . The c v believed in spirits They

of Sat t ussa believed in the existence hell , especially the i ’ d am N ray am . c They were fine sportsmen and accurate ar hers . They 8 used to hunt with the help of dogs . They used to kill

on 8 1 4 1 5 d a o f animals the th , th and th y the lunar 9 d fle sh . a month and eat their They were rough , cruel n

haughty . Some young men among them were charged with Insulting girls of respectable families by throwing ‘ 0 " had stones at them . They the moral courage to confess ” their guilt .

1 - Sam ut t a N a a . . 261 262. y ik y Vol IV , pp 2 — An u t t ara Nika a . . 220 222 . g y , Vol I , pp 8 V — o l . . 200 202 . II , pp

4 - . 5 8 . Vol III , pp . 7 7

5 - An ut t ara N ika a . . 1 6 1 68 . g y , Vol III , pp 7 6 ’ D B . M . B ar ua s e e a t o a s t r . Prol gom n udy of B uddhist Philosophy ,

42 . p .

7 v a t h u Pe t a t P . T 46 . ( . p .

3 An u t t a ra N a — a . . 5 78 . g ik y Vol III , pp 7

' 9 D iv av ad ana C e a d i n e 1 36 . y ( ow ll N l) , p .

1 0 An ut t ara N i a a - k . I . 5 8 g y ,Vol II , pp 7 7

1 1 Cullav a a V x 1 — o l. 1 1 25 . g g x , pp . 8

7 2 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

Lic c h is a his him to cope with the av . SO he m de up

mind to do away with them .

' ‘ ’ Suman alav ilasini find t was In the g , we that here a port near the Ganges and there was a mountain no t far from it and at the foot o f the mountain there was a mine of precious gems . Some precious gems were washed away by the Ganges , and there was a contract between the Lic chav is and Aj atasatru that they would

Lic chav is take the gems equally . But the avaricious di d A a s not fulfil the agreement . This enraged j ta atru

v of f or . ery much . He thought punishing them this act

Lic chav is He realized , however , that the being numeri t c ll o u . a y stronger , he would fail to carry his purpose

Lic c hav is He tried to be friendly with the , but he had t o t give up this idea . A last he resorted to the device of sowing dissensions and he was not unsuccessful . Through his machinations the unity of the Lic chav is was a lmost broken with the result that the poor Lic chav is began to hate the rich and the strong looked down upon a' s the weak . At that psychological moment Aj ta atru took advantage of the internal dissensions amongst the

c chav is ibhfi mi Li and attacked the V ajj . The weak Lic c him havis refused to stand against and said , Let the ” s Lic c hav is o trong g forward and crush him . Thus it was A a s V aisali easy for j ta atru to conquer , the capital o f V a ia s the jj n .

Lic c hav i Lic c h av is e e If a fell ill , the other came to s . h im . The whole clan would j oin any auspicious cere m f ic eh av i ony performed in the house o a L . When a

d Lic c hav i foreign king pai a visit to the country , the

’ 1 Suman ala ilasini e se t H e wav ita rne s B e g v (Burm Edi ion , Simon

Nanissara 9 . s 1 R . 9 ue t e e s N . e q S ri o vise d by ) , p 7 3 THE LIC C H AV IS IN ANCIENT INDIA .

Lic c hav is went out in a body to receive him and do him

not . honour . They did impose new taxes Old taxes

e The V a ians ra were abolish d . young jj used to learn

j aniti from the Old experienced V aj j i ans . Chastity was

t e no t o be violated by force . The Old r ligious rites were

. Observed . They used to hold frequent meetings Mat ters relating to various parts of the country were heard

out c of and di scussed . They sent armies at the approa h

o f foreign invaders . By beat drum the meeting was announ ced and everyone tried to attend and having ‘ done their work they dispersed at the same time . A Lic c hav ig ana could select a suitable wife for a Lic ” c hav f r f or Lic chav i ana t o i when asked o . It was the g ” A Lic c hav is o f decide cases o f adultery . mong the Vai ah f " , there was a law to the ef ect that a woman born in the first di strict3 could marry only in the first district and not in the second or the third . One born in the mi ddle district could marry only in the first and the

c se ond . One born in the third district could marry in

ne f V aiéali any o o the three . Marriage outside was not ll 4 a owed . As regards the administration of justice when a thief is Mahamat t o caught , he is brought before the who can acquit him if he thinks him not guilty , but if he thinks him guilty he cannot inflic t puni shment upon him but

' can send him to V ohariko who if he thinks that punish

Ant okariko his ment is necessary , sends him to who in turn sends him t o Senapati ; and if he is convinced o f

U ara a his guilt , he sends him to p j who again sends him

‘ 1 m an a a i - Su lav il s n i B u e se t . 1 03 05 g , rm Edi ion , pp 3 . 2 hi i ‘ B kkh u v ibh a n a San had ide sa . 225 n g g , Vol II , p . .

3 V aié ali w a s e i t t e e st t s divid d n o hr di ric . ‘ 4 The L e of the Bu R a kh . 62 if ddh by oc ill , p . 4 IS RI I . 7 H TO CAL . GLEAN NGS

l a a as to Raj a if he thinks him gui ty . R j the highest court of appeal could inflict punishment upon him

i h a i Pav e o tt ak re . according to the n p , Book of Prece dents"

Lic c hav 1 s u The had a rep blican form of government . Raj a was the h ighest court of appeal who alone could

‘ inflict punishment ; H e was elected by the people or

b Lic c hav is rather y the ruling clans of the . The ad ministration O f the country was in the hands of the

h i a th Lic c av g an who elected eir members . In the Lie c hav is ntha ara Ti rat anas a g , discussions were held on the . 2 It is not mentioned in the Samant apasadika that the Lic e hav i assembly was like the assembly of gods (Tava

i f Tav atims t msade v a . o a ) In the assembly the gods , four kings were the receivers of spoken words with regard to the matter for which the 3 3 gods met in the assembly

