Comments on the List of Issues

United Nations Human Rights Committee

Review of the Islamic Republic of Iran

9 September 2011

International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran www.iranhumanrights.org

1 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK WITHIN WHICH THE COVENANT IS IMPLEMENTED (ART. 2)……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 Issue 1 ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………4 NON-DISCRIMINATION AND EQUAL RIGHT OF MEN AND WOMEN (ART. 2(1), 3 AND 26) ……….4 Issue 2 ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………4 Issue 3 ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………4 Issue 4 ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………8 Issue 5 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ………………10 RIGHT TO LIFE (ART.6) …………………………………………………………………………………………..…………………12 Issue 6……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. ……12 Issue 7 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………14 Issue 8 ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………14 Issue 9 ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………15 Issue 10 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… …….……17 PROHIBITION OF TORTURE AND CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT, RIGHT TO LIBERTY AND SECURITY OF PERSON & TREATMENT OF PERSONS DEPRIVED OF THEIR LIBERTY (ART. 7, 9, 10, 12 AND 13)……………………………………………………… …………………………….……17 Issue 11 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……17 Issue 12 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……21 Issue 13 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……23 Issue 14 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……23 Issue 15 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……24 Issue 16 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……25 ELIMINATION OF SLAVERY AND SERVITUDE (ART. 8) ………………………….…………………………….……30 Issue 17 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……30 Issue 18 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……30 RIGHT TO FAIR TRIAL (ART. 14) …………………….……………………………………….………………………….……30 Issue 19 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……30 Issue 20 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……32 Issue 21 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……34 FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND BELIEF (ART.18)….……..…………………………….………………………….…….34 Issue 22 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……34 FREEDOM OF OPINION AND EXPRESSION (ART. 19) …………………………………………………………….…36 Issue 23 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……36 Issue 24 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……39 Issue 25 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……40 Issue 26 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……40 FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION (ART. 21, 22) ………………………………………………….…40 Issue 27 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……40 Issue 28 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……42 Issue 29 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……42 FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT, MARRIAGE, FAMILY AND MEASURES FOR THE PROTECTION OF MINORS (ART. 7, 12, 23 and 25) ………………………………………………………………………..………………….…45 Issue 30 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……45 RIGHT TO TAKE PART IN THE CONDUCT OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS (ART. 25) ………………….…………….…45 Issue 31 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……45 Issue 32 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……45 RIGHTS OF PERSONS BELONGING TO MINORITIES (ART. 27) ……………………………………………….…46

2 Issue 33 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……46 Issue 34 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……46

APPENDICES Appendix I: List of Prosecuted and Persecuted Lawyers ..………………..………………………………….……49 Appendix II: List of Persecuted Journalists ………………..……..………………..……………………………….……55 Appendix III: Publications that have been shut down by the Iranian Government ...…..……………63 Appendix IV: List of 114 Child Offenders on Death Row ..………………..………………………………….……64 Appendix V: Testimony of Ebrahim Sharifi (Survivor of torture and rape) ..……………….…………. …69 Appendix VI: Supplementary List of Tortured Detainees ..……………….…………………………….…………72 Appendix VII: Excerpts of Abdollah Momeni's Letter……………………………………………………………..…74 Appendix VIII: ICHRI Report: Death in Prisons: No One Held Accountable…………………………………76 Appendix IX: Students detained and suspended March 2007-December 2008 ...………….….………80 Appendix X: Detained Women’s Rights Activists ...…………………………………………………..……….……..97

3 CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK WITHIN WHICH THE COVENANT IS IMPLEMENTED (ART. 2)

1. Please state whether the provisions of the Covenant have ever been invoked before domestic courts? If so, please provide details on all cases in which this was done and with what results. Please indicate how article 4 of the Constitution (requiring that all civil, penal, financial, economic, administrative, cultural, military, political and other laws and regulations are based on Islamic criteria) is consistent with the provisions of the Covenant, and explain which provision takes precedence in cases of conflict.

In the course of its Universal Periodic Review in February 2010, Iran blatantly rejected numerous recommendations made by United Nations member states, asserting that the implementation of such recommendations, which were based on Iran’s international legal obligations, would be inconsistent with "its existing laws, pledges and commitments."

NON-DISCRIMINATION AND EQUAL RIGHT OF MEN AND WOMEN (ART. 2(1), 3 AND 26)

2. Please elaborate: (1) why no woman may serve as president of the country, as per the Guardian Council’s interpretation of the Constitution; (2) why no woman has ever been appointed to the Guardian Council or to top decision-making positions of the Expediency Council; and (3) why women can not become presiding judges. Please also indicate which measures are being taken to increase the number of women in decision-making positions in the public sector.

[Not addressed in this review.]

3. Please indicate whether the State party has any plans to revise the Civil Code to (1) abolish the requirement of a father’s or paternal grandfather’s approval to legalize a marriage; (2) grant women the unconditional power to divorce; (3) grant full custody rights to the mother, including after a child reaches the age of seven or if she remarries; (4) accord guardianship over a child to the mother in the case of the father’s death; (5) grant women the same inheritance rights as men; (6) remove the legal obligation for a woman to be obedient to her husband; (7) remove the requirement of a husband’s approval when a woman intends to leave the country; (8) prohibit polygamy; and (9) remove the power of a man to prohibit his wife from entering employment. Please also provide information on plans, if any, to adopt legislation giving Iranian women the right to transmit nationality to their children.

Laws governing family life; the legal status of women

Article 1041 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that in order to legally marry, females must be 13 years of age and males must be 15 years of age. If they are younger, marriage is contingent on the approval of their guardians (vali)

4 Article 1043 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that males older than 15 may freely choose their wives, whereas females older than 18, are allowed to choose their spouses so long as the female is not a virgin. The legality of their marriage is also contingent on their father’s or the paternal grandfather’s approval or the court’s approval. The Iranian Civil Code was amended in July 2002 by majma’e tashkhis-e maslahat-e nezam i.e. the Expediency Council, increasing the female legal marriage age to 13.

Article 1105 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that the husband is designated the head of the household by law.

Article 1108 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that a woman is legally obliged to be obedient to her husband.

The Immigration and Passport Regulation of Iran (ratified in 1971) stipulates that a woman cannot leave the country without her husband’s approval. This discrimination is also relevant to Article 12 of the ICCPR as discussed below.

Article 942 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that a man may take more than one wife.

Article 1117 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that a man may prohibit his wife from employment.

Discrimination in divorce and financial settlement

Women and men do not enjoy equal rights to divorce in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Article 1133 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that a man has undisputed and unequivocal rights to divorce his wife, while Article 1130 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that the mere desire to do so is not enough for a woman to divorce her husband. Inequality in divorce contributes greatly to inequality in post-divorce financial settlements.

Nonetheless, some measures have been introduced by women that can improve their rights within the family. One such measure is that women are now introducing certain conditions into their marriage contracts. Marriage contracts allow women to request certain rights, such as the right to divorce, before the marriage takes place. If the man agrees to them, then the woman is entitled to request a divorce from a court whenever she chooses. There are women who convince their fiancées to accept all or some of the conditions. In this manner, they obtain better terms in the event of a divorce. However, such practices in marriage contract negotiation do not replace the need for equality under the pertaining laws, as many men do not agree to these types of conditions.

An action the Iranian government has taken that benefits married women is calculating the amount of Mehriyeh, or dowry, relative to inflation in the country. Mehriyeh is the nuptial gift or the marriage settlement given to the woman by her husband-to-be. Mehriyeh is often understood to be a financial cushion for women in case of divorce, in part because women receive very little post- divorce financial support. The woman can request Mehiryeh at any time during the marriage and the man is obliged to give it to her.

Another act that mitigates the burden to women after a divorce is the introduction of ojrat’ul mesl, or alimony. Orjat’ul mesl guarantees a woman who is divorced by her husband a certain amount of financial compensation. In the early 1990s, the Iranian parliament expanded the interpretation of Article 336 of the Civil Code (the rights of men to be paid in exchange for work) and recognized a financial right for married women who claim to be paid money to provide domestic work during their marriage. A court-appointed expert decides the amount of money.

5

In general, a man has unlimited power to divorce, and a woman has a conditional right to divorce that must be justified in court. Due to this inequality, in most cases, women seeking divorce renounce all of their entitled financial benefits in order to obtain the husband’s acquiescence to the divorce request. Sometimes women are even forced to pay additional compensation to their husbands to gain a divorce. Therefore, because of the power to divorce is not equal, steps taken by the Iranian government to regulate the financial terms of divorce have been insufficient in providing women with financial security upon separation.

Discrimination in custody and guardianship

Article 1169 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that in cases of divorce, the legal custody of the child is with the mother up to the age of seven, and thereafter determined by the court.

Article 1181 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that the management and supervision of the affairs of children below the age of 18 is by their father or paternal grandfather, and the mother has no legal say in the matter. According to Article 1181 and Article 1183 of the Iranian Civil Code, should the father die, guardianship lies with the paternal grandfather, not with the mother.

The Immigration and Passport Regulations of Iran (ratified in 1971), departure from the country for children below the age of 18 is possible only with the approval of the father or the paternal grandfather—the mother has no legal say in the matter.

Discrimination in inheritance

Under Articles 946, 947 and 948 of the Iranian Civil Code, the portion of a husband’s wealth that his wife inherits is very limited. If there are no children, women receive only a quarter of the furniture and liquid assets, such as money, trees or buildings, of the deceased spouse. If there are children, her portion is reduced to one-eighth. If a man has more than one wife, the portion of the wives, i.e. either one-eighth or one quarter, is divided equally between them.

Article 949 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that if the man and wife have no other inheriting parties, the man inherits all of his wife’s properties and assets, but the woman will inherit only her designated quarter of her husband’s property, as mentioned above, and the rest will be taken by the government.

Article 907 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that a daughter’s inheritance is only half that of a son.

Discrimination in citizenship

Article 976 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that citizenship of the child is that of the child’s father.

Article 1059 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that when a Muslim man marries a non-Muslim woman in Iran, the children of such marriage are considered Muslim. But a non-Muslim man does not have the right to marry a Muslim woman unless he has converted to Islam before his marriage.

Iranian women are legally unable to transmit their nationality to their children. They can only do so in one case, when the mother is an Iranian and the children are born inside Iran to a foreign father. Even then, the marriage must be officially recognized through a marriage license granted by the

6 Interior Ministry and the relevant documents have to be registered at a notary office. If the child is born in Iran, an Iranian identity card is issued. But to issue the identity card for the child, he/she must stay in Iran for one year after turning eighteen and present documents of proof before an application for Iranian citizenship is made. Otherwise, having an Iranian mother and a foreign father, even when the child is born in Iran, is not a sufficient condition for granting Iranian nationality.

Recent policies that promote gender discrimination in Iran

The Ahmadinejad administration initiated several major policies to limit women’s presence in the social sphere. Three of the most notable are described below:

Program for Social Safety

The Program for Social Safety, which includes several measures to combat immorality and criminality, was officially launched in March 2007. The first and most visible component of this program addressed what is considered inappropriate dress. The program, which has been carried out by Special Guidance Police, identifies women whose appearance allegedly does not conform to appropriate Islamic dress and subsequently arrests and detains them. Special Guidance Police vans are usually placed strategically in busy squares. The officials identify women with bad hejab (Islamic covering) and load them into the vans, transferring them to local detention centers or offices known as Amaken (in charge of monitoring immoral behavior in public places) where they are held until a family member can bring them appropriate clothing. These women are given a warning and are told to sign an agreement promising not to dress inappropriately in public again. Repeat offenders are referred to courts where fines and even lashings are issued. Women’s rights defenders have objected to the Program for Social Safety on the grounds that it actually robs women of a sense of safety, is intended to restrict women’s presence in public spaces, and is arbitrary. While observance of Islamic dress is the law, there is no standard within the law, and arresting officers are left free to judge whether a woman meets the standard or not. These arrests have apparently disproportionately targeted younger Iranians. Thousands of women have been detained through this program.

Detail on the legality of Islamic dress code:

All women, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, are required to wear the hijab. Literally meaning covering or concealing, hijab generally refers to the modest covering of Muslim women. The penalty for those who do not comply is imprisonment or payment of considerable fines (see the relevant section under Article 638 of the Islamic penal code). For three decades, the “morality police” have been arresting people for “bad hijab:” those who, in their opinion, do not adhere to the government’s dress code for women. Yet there is not a single woman in Iran who does not wear hijab in public. The morality police have caused problems for women who wear any form of makeup or show any of their hair. From the beginning of the Revolution, this attack was expanded to include people who wore bright and vibrant-colored outfits instead of black, gray, navy blue and dark brown or other accepted dark colors. The universities refused to allow entry to female students who wore sunglasses or wore bright colored pants. In the winter of 2010-2011, the morality police cracked down on women who wore boots over, rather than under, their pants.

These examples are noteworthy because, according to the law, women are to abide by the hijab as described in the shari’a. In the Iranian Codes, there is no crime specified as “bad hijab,” but women are still arrested and punished for it. Not only is the law lacking in descriptive definition of what is

7 allowed and what is punishable, the actions of the morality police are also illegal since they are not done in response to a law.

The Family Protection Act

Originally intended to streamline family legislation and court proceedings, this Act, submitted to the Parliament by the Judiciary in August 2007, included several provisions that women’s rights activists found problematic. These provisions, it was later revealed, were introduced in an unconventional manner by the Executive Branch. The provisions that discriminate against women are: (1) a provision that would allow men to take on a second wife, without obtaining an agreement from the first wife, and through court approval based solely on his financial ability to support more than one family; (2) a provision that would facilitate temporary marriage—the details of which were to be worked out by officials at a later date; (3) a provision that would set a standard rate for Mehrieh (dowry) and would impose a tax on Mehriehs that exceeded the standard rate –whether the sum of Mehrieh has been received by the woman or not; and (4) the insistence of the drafters on 13 as the age of marriage for women. After objections raised by women’s rights activists and some members of Parliament the legislation remained in the Parliamentary Commission, and has not yet been presented to the full Parliament. However, it is still a live bill.

Quotas to Limit Admittance of Women to Institutions of Higher Education

In recent years, the government has initiated a program that seeks to address and change the disproportionately high rate of merit-based university entrances by female students as compared to male students. The program, however, secretly imposed limits on the acceptance of female students to certain fields of study. While this issue has been up for public debate for some time, no official legislation has been adopted to implement quotas on female students. But on 8 February 2008, the organization charged with of the admission of university students to institutions of higher education (Sazeman Sanjesh) reluctantly admitted that they had been enforcing a quota system limiting the presence of female students in some fields of study for the academic years 2006-07 and 2007-08. The organization also admitted that they had been working to promote the acceptance of male university students into some fields of study with a formula of which 90% of the seats are determined based on a quota of 4 males to 3 females, and 10% of the seats are based on merit. The quota systems had been enforced in the academic year 2006-07 for 26 fields and for 2007-08 for 39 fields. It is worth mentioning that prior to being accepted to University, prospective students must take a rigorous and competitive entrance exam, and those scoring highest are supposed to be accepted first. Women’s rights and student rights activists have objected to this gender-based quota system, claiming that it limits women’s participation in the social sphere, particularly in an area where they have enjoyed great and justified success. Prior to the implementation of this quota system, the female acceptance rate to University was around 65%.

Government efforts to reform gender-based discrimination in the law

We are not aware of any developments aiming to eliminate discrimination.

4. Please clarify whether the State party envisages adopting legislation criminalizing domestic violence, and plans to establish safe houses for victims. Please also provide information on measures taken to ensure that acts of domestic

8 violence are effectively investigated and that perpetrators are prosecuted and sanctioned. Please explain how article 630 of the Penal Code, exempting a husband from punishment for voluntary manslaughter in the event that he murders his wife on suspicion of adultery, is consistent with the provisions of the Covenant.

The government of Iran does not have an approach for addressing domestic violence and violence against women in the home. There are no systems in place that would allow the police, emergency medical services, social workers, courts, shelters, women's NGOs, etc. to help monitor and control domestic violence. The government has also continually evaded demands by women's rights activists to establish shelters, arguing that such shelters are against “Islamic values.”

The Judiciary does not provide any records or statistics with regards to cases filed on domestic violence against women. As such, the extent and nature of domestic violence remains largely non- transparent. This lack of transparency prevents legal experts, social workers, and gender equality activists from examining domestic violence in proper context and also prevents formulation of relevant remedies.