‘ and four great kings were the receivers of the admoni ” 3 tion given . From this Dr . Rhys Davids inf ers that the four great kings were regarded as Recorders (in their

o f had f memory) what been said . The minutes o the

. so meetings were kept by them If , there must have e o be n such Rec rders in the Mote halls of the clans . T hei r relations with some ancient chiefs and tribes may be briefly noted They were on friendly terms with King Pase nadi o f Ko éala as is evident from the account n i ' ‘ give in the Ang ul mala Sutta of the Majjhima N . Pase nadi went to the Buddha and confessed tha t Bim bisara of Mag adh a and the Lic c h av is were hi s friends . The Mallas and the Lic c hav is were not on friendly

1 m a al i a i 56 . S n av l sin a e se t . I . 3 u g (Sinh l Edi ion) , Vol , p 2 h ma t a as ad ika B t . a . S p ( urme se e di ion ) , p 338 s Th e D a ue s oi t h e a 263 . i log Buddh , p . 4 M ‘ - ma a . 1 1 a hi N i a V I 1 . k ol . 00 0 jj y ; I , pp LIC C H AV I S I I I I 7 5 THE N ANC ENT ND A .

u o f terms . This is corroborated by the acco nt the fight

B andh ula Ma-llian Lic chav is between , a general and the ; It is stated in t he Cullav agg a o f the Vinaya Pitaka 5

V addha Lic c hav i was that , a instigated to bring a false

-n of of charge against Dabba , a Mallia , breach morality , d but he confesse his guilt and was punished . The i c Lic c hav s had conne tions with the Imperi al Guptas .

' dr Kumarde v i of Chan a Gupta I married , the daughter

ic ch av is the L .

’ 1 sb o ll m a a 2 d i O l e t . Fa s D a . 1 d u , h am p d , p 9 ( i on ) 2 . . 1 1 8 Vol XX , p . I CHAPTER V .

B DD A AND N I H AS U H GANT .

I tr ti n oduc on . Jainism plays an important part in the history of di In a . This religion is no doubt older than Buddhism , a i' as from all accounts it is clear that Mah v ra , the last

ir n T tha kara , was an Older contemporary of the Buddha .

of i The principles Jainism have , according to trad tion , e in d xisted In ia from the earliest times . The names

R sabha l di , Nemi , etc . , are wel known in the Ve c Litera ture . But there is nothing to Show that they were the

i n o r T rtha karas the Jainas . Reference to Jainism may be traced in the Maha' ‘ a Adi arv a s anaka bh rata in the p mention is made of K ap . The members o f the Jaina order are known as Nirgran thas Ni ant has . . n ( g ) Dr Rhys Davids says , The Jai s have remained as an organised community all through the history of India from before the rise of Buddhism ” - 2 . At of down to day the time , the Buddha Gautama , the Nirg ranthas evidently formed a large and influential body The Jains had their ritual Code and their r eligious and philosophic creed and organisation at the ” 3 time of the founder of Buddhi sm .

As a i V aiéali Mah v ra was a native of , the great city , of t he Lic c hav is of , where the founder Buddhism also spent

1 — ' M a a a at a C a te I 1 26 N a n ann ksa anaka m K a a h bh r , h p r I I , S . g p s p

a a is a e s a t s e a a. a a e a t e a s n k r ligiou mendic n , p ci lly J in m ndic n , who w r ’ - a m t a . 326 899 . e n . l a s ans t D n 1 no g r Monie r Wi li m S kri ict io ry , p , 2 B st n a . 1 43 . uddhi I di , p 3 a tt e s ua C an . 252. W r on Y n hw g , Vol I , p . N I A TH AS 7 7 BUDDHA AND G N .

o f his a s c much time , and further the two great tea hers

Ko éala Ma adha An worked in the same provinces Of , g , ga and Videha it but , , is natural that the two sects would often come in contac t with each other and we may expect the Buddhist religious books to contain referenc es d to the rival Sangha . The Bu dh ist records abound in incidental references to a number o f teachers including Nig antha Nathaput t a and his doctrines are often sc ruti

i e m di c di is n s d and someti es s re ted . But it unfortunate that though the Buddhist works show traces of criticism o f their doctrines , the two great teachers never appear to have met face to face ; at least there is no authentic f o . record such a meeting In the Buddhist books , there is a good deal of recrimination and fault-finding against the rival creed and every incident that is narrated

’ e s bont ribut to the success of the writer s own faith . Sometimes we are confronted with the doubt whether the Buddhist books give a genuine version and interpretation o f is the Jaina dogmas that are criticised , and it for

e Jaina scholars to test their accuracy . What we hav hi attempted in t s book , is to bring together the passages

. in Buddhist literatur e containing references to the last Jina and to Jainism and leave it open to the follow e rs of that religion to examine them in the light of th eir o wn rec ords and the princ iples of their ow n faith .

idde sa a The N , a work in the P li Tripitaka , gives us a ' list Of di sciples and devotees . Mention is made Of the Nig ant has in it Nig anthasav akanamNig antho deva ” 1 t a i an has o f . N g t are called the recluses the red class (lohitabhij ati) and they are also knowrras those wearing

1 - a i a . 1 3 1 4 . Cull N dde s , pp 7 7 7 8 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS . o ne g arme nt They were prote cted by the ’ dh Em A Ni ant ha Natha ut a Bud ist peror soka . g p t (iden

' t ifie d a i 24th Ti rthafl kara o f with Mah v ra) , the the Jains ,

o f was a leader the Jain Order , who was a citizen of

' i al d the o f V a s i . He is describe as head an order , of a

of of following , the teacher a school , well known and

' a ~ so hist b o f repute as p , revered y the people , a man

h s experience , who a long been a recluse , Old and well ] ” 8 n i anac ari o stricken in years . Sa gh ceva gani ca g y ca fiato y asassi titt hakaro sadhusammat o b ahuj anassa