There are no specific laws or punishments addressing domestic violence against women. Moreover, the criminal laws governing assault, murder and manslaughter and similar acts of violence against one’s person value the life and physical well-being of women less than men by establishing weaker punishments for abusing women.

According to Iranian law, the Islamic financial compensation, diaa, paid to women who suffer disabilities as a result of violence, is half that of a man suffering the same disability. For example, under Iranian law, the value of a lost eye for a woman is only half of the value of a lost eye for a man; this is true of all body parts. It makes no difference whether it was a stranger or male family member who physically harmed the woman.

Articles 207, 209 and 230 of the Iranian Penal Code stipulate that “blood money,” financial compensation in cases of murder, set for a woman is half of that of a man.

According to Article 630 of the Islamic Penal Code, a husband can murder his wife if he thinks she is having an affair and be exempt from the punishment for voluntary manslaughter, the punishment of which is normally the death penalty.

Articles and addenda of Iranian laws that pertain to controlling domestic violence against women and children include:

Article 1115 of the Iranian Civil Code says: “If the existence of the wife and husband in the same house involves the risk of bodily or financial injury or that to the dignity of the wife, she can choose a separate dwelling: and if the alleged risk is proved the court will not order her to return to the house of the husband and, so long as she is authorized not to return to the house, her cost of maintenance will be on the charge of her husband.”

Article 1116 of Iranian Civil Code says: “In the case of the foregoing Article, so long as litigation is not concluded between the married couple, the dwelling of the wife will be fixed by mutual consent of both parties and failing such consent, the court will fix the dwelling after duly obtaining the views of near relatives, and in the absence of relatives the court itself will fix a suitable dwelling.”

9 Article 1130 of the Iranian Civil Code says: “In the following circumstances, the wife can refer to the Islamic judge and request for a divorce. When it is proved to the Court that the continuation of the marriage causes difficult and undesirable conditions, the judge can for the sake of avoiding harm and difficulty compel the husband to, divorce his wife. If this cannot be done, then the divorce will be made on the permission of the Islamic judge.”

Article 1173 of the Iranian Civil Code says: “If the physical health or moral education of the child is endangered as a result of carelessness or moral degradation of the father or mother who are in charge of its custody the court can take any decision appropriate for the custody of the child on the request of its relatives or its guardian or the Public Prosecutor.”

5. Please provide information on the Special Protection Division within the judiciary, monitoring and reporting “moral crimes”. Please comment on the reported censorship of all materials relating to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues. Please clarify whether members of the gay and bisexual community have been pressured to undergo gender reassignment surgery.

In practice, it is difficult to determine which security agency in Iran is responsible for abuses against sexual minorities. Regular police forces semi-official, vigilante organizations and special “moral police” (Yegan-e Vizhe) and the Social Protection Division (Setad-e Hefazat-e Ejtema’i), all to varying degrees, confront, arrest, and persecute sexual minorities.

According to Human Rights Watch, in 2004 the Iranian judiciary created the Special Protection Division to authorize civilian volunteers (primarily unemployed former soldiers) to police neighborhoods, mosques, offices, and other public gathering sites for the occurrence of any serious moral offenses. The volunteers are encouraged to report their findings to the disciplinary branch of the judiciary as a way of controlling morally reprehensible behavior, as well as any “deviant individuals.”

Under Iranian Law, there is a long list of moral crimes for which sexual minorities can be prosecuted, each carrying its respective punishment. Such crimes are:

• Islamic Penal Code, art. 111 denotes sodomy (lavat) as a crime punishable by death. • Islamic Penal Code, art. 121-22 denotes consummate non-penetrative sexual activity between men (tafkhiz) as a crime punishable by 100 lashes for each partner – until the fourth conviction, which is punishable by death. • Islamic Penal Code, art. 127 denotes sexual activity between two women (mosaheqeh) as a crime punishable by 100 lashes – until the fourth conviction, which is punishable by death. • Islamic Penal Code, art. 124 denotes “lustful” kissing between two men or two women as a crime punishable by up to 60 lashes. • Islamic Penal Code, art. 123 denotes that two men who are not blood related found naked under the same cover without any necessity are punishable by up to 99 lashes per person. • Islamic Penal Code, art. 134 denotes that two women who are not blood related found naked under the same cover without any necessity are punishable by up to 99 lashes per person.

10 In a December 2010 report, Human Rights Watch documented several cases of individuals subjected to criminal prosecution of same-sex conduct. Human Rights Watch noted that the broad discretionary power given to judges and prosecutors often allow trials to be decided based on “knowledge of the judge” and forced confessions.

Human Rights Watch found that the majority of sexual minorities detained by authorities are not charged and prosecuted. Those who are charged are usually not prosecuted under the sodomy laws, but for “lesser” same-sex acts or violations of public morality or chastity. In many cases convicted individuals are sentenced to flogging.

Human Rights Watch also reported that security forces often target LGBT individuals because of their physical appearance or manner of expressing themselves and disproportionately prosecute them for the abovementioned crimes.

The Iranian court also pursues sodomy convictions and death sentences again men accused of same- sex sex. Human Rights Watch reported that, while official numbers are hard to confirm, authorities have executed hundreds of LGBT persons since 1979. As of December 2010 people on death row for same-sex acts include:

Moshen G. and Nemat Safavi, convicted in 2009 of allegedly committing consensual same- sex acts and sentenced to death. They were both under the age of 18 at the time of their arrests.

Ebrahim Hamidi, convicted in 2010 of raping a young man and sentenced to death, even after his accuser withdrew his accusation. Hamidi was only 16 years old at the time of his arrest.

Iranian law mandates the standard of proof in sodomy cases is at least four individuals testify to witnessing the act. However, in actual cases where individuals are prosecuted for sodomy, Iranian courts often rely on confessions or Article 120 of the penal code, which allows convictions based on the “knowledge of the judge.” Human Rights Watch noted that in practice Article 120 allows “judges to rely on tenuous circumstantial evidence to determine whether a crime has occurred.”

Human Rights Watch further noted that sexual minorities are unduly affected by other criminal laws that tend to act more as a means for state censorship of LGBT issues rather than same-sex conduct. These broadly defined laws penalize the “violation of religious sanctities” in public, the operation of an “establishment of ill-repute or corruption,” as well as the production, use, and distribution of material that is considered “immoral” by Iranian legal standards, which includes LGBT websites and literature. Such laws are also used to prosecute and silence human rights activists who work to protect the rights of LGBT individuals.

Under Iranian law, once a transgender individual has undergone sex reassignment surgery, that person legally becomes the “new” sex. However, Human Rights Watch reported that the Iranian government’s promotion of sex reassignment surgery, combined with the criminalization of same- sex conduct, incentivizes LGBT individuals to undergo surgery, despite the fact that they may not actually want it.

In recent years several jurists have issued fatwas, religious decrees, stating that Sharia allows for individuals to volunteer for sex change operations. But these fatwas do not legalize homosexuality. It merely means that those who do not enjoy their anatomical sex can change it with surgery. In this case, if the volunteer were a man, he would become a woman and could only marry a man and vice

11 versa-- if she were a woman, she could become a man through surgery and could only marry a woman.

RIGHT TO LIFE (ART.6)

6. Please provide information, on an annual basis since 2005, on death sentences imposed, the number of executions carried out, the grounds for the conviction and sentence, the age of the offenders at the time of committing the crime, as well as their ethnic origin. Please indicate whether the State party intends to revise the Penal Code to restrict the imposition of the death penalty to only the “most serious crimes”, within the meaning of article 6(2) of the Covenant and the Committee’s General Comment No. 6 (1982) on the right to life. Please clarify whether the circular of January 2008 by the former head of the judiciary banning public executions is respected in practice. Please clarify why stoning as a method of execution continues to be handed down by courts, despite a moratorium issued by the judiciary in 2002, and explain how this method of execution is consistent with the provisions of the Covenant.

Iran’s violations of the Right to Life include its excessive application of the death penalty, making the country second only to China in the absolute number of executions with the highest per capita execution rate globally. The yearly execution statistics are at least as follows: 94 executions in 2005; 177 executions in 2006; 335 executions in 2007; 346 executions in 2008; and 388 executions in 2009.

In 2010 there were at least 552 executions, 252 reported in state media and 300 secret executions. The Campaign estimates Iran has executed over 389 people in the 2011 as of 6 September, comprised of 241 officially announced and 161 secret executions.

2005 94 Total Executions in Iran by Year

2006 177

2007 317

2008 346

2009 388

2010 252 300

2011 241 157

0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700

Execuons Secret Execuons Projected at Current Rate of Execuons

Secret executions recorded for 2010 and 2011 are executions that take place largely at Vakilabad Prison in the northeastern city of Mashhad. These executions are deemed secret because they are

12 not announced in any official media reports or by any state agency. Furthermore, Vakilabad officials, in violation of Iranian law, reportedly carried out these executions without the knowledge or presence of the inmates’ lawyers or families and without prior notification of those executed. Authorities often implement secret execution en masse, in groups reportedly ranging from about 10 to 60 inmates at a time.

These executions have also included foreign nationals. On 26 October 2010, Paul Chindo, a citizen of Nigeria, was executed with nine other Iranian men, while on 18 August 2010, a Ghanaian citizen, Aquasi Aquwabe, was put to death in another group execution. Reportedly, these executions were carried out without informing the staffs of embassies, lawyers, or families of the inmates. The vast majority of secret executions are believed to be for drug offences.

Executions failing to meet “most serious crime” standard

Iran issues death sentences for many crimes that do not meet the international standard of “most serious crimes.” These crimes are primarily drug-related offences, but also include adultery, apostasy, and kidnapping. According to Iranhr.net, based on reports from the official Iranian media, a majority of those who were executed in 2010 were convicted of drug-related offences (66%), followed by Moharebeh or “enmity against God” (13%), rape (9%), murder (6%), immoral acts or acts against chastity (1%) and kidnapping (1%). For 4% of the executions announced by official Iranian media no charges were mentioned. At least one person, Christian Pastor Youcef Nadarkhani, has been sentenced to death for apostasy in 2011.

At least 116 out of the 252 officially announced executions in Iran in 2011 so far were for drug related crimes. In addition, most of the 146 secret executions documented by the Campaign are believed to have been for drug related crimes, bringing the total number of executions for drug- related crimes to just under 262.

There has been no attempt whatsoever to change the law to restrict the imposition of the death penalty to only the "most serious crimes."

Regarding Stoning

Amnesty International has documented six cases of stoning since 2006. In an interview with the Wall Street Journal, Iran’s leading human rights official, Mohammad-Javad Larijani, stated: "Stoning means you should do a number of acts, by throwing the stone in a limited number, in a special way … In the eyes of some people, stoning is a lesser punishment than execution because there is a chance you could survive."

In Iran, stoning is used primarily as the punishment for the crime of adultery.

Articles 83 stipulates that adultery shall be punishable by stoning if it is committed by a married man who has access to his wife for sexual intercourse, or a married woman with an adult man provided the woman is permanently married and has consummated the marriage.

Article 99 stipulates that if adultery is proven by a confession, then at the time of stoning the first stone will be thrown by the Sharia judge and then by others. If the adultery is proven by witness- based testimony (only male witnesses' testimony is admissible), then the first stone will be thrown by the witnesses, followed by the Sharia judge, and then others.

13 Article 105 of the Iranian Penal Codes stipulates that it is necessary for a group of believers, no fewer than three, to be present during the stoning.

Article 102 of the Iranian Penal Code stipulates that the stoning of an adulterer or adulteress shall be carried out while each is placed in a hole and covered with soil, he up to his waist and she up to a line above her breasts.

Article 104 of the Iranian Penal Code stipulates that the size of the stone used in stoning shall not be too large to kill the convict by one or two throws and at the same time shall not be too small to be called a stone.

Regarding Public Hangings

Rulings for public hangings are within a judge’s power, and he orders them when he sees fit.

7. Please clarify as to whether further amendments are foreseen to the draft Juvenile Crimes Investigation Act and the Bill of Islamic Criminal Code with the aim of abolishing the death penalty for persons having committed a crime below the age of 18. Please also provide statistics, as of April 2011, on the number of offenders on death row, who had committed a crime below the age of 18, and the number of executions of such offenders upheld by the Supreme Court, which is awaiting final authorisation by the head of the judiciary.

According to Iran’s criminal code, boys may be subjected to penalties including execution at the age of 15 and girls at the age of 9.

Iran is the world’s leading executioner of those who have allegedly committed crimes as juveniles, and well over 100 young people thus convicted and sentenced await execution on death row. In 2011, at least three offenders were reportedly executed for crimes they committed when they were under the age of 18. Iranian state media reported four executed in Bandar Abbas on 21 April 2011, two of which were believed to be juvenile offenders. Al-Arabiya reported the execution of one juvenile offender, Hashim Hamidi, in Ahwaz. (A list of 114 child offenders on death row, compiled by the Campaign in 2008, is found at Appendix IV.)

Iran leads the world in executing child offenders for crimes committed under the age of 18. Since 2004, Iran has accounted for 73% of all juvenile executions worldwide.

The majority of child offenders on the list are accused of murder. However, many sentences are based on confessions obtained from child defendants following torture and after interrogations in which they have had no access to a lawyer. Courts routinely ignore evidence presented by defendants demonstrating that they acted in self-defense.

8. Please indicate whether plans exist to amend the Penal Code with the aim of removing the “mahdoor-ol-dam” (deserving of death) definition. Please also provide information on cases since 2008 in which this provision has been invoked by judicial officials in their rulings and explain how it is consistent with the terms of the Covenant.

14

Definition of “ mahdoor-ol-dam”

Mahdoor-ol-dam is a concept derived from Islamic jurisprudence and entered Iranian law after the 1979 Revolution. Mahdoor-ol-dam is an individual who does not have the right to live, and if he is murdered without a fair trial, his murderer will not be subjected to the Qisas (retribution) Law. According to Iran’s Penal Code, most deliberate acts of murder receive the death penalty, with the exception of mahdoor-ol-dam cases.

Iran’s religious minorities other than Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians are recognized as mahdoor- ol-dam. Baha’is are in this category. Their blood is deemed under this concept as worthless and if a Muslim murders a Baha’i, he will not face Qisas, nor will he be forced to pay blood money. A Muslim who denies Islam, or converts to another religion, is considered a mahdoor-ol-dam, and according to Sharia, if another Muslim kills him, the killer will be exempted from punishment.

While the right to life is respected in ICCPR, the presence of mahdoor-ol-dam in Iranian law violates the right to life of certain citizens. It violates the principle of the presumption of innocence, respected by the ICCPR. It eliminates the right to existence of religious minorities and the right to enjoy security and freedom of faith, both emphasized by the ICCPR. It completely negates the necessity for fair trial and punishment of offenders accused of committing violent crimes against those deemed mahdoor-ol-dam.

It also completely contradicts Articles 36 and 37 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which require capital punishment to be issued by a competent court in accordance with law and protect the presumption of innocence.

9. Please clarify whether an impartial and independent investigation has been carried out into allegations of killings, torture and other ill-treatment during and following the 12 June 2009 presidential elections, and provide comprehensive information on findings and action taken against responsible high level officials.

The only extensive investigation and prosecution conducted by authorities regarding allegations of torture and killings since the June 2009 election has been of torture and deaths of detainees at Kahrizak Detention Center (discussed below.) Furthermore, officials have ignored or failed to adequately investigate credible allegations of extensive torture and ill treatment at other prisons, including Evin Prison, Rajaee Shahr Prison, and other prisons in the provinces, as well as several secret detention centers controlled by the Revolutionary Guards and the Intelligence Ministry. During the post-election protests, dozens of protesters died in the streets, reportedly from violence including gunfire from security forces. These deaths include those of Neda Agha Soltan, Sohrab Aarabi and Kianoush Asa. However, despite the wide attention these cases received, there is no evidence the Iranian government has conducted any credible investigation, and no one has been charged or arrested for these killings. On 1 June 2011, dissident and women’s rights activist Haleh Sahabi died when security forces raided the funeral of her father, political activist Ezatollah Sahabi. Security forces beat Sahabi during the

15 funeral procession and she subsequently suffered a fatal heart attack. She was on furlough to take care of her father who was in a coma at the time. The following day, Hoda Saber, an imprisoned dissident and journalist, went on hunger strike to protest Sahabi’s death. On 8 June, Saber was transferred to a clinic in Evin prison after complaining of chest and stomach pain. According to a letter signed by 64 prisoners from Saber’s prison ward, upon his return from the clinic, Saber told them he did not receive medical care and was instead beaten by a security agent posing as a medical professional. On 10 June, two days later, Saber died of a heart attack. His family said prison officials were responsible for Saber’s death by failing to transfer him to a hospital for a full six hours after the heart attack began. As of this writing, Iranian authorities have not taken any measures to investigate or prosecute those responsible for the deaths of Haleh Sahabi and Hoda Saber.