' rat t afifiil C irap abb ajit o addh ag at o vayo

O f h m Before the advent Budd a Gauta a , say the authors Of the Buddhist books with a bigoted respect f or their own a i master , Mah v ra acquired fame but it faded away

’ before the rising glory and dazzling brilliance o f Buddh a s ' career . B " About the second centur y C . when the Greeks had di occupied a fair portion of Western In a , Jainism appears to have made it s way amongst them and the founder o f the sect appears also to have been held in high esteem by the Indo - Greeks as is apparent from an account given fi in the Milinda Pafiho It is stated there that five hundre d Yo nakas is , that , Greeks , asked King Milinda

Ni an ha Natha ut t a ( Menander) to go to g t p , to put his problems before him and to have his doubts solved . Nig antha Nath aput t a was engaged in rousing the sophistic activity with which Anga and Mag adha were ls d Ma hima Nika a permeate , as it is evident from the jj y

1 A ut ta ra a V L a i at m a n N a o l I I . 383 o hit bh i a a g ik y , . I , p j n Nig n

" at ka t i a i 1 t h e. e kas a v d a t S V . t . 2 , . p . I , p 6 . 2 e n a a a B s 1 2 1 . K r , M nu l of Indi n uddhi m , p . 3 D a e s t h e u a . 66 . i logu of B ddh , Vol II , p . Q Th e e st s a . . E 8 . Qu ion of Milind , S B . , Vol . XXXV , p . 5 V o l . 2 II p . .

8 0 I O I GLEAN IN GS H ST R CAL .

l

. A means free from bonds ccording to Spence Hardy , Nig anth a Nathaput t a (Mahavira) was c alled Nig ant ha because he declared that there was no sc ie nc e owith which ? he was not acquain ted We think that the Nig ag thas were those who were free from knots , that is , those who were free from the ties and the bonds that keep men

of enchained to this world woe and travail , and those who were free from all restraint and hindrance .

' A a i one ccording to Mah v ra , should abstain from killing l beings , from theft , from fa sehood , from sensual pleasures from spirituous liquor and those who do not renounce

. r these , go to hell He is said to hold fu ther that a person will suffer the consequences o f what ever may preponderate as between an act and the forbearance

sa from it , that is to y , if the period during which a man abstains from cruelty and ho micide is of longer duration l than the period during which he kil s animals , he will not ? go to hell The Buddha was also the propounder of

ama fia hal this view . In the account given in the S fi p a

o f i Nika a a i a Sutta the D gha y , Mah v ra is said to have l id great stress on the four-fold self-restraints (Cat uyama

r ff s amv a a ) . The term is di erently interpreted by the

r a i dl hi s Buddha fi st , in relation to Mah v ra and secon y , on

' o wn c . a i a count In reference to Mah v ra , the term is interpreted thus : A Nig ant ha lives restrained as re

all gards water , restrained as regards all evils , all evils he has washed away and he lives suffused with a sense of

- l - e and evil held at bay . Such is the four fold se f r straint

is - is since he thus tied with this four fold bond , therefore

Ni an ha c Gat at t o he the g t (free from. bonds) alled (whose

1 h - Bu dd a . . 4 5 Dia e s t h e 7 7 . logu of , Vol II , pp 2 a B s e n e H a . 302. Manu l of uddhi m by Sp c rdy , p 3 Sa rh u t a N ika a t IV . 3 1 . y t y , p . , p 7 I A T A 1 BUDDHA AND N G N H S . 8

i e of heart is gone , . . to the summit , to the attainment his

Yat at t i o w w n . e . aim) or ( hose heart is kept do , under 1 command) and Thitatt o (whose heart is Buddha explained the term somewhat differently when

his - he explained it on own ac count . By the four fold

‘ self-restraint"he meant t he f our moral precepts each of

- which is viewed in its four fold aspect . With regard to

Buddha hosa the first Of the four restraints , g thought that the Jains did not drink cold water on the ground that

there were souls in it . It is distinctly stated in the Sum . Vi]? that Mahavira was conscious o f living beings present in cold water and it is for thi s reason o ne should not

s o sit odake sat t asafifi take cold water kira i hoti) . In

‘ 3 Cll lasakulada f M i o . N . the y Sutta the , we read that

di a i - accor ng to Mah v ra , the four precepts and self privation

c are the re ognised roads to the blissful state of the soul . The Jains were given to Tapa (austerity) to a somewhat less degree as recorded in the Introduction to the Kas sa as hanada p i Sutta of the Digha Nikay a .

A i a i Suma ala- a i ccord ng to Mah v ra , (says the ng Vil sin , a commentary o f the Digha Nikay a by Buddhaghosa )

' l c is a the sou whi h has no form conscious . (arupi att 5 sa fi f rthe t t fi i) . He is said to hold u r ha the soul and the q world (atta c a loko c a ) are both eternal giving birth to

i are t df as noth ng new they s ea ast as a mountain peak ,

1 — G a t at t o t o B uddha h o sa it e ans se m n h as According g , m who i d

lIed t n re ac h e e d t at is t o sa h as e a e d t he a t t a nme nt his aim . — , h y , r ch i of Y a ta t to se m is t Who ind co n rolle d .

h it at t o — s - T Who e mind is we ll e st ablishe d .

‘ - Sum an ala as i . ( g Vil in , p 2 1 8 . p . 6 O 3 — . II . 3 5 36 . Vol , pp

4 a e s t h D e a I . 221 i logu of Buddh , Vol . I , p .

5 Suman ala- as 1 9 g Vil ini p . 1 . 6 8 2 I I I H STOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

a pillar firmly fixed . One important problem which

us is di t o strikes whether accor ng the Jains , a person will

l f ort he o f be justified in taking ife even purp se o food . We read in the Sut rakrit ang a that the hat thit ap asas were those who used to kill every year one elephant for

r o f on the pu pose food , the ground that thereby they f 1 minimised the slaughter o life . The Brahmin law givers prohibited the eating Of certain varieties of fish d t a n . alisu t a f M N . flesh The Up o the . contains an ? interesting discourse o n this subject The Jaina house holder Upali pointe d out that according t o his master e very act of killing is a cause of demerit whether the ac t

r t of be intentional o no . Buddha demurred to this view Mahavira as he thought that man commits no sin when the a c t is di t h is unintentional . It impossible , accor ng to e l Buddha , to abstain from kil ing , for even in moving about , a man is bound to kill many lives . The Jainas took exception to the Buddhist view and an interesting 3 t krit a a ccount o f it is given in Su ra ang .