Rape allegations dismissed by Judiciary officials

In August 2009, former presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi presented evidence of the rape and sexual abuse of dozens of detainees by intelligence officers to a three-member committee from the Judiciary. Mohseni Ejei, who was Minister of Intelligence at the time of the June 2009 presidential election, is currently the country’s General Prosecutor, and was one of the three committee members, said the allegations were “totally baseless." Despite multiple reports presented by Karroubi of rape and sexual abuse of detainees by security personnel, a parliamentary investigation dismissed the allegation after less than 48 hours.

Investigations by the Campaign, however, show that in the case of at least one of the detainees, Ebrahim Mehtari, the Tehran Medical Examiner, under the auspices of the Iranian Judiciary, issued a certificate confirming injuries resulting from sexual abuse. None of the victims' statements regarding sexual abuse were acknowledged and instead, Ministry of Intelligence forces threatened the rape victims that if statements were not retracted, they and members of their families would suffer the consequences. This instance further demonstrates the impunity that senior Iranian officials enjoy.

Kahrizak Detention Center

On 28 July 2009, authorities admitted to widespread use of torture and cruel treatment at Kahrizak Detention Center and closed it after news went public that the son of Abdolhussein Rouhalamini, a high-ranking Revolutionary Guard commander, was amongst four detainees, Mohsen Ruholamini, Amir Javadifar, Mohammad Kamrani, and Ramin Aghazadeh Ghahremani, died after being tortured in the facility, all of whom had been amongst a group of approximately 150 post-election protestors held at the detention centre. Dozens of other post-election detained also reported being subjected to sever torture and physical abuses and many reported grossly inadequate conditions of detainment, including poor food and sanitation and overcrowding to the point where not all inmates could sleep simultaneously on the floor.

Iranian authorities took limited steps to address three of the Kahrizak persons and other abuses in the detention center. The center was ordered closed by Iran’s Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. A Special Parliamentary Committee was named to conduct an investigation on abuses in Kahrizak, which was completed on 6 January 2010. In its report, the Special Parliamentary Committee named specifically the then Prosecutor- General of Tehran Saeed Mortezavi as the official chiefly responsible for ordering the detentions in Kahrizak Detention. Other ranking Iranian officials were implicated in the abuses carried out at Kahrizak.

16 According to other reports and testimony collected by the Campaign, Judges Ali Akbar Haydarifar and Hassan Haddad were responsible for issuing detention orders to consign detainees to Kahrizak Detention Center. One eyewitness Kahrizak detainee told the Campaign that Haydarifar had forced a group of arrested protestors to sign boilerplate confessions just prior to their transfer to Kahrizak. According to the eyewitness detainees that refused to sign were badly beaten with batons.

The International Federation of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH) reported that one MP, Hamid Reza Katouzian, who took part in the investigations, held police chief General Ahmadi Moqaddam directly responsible for the events in Kahrizak Detention Center. Some Kahrizak detainees, including those who spoke to the Campaign, reported that General Ahmad-Reza Radan, deputy police commander, personally ordered and oversaw some beatings and ill treatment of detainees in Kahrizak. FIDH also named MP Hossein Fadaie and then Tehran police chief Azizollah Rajabzadeh as persons implicated in the Kahrizak events.

The Judiciary conducted an investigation and eventually charged and prosecuted 12 defendants with crimes perpetrated at Kahrizak Detention Center. Of the 12 defendants, 11 were found guilty of various charges, two of which were sentenced to death. However, no ranking Iranian official implicated in abuses in Kahrizak was amongst those charged and prosecuted. The Judiciary did not release the names, positions and ranks of the defendants. However, reportedly, all of the 11 sentenced defendants were low-ranking guards stationed in the detention center. The highest- ranking charged official, according to eyewitnesses of the trial, was the warden of Kahrizak, who was reportedly the one defendant acquitted. Despite the fact that some of the detainees were convicted, there is no evidence that authorities seriously investigated allegations against high-ranking officials, signifying an apparent policy of impunity.

10. Please indicate what measures have been taken to investigate honour killings and effectively prosecute those responsible, especially in Kurdistan, West Azerbaijan, Sistan and Baluchistan, and Khuzistan provinces.

[Not addressed in this review.]

PROHIBITION OF TORTURE AND CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT, RIGHT TO LIBERTY AND SECURITY OF PERSON & TREATMENT OF PERSONS DEPRIVED OF THEIR LIBERTY (ART. 7, 9, 10, 12 AND 13)

11. Please provide information on: (1) the total number of cases of alleged torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment on the part of police officers or prison officials that have been investigated since 2005; (2) the outcome of these investigations and the action taken against those found guilty; and (3) the measures taken for the rehabilitation and compensation offered to victims.

Torture after June 2009

17 The use of torture is systematic, widespread, and routine in Iran, and connected to the use of confessions as the primary evidence used to obtain convictions in courts. Ill-treatment is also extremely common. Following mass arrests affecting more than 5,000 persons in the aftermath of the June 2009 elections, there have been credible reports of torture and ill-treatment including inter alia rape, beatings, and sleep deprivation aimed at confirming the government’s claims that protests have been orchestrated by foreign governments or terrorist organizations. Detainees also reported the that Campaign that authorities subjected them to pro-longed solitary confident, threats, threats to their family, mock-executions, and hangings. While Iranian authorities have claimed that abuse of detainees arrested for participating in peaceful demonstrations, or simply on the basis of their political beliefs, has been the result of “negligence” and “carelessness,” the abuse was systematic and reflected a policy of suppressing dissent, intimidating the population, and corroborating charges by producing false confessions. In many convictions, confessions, allegedly coerced, have been the only evidence used against the defendants at trial. For example, Ahmad Zaidabadi, the director of the Advar Tahkim Organization and a prominent journalist, was detained on 13 June 2009 at his home. A person posing as a delivery man lured him out of his house and unidentified agents kidnapped and took him away. In protest against the illegal manner of his detention, the lack of charges against him, and the conditions of his detention, Zaidabadi was on a hunger strike during the first 17 days of his detention. His wife, Mahdieh Mohammadi, was able to visit him only after 65 days of having no access to him. During their visit, Zaidabadi told her that he had spent 35 days in solitary confinement, in total isolation, where there was no sound, no light, and no human contact. He told her he felt like he was in a grave, developing serious mental disorientation, and becoming suicidal. Since he could not find any means for committing suicide, he started to scream nonstop. The prison guards eventually realized that he was on the verge of insanity and transferred him to a different solitary cell. During the visit, Zaidabadi told his wife that interrogators had asked him to guarantee that he would never engage in political activism, although they had not formally charged him.

Public allegations by detainees of torture and Ill-treatment and appeals for redress

The Campaign and other human rights groups have has documented and published dozens of accounts of torture and ill-treatment, while numerous detainees have themselves publish public letter addressed to various relevant officials detailing their physical and psychological abuse at the hands of their captors and interrogators. Hamzeh Karami, a former commander in the Revolutionary Guard and chief editor of a reformist website, published an open letter to the Iranian Prosecutor General alleging that after his detention in June 2009, interrogators tortured him to coerce a confession of illicit sexual relations with relatives of prominent opposition leaders. Karami said, “They put my head in a dirty toilet 20 times to make me give a false confession. When I screamed ‘Ya Allah’ [by God] they said, ‘We are your God today and will do to you whatever we want.’” Keyvan Samimi was arrested at midnight of 14 June 2009 while security forces broke into his house and confiscated his personal computer and belongings. According to his lawyer, Nasrin Sotudeh, she visited him for the first time on 10 September 2009 in the presence of his interrogator. He told that her that he was beaten twice and the prison doctor certified that evidence of torture was seen on his left leg. Sotudeh also said that she has had no access to his file, but during the visit, he and his

18 interrogator informed her that he was charged with membership in illegal groups including the National Religious Coalition, the National Peace Council, and the Committee to Investigate Arbitrary Detentions. Abdollah Momeni, spokesperson for the student group Advar Tahkim Vahdat, was arrested on 21 June 2009 and sentenced to four years and eleven months in prison. Momeni was placed in solitary confinement for nearly 200 days, allegedly subjected to physical and psychological abuse, and forced to make a televised confession. In a letter to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, he wrote that his interrogators “shoved my head so far down the toilet that I swallowed feces and began to choke…. on several occasions the interrogator in charge of my case strangled me to the point of me losing consciousness and falling to the ground. For days following … I suffered such severe pain in the neck and throat area… eating and drinking became unbearable. On August 19 2009, several officers, believed to be from the Revolutionary Guards, allegedly abducted Ebrahim Mehtari and took him to a location in eastern Tehran. He reported that while detained, his captors severely and repeatedly beat him, as well as, sodomizing him with a baton. “They frequently beat me in the face; I was burned with cigarettes under my eyes, on the neck, head. I was beat all over my body including arms and legs. They threatened to execute me and humiliate me,” Ebrahim Mehtari told Amnesty International. Mehtari said that after five days, he was dropped off somewhere in Tehran. People found him, semi-conscious, bleeding, with his hands and feet tied, and took him to a hospital. The medical examiner’s office, which reports to the judiciary, concluded he had injuries “caused by being hit with a hard object”; bruises on his head; deep scratches on his wrists and ankles; second degree burns around his head, neck, shoulder, and on both hands; and bruises on his buttocks and anus caused by being hit with a hard object.” Gholamhossein Arshi was detained after the Muslim holy day of Ashura in December 2009. Arshi alleges that during interrogations security officers punched and kicked him, handcuffed him to a chair and beat him with wires and cables in an apparent attempt to coerce a confession. Arshi was charged with setting fire to police vehicles during protests, a charge he vehemently denied. A trial court sentenced Arshi to four years in prison; on appeal, his sentence was reduced to one year. On 18 November 2010, Mohammad Nourizad, a filmmaker imprisoned for his critical writings, wrote a letter to the head of the Judiciary, Sadegh Amoli Larijani, that interrogators spat in his eyes, beat him with shoes on his back and chest, shoved his head in a toilet bowl, cursed his wife and family while punching and kicking him, and “sexually defamed” his family. On 11 May 2011, twenty-six prominent Iranian prisoners of conscience, including journalist Bahman Ahmadi Amouee, student activist Zia Nabavi, and human rights defender Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi, wrote a letter to the head of the Central Committee charged with implementing the Citizen’s Bill of Rights where they alleged they and others had been subjected to grave abuse while in detection. The Citizen’s Bill of Rights, a law that came into effect in 2005, sets minimum due process standards for the treatment of suspects in Iran. Article 15 of the Citizen’s Bill of Rights specifically requires that the Central Committee investigate any violation of the law. The letter, which appeared in the opposition online website Kaleme, outlined the systematic violation of Bill of Rights protections, including torture and ill-treatment, by Iran’s Judiciary and Intelligence Ministry since the 2009 presidential election, and called on the Central Committee to launch an independent investigation into these violations. The prisoners wrote: “One of the most common forms of torture was keeping us in very small solitary cells (2.2 x 1.6 meters or 6.6 x 4.8 ft.). This method is considered torture by all high-ranking officials of the country and interrogators and wardens also confirm that, after several weeks of detention in a solitary cell, the suspect will suffer severe physical and psychological disorders.” “[S]evere beatings … shoving detainee’s heads into toilet bowls for prolonged periods…repeated threats against the suspects… including threatening them with sexual violation … threatening arrest

19 of their family members, and sometimes actually arresting the suspect’s family members as a means to put pressure on the suspect … preventing the suspect from sleep … were some of the prevalent methods of torture … carried out in various ways against the signatories.” Calling for an investigation, the 26 prisoners wrote, “We demand the assertive, transparent, and fair pursuit of these grievances. [We add] that if, as prescribed by the law, a special investigatory commission is assigned to examine [these grievances]… they can collect a wider range of information about the systematic crimes and violations that have taken place after the election.” (Additional cases of torture can be found in Appendices II and VI.)

Torture in black-sites

Some post-election detainees have reported authorities upon arrest took them to undisclosed locations that were not were not prisons. Authorities presumably use these black-sites as facilities in which their actions would be under even less oversight and scrutiny. The reported cases of torture coming from detainees held at black comprise some of the brutal allegations of repeat torture coming out of post-election detainments. The use or existence of these sites remains largely unacknowledged by authorities. These black-sites contribute greatly to the climate of impunity for torture in Iran as they are neither official detention facilities or under the formal control of a names government organs they Soroush R. 33 year old journalist told that Campaign that shortly after being identified at a post- election protest security forces raided his home and detained him for several weeks. He explains that the security officers then transferred him to an unknowlocation that was not a prison where being subjected to brutal beatings, repeated submersion into cold water, mock executions and was suspended off the ground by his arms which were handcuffed behind his back. According to Soroush when he asked his captors where he was they responded, “this place is not Evin prison, somewhere where you can for example go on hunger strike, mimic the actions of [high-profile dissident Akbar] Ganji, issue public letters.” Souroush added “I remember their words well. They said ‘this place is not a place. We are not on a map. People we want to disappear, we bring them here.’” Ebrahim Sharifi, a student and campaign worker for Mehdi Karroubi, told the Campaign that he was detained in June 2009 by authorities who took him blindfolded to an unknown location where they made him strip alongside other men, whipped his back and subjected him and others to two mock executions. After protesting the mock executions, he was told, “If you can’t protect your [expletive] how do you want to bring about a Velvet Revolution?” That person then sexually assaulted and raped Sharifi. Afterward he was taken to a medical ward, and then blindfolded and dropped off on the street. According to Sharifi he attempted to file a judicial complaint and told several judicial authorities what happened to him, intelligence agents threatened him and his family, forcing him into hiding. (Sharifi’s full account is detailed in Appendix V of this report.) Another example may be seen in the case of a member of the staff of opposition candidate Hossein Mir Moussavi, Majid Sh., (whose full identity must be withheld). Majid Sh. was returning from the Moussavi campaign office in the election district of Ramsar, Mazandaran soon after the elections of 12 June. On his way home he was kidnapped, blindfolded, and taken to a secret location by car. When he asked his captors who they were they called themselves the “foot soldiers of the Twelfth Imam,” a phrase commonly used by the Intelligence Ministry to refer to its agents. He was severely beaten, stripped of his clothes, taken to shower and hanged from the ceiling with his hands tied. His torturers then began to burn his body with a hot iron rod. After twenty-four hours he was thrown back onto the street. Majid Sh. was then taken to a hospital where local dignitaries in the city visited him. Despite the publicity his case has received in the

20 region, there have been no investigations or arrests made to hold those responsible for his kidnapping and torture accountable. In another case documented by the Campaign, a young woman reported that authorities detained, tortured and raped her in the summer of 2009. The young woman describes being arrested on the streets near a protest she said she did not participate in and then being transferred to an unofficial secret detention center. There, blindfolded and gagged, the young woman, who had been a virgin, explains that one of her captors brutally raped, beat and humiliated her. “First thing he did was lick my face,” the victim recounts. “I felt my life drained. He started to pull my clothes off. My hands bound, my eyes covered, I started crying. He shouted ‘shut up whore!’ Then he started. Opened my bra and took my clothes off. He was stroking and hitting me at the same time, saying ‘I will do something to you that you’ll never forget, I’ll make it so you never leave your house again, anytime you hear my name you will tremble, I’ll drive you insane.’ And he did. He raped me.” Later, a different security official reportedly burned her hands, knees and breasts with cigarettes, and kicked her stomach, forcing blood into her mouth. The interviewer corroborated her account by observing marks on her body that appeared to be remnants of cigarette burns. Describing the weeks following her first rape and sadistic cigarette burnings, the victim recalls: “I could smell blood, I was still drowsy. I didn’t feel well. They took me back to the cell. I don’t know how much time passed. One week, two weeks. Every other day it was the same routine. They would take me into the room, they would beat me, rape me…” Rape and torture continued for several weeks until her release, after which she suffered a urinary tract infection and other injuries. The Islamic Participation Front, many of whose high-ranking members are currently in prison, has alleged that police forces under have beaten and flogged detainees while keeping them in organized lines. Police forces also tortured detainees, forcing them to swear at themselves and their families, dousing them in petrol and making them stand under the sun in hot summer weather for hours, and forcing them to lick the police station's toilet bowl.