' He (Mahavira) is said t o hold the extraordinary view t hat a man must serve his own interest even if he has to l kil his own father and mother . To refute this theory ,

is Buddha said , It treachery to cut the branch of the ” tree that gives shade? Speak no t of Karma but of — di Danda this was the view of Mahavira . Accor ng to him sin , there are said to be three causes of with regard

t o . E body , speech and thought ach is distinct from the “ o ther .

1 b Ga a i t as t . . 4 1 8 Au a at ika t t a d te in S r , p II , p , p p Su (E i d y

L e umann ) , p 2 3 P - I . 377 . t . . 4 1 4 4 1 7 . Vol . , p II , pp . 4 at a a . . 1 23. J k , Vol V , p 5 hima Nika a . . 372 . Majj y , Vol I , p N IC A TH AS 8 3 BUDDHA AND N .

i a ud a t o a Wh le staying at R j agriha , B dh said Mah

a c Ni ant has ff n on n ma , on e some g were su eri g lying

Isi ili ni e arth by t he o side of g . One eve ng I approached and enquired why they were thus suff ering lying on

' ath a utt a who earth . They replied that their N p was all

- t knowing , all seeing , had told them tha they had in '

l f or their previous birth , performed sinfu acts which

f t he l they would have to suf er , and to annihilate sinfu t o n acts , they would have live restrai ed in body , mind ” a nd Speech and future sins would be annihilated .

u sin i On the destr ction Of , misery w ll be destroyed , o n of the destruction misery , there will be the extinction f o f a f . o f Vedan (suf ering) On the extinction suf ering , all ” sorts of misery will be eradicated . They further said

c that they believed in and a cepted this instruction . e e Such instruction was wholesome to th m . Th n I asked them whether they were aware o f the fact Of their e sinning in their previous births . Th y answered in the “ Y . o u o u negative I said , do not know what sins y h e ave committed and what those sins are , th n knowing

f o r sin nothing why do you torture yourself . They

“ s aid , Happiness cannot be Obtained through happiness , ” ne t o has to labour hard for happiness . A last the Buddha made them understand fully? ” After Mahavira had developed hi s doctrines and preached hi s cre ed of unbounded ) charity to all living beings in the N eg flight; V a l i n Ma adha t he d t d j j land and g , a n he Bu dha . ‘ number o f his followers among the Lic c hav is steadily grew larger and among them

V ai li there were some men of the highest posit ion in sa .

This appears from the Buddhist books themselves .

1 — . 92 93 i i a . . Majjh m a N k y a Vol I , pp 8 4 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS .

Mahav a a of V In the gg the inaya Pitaka , we read that

i -in - Lic c hav is di S ha , the General Chief of the , was a sciple of Ni an ha Natha ut t a has b g t p (who een shown by Drs . Buhler and Jacobi to be identical wi th Mahavira of the

. i r Jaina legends ) We read how General S ha , the followe o f i a has e the N g nt , became gradually attract d towards the Samana Gotama by listening to the discussion among

Lic chav is Santha ara o r - the at the g Mote Hall , where

to c they used meet , dis uss and settle all matters relating to politics o r religion . One day many di stinguished Lic chav is were sitting

- together , assembled in the Mote Hall , and they spoke in dh many ways in praise Of the Bud a , Dhamma and At t m . i Sa gha that time , S ha was sitting in hat as

“ se mbl ul y and he thought thus , Tr y he , the Blessed

Arahat dh di s One , must be the Bud a , since these many t ing uishe d Lic chav is who are sitting here together as sembled in the Mote -Hall speak in so many ways in ”

m . praise of the Buddha , the Dhamma , and the Sa gha Siha next asked permission to visit the Buddha from Nig antha Nathap ut t a who however tried to dissuade him

so c from doing , pointing out the defe ts in the doctrines 'i preached by the former . Why should you , S ha , who

l o r Kiri av ad a believe in the resu t of the actions y , accord

ing to their moral merits , go to visit the Samana Gau tama who denies the resul t o f actions ; he teaches t he

o f - c doctrines non action , and in this do trine he trains his ” disciple . Siha ’ s enthusiasm for the Buddha abated for the time being but it was again roused by the discussion of the

Lic chav is t o other , so that he at last did pay a visit the Buddha who gave him a long discourse o n the Buddhist

as i doc trines . Siha w at last converted to the Buddh st N IC A TH AS 8 5 BUDDHA AND N .

o f O f a i faith . That the number followers Mah v ra at

V aisali however was very large , also appears from this n story o f Sih8. This general i vited the Buddha and the Bhikkhus to take their meals at his house and brought meat from the market f or feeding them . But the Jains spread a false report as we read in the Mahav agg ae:

' At that time a great number of the Nig ant has (running)

' V aisali - through , from road to road , cross way to cross

- i way , with outstretched arms cried , To day S ha , the

G o x fo r eneral , has killed a great and has made a meal n the Samana Gautama , the Sama a Gotama (Gautama) knowingly eats this meat Of an animal killed f or this

r has very pu pose , and thus become virtually the author o f that deed (of killing the This false report circulated by them made Siha firmer in his zeal f or the he w a S of f ith , but the story hows that the number the

' Nirg r anthas at V aisali was sufficiently large to defy the

of i influence such a great man as S ha , and the fact that the conversion of Siha took place at the time when Buddh a paid his last visit to the city shows that though Buddha had made many converts among the followers of t he a i faith preached by Mah v ra , yet they were still numer o us and powerful at the capital o f the Lic c hav is despite t he numerous sermons preached by the Buddha . This is

o f Sac c aka Nir rantha also confirmed by the story , a g , who had the hardihood t o challenge the Buddha himself t o a discussion o n philosophical tenets before an assemblage o f fi ic h i ve hundred L c av s .

V aisali fiv e When the Blessed One was at , hundred Lic c hav is assembled in the San Saccaka and the t hag ara o n B accouont of some busi uddha . i . N ant ha ut t a Sac c aka ness g p ,

1 a a e ts " n T . VI 1 1 6 Vi y x , Vol I , p . . 8 6 . HISTORICAL GLEANINGS . approached the place where the Lic c hav is were and said to the Lic c hav is Let the Lic c h av is come o ut to day I

t he shall hold a conversation with Samaria Gautama . If Samana Gotama places me in the same position in which

a m Assa i Sav aka I placed by the monk j who is a , I shall defeat Samana Gotama by my argument like a strong man catching hold O f a goat by its long hair and moving ” ac c aka it in any way he likes . S mentioned the various ways in which he was going to treat Samana Gotama .

Lic c ha v is H o w Some enquired thus , will Samana Gota

of Sac c aka i ant ha ut t a ma meet the argument , a N g p and vice versa while others enquired ho w Nig ant haput t a Sac c aka w ould meet the arguments of Samana Go t ama and

c vice versa . Sa c aka induced five hundred Lic chav is to g o

i a with him to listen to the d scussion with Gotama . He p; pro ache d the place where the Bhikkhus were walking

se e up and down and asked them , We are anxious to

. d as Gotama , the Blessed One The Bud ha w seated to di spend the day in me tation at the foot o f a tree in ,the a i Mah vana forest . N g anthaput t a Sac c aka with a large number o f Lic c hav is went to the Blessed One and having

sat e exchanged friendly greetings with him , at a littl di . Lic c hav is n stance Some saluti g him took their seats , others exchanged friendly greetings and then took their

sat e seats , some saluting with folded hands at a littl

Lic chav is o ut distance , some prominent giving their names and family names took their seats at a little sat e distanc e . Some remained silent and at a littl di stance with great devotion to the Blessed One . Then

t o n arguments relating the Sa ghas and Ganas , some knotty points of Buddhist psychology and some knotty metaphysical questions were started between Sac c aka f ' ac c aka and the Blessed One . S being defeated invited

8 8 IS I I H TOR CAL GLEAN NGS .

” he t s o . " but g puzzled She said , I know not , Lord The Lord taught her the Norm and she entered the ‘ hi e Order and attained saints p .

A una n Sra jj , rebor in the family of a councillor at

i o f vast , entered the order Jains hoping to attain salva tion . He was not satisfied he met the Buddha , entered ? H is Order and gradually became an Arahat

Abhaya was reborn as the son of King Bimbisara .

“ Natha ut t a p , the Jain leader , taught him a dilemma

’ t o se t the Samana Gotama but in the master s reply he recognised the defeat o f the Jain and the supreme e n ” l A o f ight e nme nt o f the Exalted One . fter the death A the king , bhaya left home and entered the Buddhist

Order . Gradually he reached the First Path ; and at last he realised Arhatship ? The re were in Srav aSt i two friends named Sirig upt a

iri u t a and Garah adinna . S g p was Sirigupta a nd G a a worshipper o f the Buddha and mk adinna . Garahadinn a was a disciple o f

E Garahadinna sh the Jain Order . very day used to y t o Sl rl u t a 2 g p , Well , are you going to Samana Gotama Wh at d o y ou get from him 2 We go to the Nig ant has and give what ought to be given and receive what ought

S 2 Garahadinn a to be received , hould you not do this heard some other persons say this to Sirig upt a who was

ou also told thus , My friend , why do y go to Samana Gotama 2 What d o y ou get there 2 Should you not g o to my master and make an Offering to him 2 FOr

Siri u t a a long time g p was silent then one day he said , You always come and ask me to go and make offerings to your teachers instead Of going and making off erings

1 — s h . 6 P a s t e ste s 63 . lm of Si r , pp 7 2 3 0 . sa s th e e t e . 83 . . . 3 P lm of Br hr n , p Ibid , p N IGA TH A S 8 9 BUDDHA AND N .

sa do c to Samana Gotama . I y , what your tea hers ” ’ 2 i Garahadinna s a t our know said , Oh don t y hat ;

c n e t t tea hers k o w ev ry hing , here is nothing unknown to l . Al or them matters , present , past future , all deeds ,

o r physical , verbal and mental and what would happen

n t - k would o happen f all these are nown to them . Siri

“ D O S u 2 gupta said , you peak Of these words tr ly ” nn i i Garahadi a Ye s . r u t a said , , I do Then S g p said , You have done a wrong by not telling me everything

so long . N ow I come to know the wisdom Of your

‘ c on tea hers , I shall go ; my behalf , please invite the

. Garahadinna teachers Then went to the teachers ,

Siri u t a f or saluted them and said , g p has invited you t o -morrow The teachers enquired whether Sirig upt a

h di nna “ Ye s . Gara a himself had told him this said , , o m y lords On hearing this , the teachers were greatly

Sirl pleased and said , Our mission has been fulfilled , if

gupta be pleased with us , then there would be nothing l ” unobtainab e for us . Sirig upt a g o t between the two large houses of his a hole dug and had it filled with filth and mud and o ut

side the pit had thorny branches planted , and the four corners tied with rope in such a w ay that any one

on ul n while sitting the seat , wo d stumble down i to the pit full o f filth He then spread a covering over the pit so that his device might not be discovered from the

outside . Outside the house he kept empty pots with

mduths covered with plantain leaves . He besmeared the pots with rice and ghee so that people might think that an arrangement o n a lavish scale had been made

arahadi nna f or the wanderers . The following morning G enquired whether everyt hing had been made ready for ‘ t he teachers . People who were present there said that R 90 HISTO ICAL GLEANINGS .