12. Please indicate whether the State party intends to amend the Penal Code with the aim of abolishing the imposition of corporal punishment by judicial and administrative authorities, in particular amputations and flogging for a range of crimes, including theft, enmity against God (mohareb) and certain sexual acts. Please provide statistics on amputation and flogging.

Flogging as punishment

Flogging is stipulated in the Islamic Penal Code as a punishment for several offences including adultery, drinking alcohol, theft, and violations of national security. For example in the case of adultery, the Islamic Penal Code states:

• Article 74: Adultery, whether punishable by flogging or stoning, may be proven by the testimony of four just men or that of three just men and two just women.

• Article 75: If adultery is punishable only by flogging it can be proven by the testimony of two just men and four just women.

• Article 100. The flogging of an adulterer shall be carried out while he is standing upright and his body bare except for his genitals. The lashes shall strike all parts of his body–- except his face, head and genitals-- with full force. The adulteress shall be flogged while she is seated and her clothing tightly bound to her body.

21 Note. The face and head and genitals of the condemned shall not be struck by the lashes during flogging.

Amputations as a form of punishment

The Islamic Penal Code also provides for amputation of body parts as punishment for several offenses, including theft and moharebeh.

In cases of moharebeh (enmity against God, used against those accused of armed resistance against the government), the Islamic Penal Code stipulates amputations as one form of punishment:

• Article 190. The punishment of hadd for mohareb and mofsed-fil-arz (corruptor of the earth) is one of the following four: 1-execution, 2- death by hanging, 3- amputation of right hand and left leg, 4- internal exile.

• Article 201. The punishment of hadd for theft is: a) for the first offence: amputation of four fingers of the right hand from its bottom such that the thumb and surface of the hand remain. b) for the second offence: amputation of the left leg such that half of the leg remains. c) for the third offence: life in prison, d) for the fourth offence: execution, even if the act of theft takes place inside prison.

Recent trends regarding corporal punishment

Throughout 2010, Iranian officials have advocated for a more robust application of corporal punishment and amputations. Officials have also acknowledged that the use of amputations by the Judiciary is on the rise and that an increasing number of flogging sentences have been issued for post-election activists and protestors.

On 19 June 2010, ISNA reported that during an introduction ceremony for the new Prosecutor, the former Ahwaz General and Revolutionary Courts Prosecutor, Davood Sadeghi, said that “over the past two years, we had six cases of amputations of hands and feet in order to carry out God’s Hadd punishment in Ahwaz, to which citizens have reacted positively and it has created satisfaction.” He also noted: “Over the past two years, 25 cases of executions were carried out in Ahwaz, 18 of which were related to drug smugglers and seven of which were mohareb (enemy of God) cases, and five of those seven individuals were armed robbers.”

On 11 October 2010 the semi-official Iranian Student’s News Agency (ISNA) reported that Mahmoud Zoghi, the Prosecutor in the northeastern city of Mashad, acknowledged the recent amputation of a hand for theft and said such sentences would be more widely applied, reflecting a “more rigorous approach.” Some hand amputations have been carried out in the presence of others charged with robbery, “so they could learn a lesson from it,” said Zoghi.

On 11 October 2010, Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, Iran’s Prosecutor General, announced in a press conference that some of the 61 suspects charged in the context of post- election unrest had been sentenced to flogging in addition to prison terms.

According to official Iranian media outlets, On 21 February 2010, a convicted thief underwent “limb amputation” in Karoon Prison in the southern city of Ahwaz.

During Iran’s Universal Periodic Review in February and June of 2010, the head of the Iranian delegation to the United Nation’s Human Rights Council, Mohammad Javad Larijani, told the Council that Iran does not consider such punishments as torture and that they are culturally justified.

22 Impossibility to Exchange Punishments

According to Sharia, amputation sentences, even at the discretion of the judge, cannot be substituted into other forms of punishment such as prison sentences or fines. The reason for this is that amputations, along with other forms of punishment such as stoning, fall into a category of crimes defined under Islamic law as “hodood”, which are religiously mandated and therefore unable to be augmented.

13. Please comment on allegations that general and blanket arrest warrants are used, which do not contain the names of the accused and are not based on a judge’s review of material evidence, and explain how this is consistent with the Covenant.

Lawyers of prisoners of conscience arrested following the election confirmed to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that their clients were arrested based on a blank warrant without any charges or names written on it. In the case of Abdolfattah Soltani, a prominent human rights lawyer, the warrant was issued several days before the election.

Mohseni Ejei, the Minister of Intelligence during the election period, confirmed his role in acquiring blanket warrants and authorizing confrontations with protestors and arresting them. Mohsen Ejei said in an interview on 16 June 2009, "I have received authorization from judicial authorities. I said I would issue a warning, then I would issue a general warning, and if people didn't heed the warning, we would have no choice but to arrest them and to publicly introduce the main operatives and elements prior to their trial."

Saeed Mortazavi, who served as Tehran’s Prosecutor at the time of the June 2009 elections, issued a general arrest warrant four days before the elections, later used by security and intelligence agents to arrest hundreds of well-known journalists, students, and political activists deemed "suspicious." Several arrested individuals, including prominent human rights lawyer Abdolfattah Soltani, have confirmed that Mortazavi signed the general arrest warrant, which did not have any names or specific charges on it.

14. Please specify how many individuals are currently held in pre-trial detention, as well as the average length of pre-trial detention. Please indicate whether there is any limit to the amount of time a court can order somebody to remain in detention by law enforcement officers (para. 317 of the Report). Please also comment on information before the Committee that individuals are held in incommunicado detention in unofficial detention centres.

The Iranian government as of this writing is illegally detaining leading members of the political opposition under a de facto “house arrest” and for periods of time has removed them to “safe houses” of undisclosed location.

In the days surrounding 14 February 2011, when opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi called for public demonstrations in solidarity with Egyptian and Tunisian pro-democracy activists, authorities place the two men and their wives Zahra Rahnavard and Fatemeh Karroubi, themselves respected opposition leaders, under a de facto “house arrest.”

23 For a period of time in February they were also reportedly transferred, in the manner of an enforced disappearance, from their homes to an unknown location. An informed source told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that the four opposition leaders had been moved to a “safe house,” which is a place for the secret detention of high security-value detainees that is not a formal detention facility and not under the control of the Judiciary or any other monitoring mechanisms. The Revolutionary Guard and Iranian intelligence agencies use safe houses as places where they can solicit confessions from detainees by all methods and techniques of interrogation and coercion without scrutiny from other legal bodies. (Appended to this report as Appendix VII is a Brief History of Safe Houses, which illustrates the historical association of such facilities with the torture and murder of political opponents.)

The four opposition leaders eventually re-emerged in their homes and have since been held by authorities largely incommunicado, only having periodic contact with their children.

At no time during the last six months of house arrest have authorities issued any charges or initiated any legal proceedings to authorize the house arrest of Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi, Zahra Rahnavard or Fatemeh Karroubi. Instead they have repeatedly denied that a “house arrest” has been implemented, only admitting to placing limitation on the four opposition leaders communications and visitations.

However, Ahmad Jannati, head of the Guardian Council, urged for the “incommunicado“ house arrest of Karroubi and Mousavi during a Friday prayer sermon in Tehran on 18 February 2011. He said “Their communication channels must be shut down, the door to their homes must be boarded up, their telephone disconnected, and their internet also yanked off so they cannot send any messages, make statements, or receive them. They must be imprisoned in their homes,” declared Jannati during his 18 February sermon.

On 27 August 2011 Fatemeh Karroubi reported in a interview with Karroubi’s official website Sahamnews that her husband, Mehdi Karroubi, was separated from her and transferred by authorities to a tiny apartment on 1 August 2011. As of this writing Mehdi Karroubi is still under solitary house arrest without charge or process.