H e raise d everyt hi ng had been done . p them and went

Ni an has away . On his departure five hundred g t came

Siri u t a o ut w . o there g p came , stood ith f lded hands u w lf i and th s thought ithin himse , Your pup l Garaha k dinna has told me that you now the present , past and l future , if you do not know this , you shoud not enter r r my house , there is no ice , or clarified butter eady in my house ; if you enter my house without knowing this , ‘ ” d I shall put y ou all into the pit . Then he hinte to his servants to draw the covering in such a way that no filth mi ght stick to it his servants asked the Nig ant has to come in ; they entered the house and were told to

I r take pots ndi vidually and take seats . NO soone did they take their seats than the servants in compliance w ith the aforesaid hint ; drew the covering and all of ‘ l ar hadi them fe l into the pit full of mud and filth . G a nna was sorely grieved , went to the king and requested him to punish him with a heavy fine Sirigupt a too went to n t the ki g and spoke ou everything and paid the fine .

Siri u t a d Then again , g p began to behave like a frien as

’ a before . G rahadinna thought of harassing Sirigupt a s master In this way and invited Buddha through Siri gupta and put ashes into a pit and spread a covering I over it . The Buddha who w as invited along with five

Bhikkhus of of arahadi nna hundred , thought this trick G and knowing that Sirig upt a and Garahadi nna woul d attain saintship , he went there ; as soon as he placed his f leg on the seat , a lotus blossomed ; the empty I es hi sels became full by the power Of s miracle . With five hundre d Bhikkhus t he Buddha ate his fill and ih

t he se e D . structed everybody , in hamma To how the be Buddha would harassed , many people came there , C le be an t o r - but seeing this mirac they g ‘ espect the Bud

9 2 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS .

manokammam The Lord said , I declare as the most

Di hat a assi re sinf ul . Thus the discourse ended g p

e o turned to his place . On being ask d by the house

holder Upali , he said that he had returned from the Lord Buddha and told him all about th e discourse a which he had with the Buddha . Then Up li went to

the Lord , and said , Is it reason ’

Buddha and U dlt . p able that you should declare

M anad and as 2 o the . most sinful How is it that m anakammo is more sinf ul th an t he gross Kaya

2 of kamma The Lord said , The act killing animals

‘ cannot be performed unless the propensities o f killing

’ arise in one s mind . So in every act , mind is the

principal factor , and mind precedes all acts , good and Al l . o r bad acts virtuous vicious originate from mind , s o why shoul d not manakamma be more sinful than kay akamma 2 Thus the Lord dispelled the doubt of Upali by vari a ous reasonable arguments . Then Up li said , From

this day forth , I become a member of the (Buddhist) ” samgha and accept the doctrine o f the Buddha .

' Dighat apassi came to know all about Upali but could

not believe that Upali had entered the Buddhist Order . He said this to Nig antha Nathaput t a and told him that

it was c f or a . ne essary them to go to Up li Thus advised , they with many followers went to Upali who took the

best seat and asked the Nig anthas to take their seats .

At Ni an ha atha ut t a a haif e this g t N p said to Up li , You

” “ ”

. a . run mad Up li said , I have not run mad d the grace of the Lord Bu dha , I have been able to know

o u the real path to salvation my eyes are now open , y ” 1 can never cause me to forget it .

1 - hima N ik a a v ol . I . 37 1 387 . M ajj y , , p p H I TH AS 3 BUDD A AND N GA N .

Once the Buddha was staying at Kalandakaniv ap a in

a a a At V e luv n in R jagriha . that Ab z z ay a f time Abhayaraj akumara went to addzzzlzfifdfi Ni ant ha Natha ut t o g p , saluted

n th t t a him and took his seat o one side . Then Na ap u A said to bhaya , You may be famous , if you can defeat

Samana Gotama by argument . He then taught Abha ya the questions to be put to Gautama , Do you use any word that is harsh and unwholesome to others 2

ff ask him If the Lord answers in the a irmative , then diff what erence is there between him and others but if ,

o f he answers in the negative , then ask him the reason

A a iko De v ad at t o Ne ra iko his using the words , p y , y d t ” D e v a at o . , etc A A fter this , bhaya with a view to put questions to

Gautama , invited him and came home . The following

’

Abh a a s . A day , Gautama went to y house bhaya fed him to his satisfaction , and reproduced to Gautama the

i ant ha at ha questions taught by N g N put t a . Then the

- a Lord said , Whatever Tath gata says is true , real and

“ no t sa t is sweet he does y wha false , unreal and bitter .

He uses , in some places , for a moment , unhappy words ” though true and real . Thus Abhaya was pleased to have good advice full o f sound reason from the Buddha and he came to have

B and m 1 faith in the uddha , the Dhamma the Sa gha .

V isakha of Dhanafi a ase hi so n o f was the daughter j y tt ,

Me ndakase t hi t , who lived in the

Vt sa kha . city o f Bhaddiy a in the kingdom o f Anga . The family Of Me ndaka was greatly devoted

. Dhanafi a ase t t hi f to the Buddha j y , at the request o , Pase nadi o f Ko sala to k , King , went his ingdom and

1 Ma hima N ika a . . 392 . j j y Vol I , pp foll 9 4 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS .

isakha Settled at Saketa . V was married to Punnav ad hi so n o f Mi arase t thi . Mi arase t t f ol dhana , g g was a

i a has Af ri she of N n . t o lower the g t ter mar age , went

' ' - i - at th live with her father n law at Sav l . One day Miga rase t thi invited five hundr ed naked ascetics (nig ant has) and when they came he asked his daughter-in -law to

rahat s come and salute the A . She came hearing about

rahat s she t he A and seeing them , said , Such shameless

’ hat s -in- creatures can t be Ara . Why my father law has called me 2 Saying this she blamed her father-in -law and went to her residence . The naked ascetic seeing

o ut this , blamed the Setthi and asked him to turn her

o f o f the house as she was a follower Samana Gautama . But the Setthi knowing that it was not possible to do SO A apologised to them and sent them away . fter this

o n incident , the Setthi sitting a valuable seat was drink ing milk porridge with honey from a golden pot and ' At Visakha stood there fanning him . that time a Bud dhist monk entered the house for alms and stood before him but the Setthi took no notice of him . Seeing that

Visakha Si r said to the thera , go to another house , , ” -in - t my father law is eating stale fare . A this the banker grew angry . He then stopped eating and ordered his men to drive her o u t . Thereupon Visakha said that he should examine her shortcomings . The Setthi welcomed the idea and summoned her relations and told them that his daughter-in -law had said to a Buddh ist monk that he was eating stale food while he was drink

’ ing milk porridge with honey . V isakha s relations en

is quired about the truth of the statement . V akha said

s that she did not ay so . She only said that her father in-law was enjoying the fruition o f his merit in the

isa previous birth . In this way V kha explained away

INDE" .

A c ut v ikka t c a n a 63 64 . B ah udan t i ut ra 1 , , p , 4. A h m d ic c a sa u ad a 37 38 . B and hul pp , , a , 75 .

sa 69 . B a s a 4 . Ado , imbi r , l , 7

f l A a fia 1 6 . gg B rahmad at t a , 3 .

Ahe t u a ac c a a é d v a 37 . B as t 1 4 a . pp y , rih p i ,

Ait are a Ara a a 40 . B a 1 1 8 1 20 22 24 y ny k , uddh , 7 , , 9 , , , ,

at asat 7 1 72. 26 2 4 5 6 6 and Aj ru , , , 7 , 3 , 3 , 3 , 7 , 84 .

A at t t o a 30 . j , B uddh ad at t a , 59 , 63 , 64 .

t a 1 6. u h h o sa 2 4 Aji , B dd ag , 8 , 38 , 3 , 44 , 45 , A it ak k e sa amb ali 27 , 35 36 38 4 51 55 56 5 58 5 6 1 62 j , , , , 9 , , , , 7 , , 9 , , , 4 2 . 1 63 , 64 , 65 , 68 , 8 A u a 5 jj n , 88 . st a 26 . Buddhi C non , Aka r n v a a ad a . 37 . a a . Bh dd , 87 Akiri av ad a 33 36 41 . y , , , i B h ad d y a , 93 . kkha av e d A n i , 5 . B a a at G t a 33 34 . h g v i , , Alamba m an n a t am . , 7 B a av a o t t a 1 6. h g g g , Al bh o a 69 . , 4 ar v a a 1 . Bh a d j , n a 7 1 9 93 . A g , , , a at a . Bh r , 7 Anik av ad a y , 33 . 1 8 . Bhim se n a , 3 , 4 , 7 , 8 Ann abh ara 1 , 7 , 1 9 .

Afifia rhsarir d a v a o 33 . i a s 69 . , Ca t y ,

An t ar akal as 3 . 9 a 45 . p , C amp , 7 , A U n i a 1 6 . a as rhv ara 28 p y , C at uy m a , ,

n a a a 59 63 . 44 5 . A ur dh pur , , Ce ylon , , 7

Art hakar a 29 . s 63 . , Cola kingdom , Art ha sast ra 1 4 1 5 , , . r a a 63 . C o an g ,

‘ A am h s rl a 64 . , a i 1 9 . C filas ak ul ad y , s a 26 5 3 . ok , , a a t a 1 75 . A Ch ndr gup , , As a i s j , 86 . n a k a 1 4 1 5 . Ch a y , , ASv a h o sa g , 6 .

t h I' A a v av d 2 51 63 65 . e a . D a , e cc n , , ,

v a 61 . D v ad a tt a 25 79 93 . A ijj , e , , ,

a a Dh mm a ad at th ak ath a 7 1 88 93 . a Abh y , , , p

Abhidharma k o s a Dh an afi a ase t t hi 93 . , 53 . j y ,

' A i ‘ bh dh armamah a ibh D h arm akara 29 . v as aéast ra . g , 5 3 . D i h a h an ak 5 g b as , 6 . a 25 29 32 33 . , , D h a t a ssi 9 1 . Ajivik , , ig pa ,

A a a - 1 6 51 . , sa 6 . n nd , Do , 9 9 8 IN D Ex .

K a c a an a 4 35 6 c 3 . D ulv a , 67 , 8 . y , , i 6 . Kaike ha am an i a a 3 7 . D ut t g Abh y , y ,

a as 3 . K lp , 9

E kas at ak a , 1 8 , 78 . K am as fitra , 1 4 .

s 35 . Epicuru , K a nh ad asa , 64 .

a s a 5 . K ni k , 3 G e s 64 2 . ang , , 7

a a an ta 1 4 . K aun p d , G a nth ak ara ast e , 59 . mon ry 1

‘ a a 82 . 2 K rm , G ardh av ali , 4 .

a a an a 1 4 34 . K t y y , , r ad inn a 88 89 90 . G a h , , ,

a e i 63 64 . K v r , , G at at t o ,

a a n o 9 1 . K y ad d , a a a 7 . G ndh r ,

a ak amm a 9 1 92 . K y , , i h akfit a 1 6 1 9 . G jj , ,

25 27 . Ke rn , , 64 65 . Godavari , , '

e si 59 . G a M ankh ali ut t a 21 K , osal , p , ,

a ra t an a 4 . Kh ag g , G a 43 47 . ota m , ,

a 5 1 . Khe m , as t 64 . Gupt a dyn y ,

1 . Ko kanu d a , 7 G z at 2 . u e r ,

a 1 4 93 . Kose l , , 7 , G st s 42 . ymnosophi , ‘

a 1 6 . Kos mbi , ama 59 . Gh o sag ,

an aka 76 . Ksap , Gh o t a mu kh a , 1 4 .

i a 67 . Ksat r y , 6 fi h a 7 . ud . H al y , K se me nd ra , 8

'

5 . ala 6 . rad e v i 7 H at thim arl g , K uma ,

G t a 64 . t hi a asa 30 . a a H a t t p , Kum r up ,

an dra 67 . a a 8 . H e mc h , Kun l ,

te a e s He re t ical ch r ,

Lakkh anah é ra , 51 . a 53 . H iue n Ts i ng ,

L a a 1 . lh , H s 66 . odg on ,

Le c ch av i , 68 . H o e rn le ,7 9 .

i a na 7 3 74 . hli 1 Lic c h av g , , H ug , 6 68 Lic ch av is , 66 , 7 , ,

a , 64 . Indi 8 6 .

- ' I G e e ks 78 . l at i 77 . ndo r , Lohit abh j ,

mo kkh a 1 7 . It iv Ed ap a , 1 74 78 ad h a 7 1 9 , 24 , 7 , , , M ag , l , , 2 1 22 . Ja cobi , ,

8 3 . av t 21 38 . Ja ina Bh ag a i , , ’ ' ‘ n a 45 55 56 . M ah ti k a c c ay a , , , a 6 . Jamb udip ,

a a 45 . M ah fikass p , a a 1 1 . Jan k ,

50 5 1 . M ah ak o t t hit a , 45 , , 1 1 . J at il ak a ,

a a 7 1 . a 39 . M h li , Jin , . 28 i 2 1 22 24 26 , 27 , c aka 1 M ah fivra , , , , J iv , 80 8 1 35 36 41 , 78 , , , han asas t r a 53 54 . 30 , , , Jfianaprast , ,

1 00 IN D Ex .

Sa c c aka 32 85 86 . Sirikudd , , , a , 63 .

Sa dd av e dh i 5 . Sirin iv asa , , 63.

Sa ho 1 7 . t V . Z 66 . jj , Smi h , ",

Sakulad a i 1 8 . t a 64 y , Sou h Indi , .

Sam ant a asad ika 74 . e e Ha p , S p nc rdy , 2 1

' Srav a a 77 93 . as t i S mgh , , , 88 .

’

mmiddhi 4 48 . Suc im uk Sa , 7 , hi , 1 8 .

Sam h a ala a 1 3. Su na kkhat t a 1 p pp p , , 6 .

mfih a 62 64 Sun id h a a . 1 S . , , 7 . 1 Sa dak a 6 . u t a 1 n , S av , 7 .

'

hi t u h ir 5 . Sand y u tat n arn , T a a d k kusu 54. Sang h a e v a , 53 . ,

Takkh asila a h a ala 59 . 7 . S ng p , ,

'

i t 1 2 . Tav at irnsa s 68 fi t u t 26 4 4 . Sa j ay a B e la th p a , , , god , a l T a 3 4 1 . a t h a e e 41 . Safij ay , e w nd r r , xil , , , , 7

Te d a n ika 1 2 n a a 5 . s . Sa k r , 7 65 d ,

T e av a s 44 an 4 56 1 56 . s a 3 3 3 . khy . 3 , , 7 , , 6 h r din , ,

hitat t o 30 Sann ah aka ficukam 5 . 8 1 . , T , ,

Sa nt h a ar a 8 5. T as F . W . 28 g , hom , , .

ra h 1 Tik Sa b o , 7 . kha , 7 .

Sarala t thi Timb ar uk , 5 . a , 1 8 . i t n Sarama a 5 . T r a a a 8 . nd p a , h k r , 7

Sara ad um 5 T ssa 53 . p a , . i ,

r a a T Sa a s 5 . it thi 1 p d a , y a s , 2 .

Sarara u m 5 . jj ,

' a a an Udd alaka Aru ni 1 S r v a 0 . rn , 5 . ,

‘ Sara U ah aman a 1 8 v e dhi , 5. g g , 1 5 , . U Sassat v a a a i 45 . a d , 33 . jj in ,

'

Sut t uss ad arn N ira am Ulum a 45 . y , 70 . p ,

a e t a. 1 4 U a i 92 S k , 7 , 9 . p l , . i U Sar ut t a 26 4 1 42 an s a 33 . p , , , , 44 , 45 , 49 . p i h d , 50 52 U . ara a . , , 70 p j , 73 Sa sana a t th an a U osa h a . 5 . t p , 3 p , 7 Sav a tt hi 1 6 1 U bh 1 6. 8 45 . sa a , , 7 , , ,

t a s 66 . Ut i 1 Scy hi n , t y o , 7 .

e a at S n p i , 73.

a a s t e 34 . V a c cha o t ta 1 8 1 Sh iv Sy m , g , , 9 .

ih a 83 . V i an S , ac d do , 9 1 . i ’ a , 70 . V a c ikammo S l , 91 , 92.

Silakk han v 1 da a a 3 . a a a t 67 . g g , V ij y n i , Sil a , 7 1 . V aié al p i , 66 , Siri u t a g p , 90 . 1 0 1 IN D Ex .

ians 66 1 7 2. V l as 2 4 . V ajj , , 7 , j j , , m V i u t t i 70 . i ut t ak as 70 . V ajj p , ,

a 60 . h ara 1 1 9 . a V arad , 7 , Vin y ,

harma V isakh a 93 94 95 . V arnaSram ad , , , ,

V h ariko 1 3 o . V asist ha , 67 , a ass a ara 7 1 . V r at 67 . V k , y ,

V asuv andh u , 53 .

Y 2 . ajurve da ,

V at a amani 63 . t g , 9 Y akkh as , 6 . 5 adhi 1 . V at av y , Y a tdric ch a, 37 .

a n 1 4 . V atsy y a a ,

t 32. Ya i , V a u ura a 8 . y p n , a v alk a 10 . Y g fia y . V ed allas , 52 . a s s te 56 1 Yog y m , , 6 , e a ta 33 70 . V d n , ,

o 8 . Y nakas , 7 e as 45 60 . V d , ,

Ze nd av es t a 40 . V id e h a , 77 ,

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