15. Please respond to reports that confessions have been used as the primary evidence to obtain convictions in court. Are there safeguards in place to ensure that confessions obtained through torture or other ill- treatment are excluded as evidence in a trial?

A great deal of evidence, a small portion of which is presented below, confirms that Iranian authorities often force suspects, detainees and prisoners whose cases are principally interpreted by judicial authorities as threats to Iran’s national security, to confess under mental and physical pressure. Also, since no attorney is allowed to intervene during the investigation stage, judicial authorities often publicly announce that the accused has eagerly confessed or has repented on his/her own accord. Authorities have also televised dozens of confessions, many of which are reportedly a result of physical and psychological pressure.

“Confessions” by detainees aired on state television have led associates and family members of detainees to conclude that they could only have been obtained under coercion. The large number of persons held in incommunicado detention, and in unknown locations, leads to fears about torture and ill-treatment especially in consideration of the very widespread allegations of the use of torture to produce confessions in Iranian trials, which are often the only evidence upon which defendants

24 are convicted.

Former Deputy President Mohammad Ali Abtahi and Mohammad Atrianfar, a former Ministry of Interior official and journalist, were two prisoners who were forced under severe physical and psychological pressure to confess to actions they had not committed. Human rights organizations vehemently objected to the televised broadcast of these confessions.

One of those arrested after the elections told the Campaign that during the first few days after his arrest, interrogators vigorously attempted to force him to confess to false charges. He said the interrogators relied on months of surveillance of telephone calls in order to hasten his confession. According to this source, intelligence officers presented tapes of phone conversations and hidden camera footage of his apartment to put psychological pressure on him.

Maziar Bahari, a Canadian-Iranian journalist and documentarian who was detained in Tehran on 21 June 2009, was forced by authorities to confess under duress. According to Bahari, there was complete coordination between his interrogators and the team of reporters from Press TV, IRIB’s English-language service. “The room where I was interviewed by Press TV was the same as my interrogation room. Only that during the taping, a red curtain was put up behind me and my interrogator sat behind the curtain making sure I spoke as they wished.” Bahari also recounted the extent to which this confession was fabricated: “…each of the three reporters had a set of questions and I gave the answers I was supposed to give. One was a reporter from the IRIB Persian service, one was a reporter from the English language Press TV, and the other was a reporter from Fars News Agency. All three of them and I were reading from a script. The IRIB reporters read the interrogator’s questions. When I made a mistake, just like an interrogator, the reporter would say ‘It’s better if you say it this way … During the confessions, the IRIB team members talked to the interrogators…they were completely coordinated. For example, the interrogator would hand them a piece of paper and would say: make sure you ask this question, too.’”

Another post-election detainee who was forced to confess spoke with the Campaign about then Tehran Prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi’s role in the televised confessions: “In several instances, Saeed Mortazavi, the Tehran Prosecutor, took the post-election detainees to his office while at the same time, a team from IRIB’s News Network was also present there. Professional cameras and equipment were set up by the IRIB’s News Network team in order to record prisoner confessions which had been scripted and edited in prison earlier, and had been rehearsed in prison numerous times. An authority responsible for the interrogation approved the text for the confessions. Some of these confessions were extracted prior to the trial session. The objective of recording the said confessions was to simultaneously broadcast segments of it on the night the trial session was held. For some reason, only some of the recorded confessions, such as those of Messrs. Abtahi, Atrianfar, Maziar Bahari, Amir Hossein Mahdavi, and a few others were broadcast.”

16. Has a system been established for regular and independent monitoring of places of detention? Please provide information on cases of mistreatment of detainees that have been referred to the judicial authorities by the Office for Performance Evaluation, Inspection and Response to Complaints. Please provide information on steps taken to improve conditions of detention in Evin Prison, in particular those of sections 350, 2A, 209, and 240. Please also report on allegations of the use of solitary confinement in detention centres. Is human rights training,

25 covering the topics of prohibition of torture, effective interrogation techniques, conditions of detention and the treatment of detainees, a standard component of curricula in the training of law enforcement, prison and judicial officials? Please comment on the reported denial of medical treatment to many prisoners in War 350/Correctional Facility 3 of Evin Prison, including due to the very low daily quota for Infirmary visits and refusals for such visits.

Iran’s National Report, para 242, states, “any physical or psychological mistreatment, or denigration of prisoners is forbidden,” citing article 39 of the Constitution and article 44 of the regulation governing prisons.

The facts regarding prison conditions in Iran indicate that these laws are being severely violated, as are the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, adopted by the First United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, held at Geneva in 1955, and approved by the Economic and Social Council by its resolutions 663 C (XXIV) of 31 July 1957 and 2076 (LXII) of 13 May 1977. A cursory review of the record with respect to key indices of prison conditions, based on testimonies from inmates and their family members, strongly indicates that prison authorities deliberately inflict poor conditions on prisoners of conscience, including the denial of urgently needed medical care.

For example, Narges Mohammadi, Deputy Director of the Defenders of Human Rights Center, a mother of two young children detained around midnight on 10 June 2010, had to be hospitalized following her release. During her detention, she developed severe fainting spells in prison under interrogation. Instead of providing her with proper medical care, her jailors subjected her to further lengthy interrogations.

The list of prisoners of conscience, some of whom enjoy international reputations as leading human rights defenders, who have and continue to suffer from denial of medical care and other abuses in Iran’s prisons is very long. It includes Mehdi Mahmoudian, Emadeddin Baghi, Farid Taheri, Badressadat Mofidi, Issa Saharhiz, Nader Karimi Jooni, Mojtaba Lotfi, Mansour Osanlou, Jahangir Abdollahi, Jafar Panahi, Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand, Ebrahim Madadi, and Abbas Khorsandi.

Prisoners of conscience have been routinely denied visits by family members, or such visits have been shortened in violation of regulations. Many political prisoners and lawyers have also reported having limited access to their lawyers or clients.

Non-governmental organizations have no access to Iran’s prisons for the purpose of monitoring prison conditions.

Conditions in the “Political Prisoners Ward”

Evin prison’s Ward 350, or Correctional Facility 3, which houses political prisoners, has reportedly become one of the most crowded parts of the Iranian prison system since the June 2009 election. Informed sources and individuals who spent some time in this ward have described the Ward’s living conditions for the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.

Over a hundred post-election prisoners of conscience are held inside Ward 350 of Evin prison and are routinely denied access to proper medical care and exposed to filth, bad air, and low-quality food. A number of prisoners, including Zia Nabavi, Peyman Karimi Azad, Hamzeh Karami and Majid Tavakoli, are suffering serious health problems that have been exacerbated by the unhealthy

26 conditions in Ward 350 and other wards of Evin prison.

Currently, this ward houses members of the Iranian Alumni Association, the Participation Front reformist party, prominent journalists who continued their work despite the lurking dangers of censorship and repression, and students who have consistently received government crackdown over the past five years. After completing months of solitary confinement inside the security wards of Evin prison and completing their interrogations, these individuals are moved to Ward 350.

After the 9 May 2010 executions of five political prisoners, the composition of this ward changed. Many political prisoners were exiled to other prison facilities in Tehran Province or were transferred to other wards inside Evin prison. Even so, more than 100 political prisoners, most of whom were arrested after the June 2009 elections, remain residents of Ward 350 as of this writing.

Much like food in other wards of Evin prison (Wards 1, 7, 8, and the Women’s Ward) the food inside Ward 350 is reportedly of very low quality. Reportedly, the use of spoiled ingredients has caused food poisoning among the prisoners. The menu lacks in necessary nutrients. Most prisoners are, therefore, forced to buy their food staples from the ward store. The store inside Ward 350 has to cater to between 150 to 250 prisoners, but the available stock in the store does not meet the demands of this many customers, and irregular hours make it difficult for prisoners to attain the foodstuffs they need. Therefore the prisoners have to put up with the low-quality food of the prison. Sometimes, in order to create pressure on the prisoners, prison authorities suspend the store’s operations. In March 2010, in an act of protest, prisoners refused to accept their food inside the Ward. The ward store was closed down for three consecutive days as a result. The prisoners’ lack of access to sufficient and required nutrition has led prisoner families to object to the gaunt and pale appearances of their relatives inside Ward 350, demanding that authorities enable the prisoners to purchase food from the prison store.

There are nine rooms inside Ward 350, five rooms in the lower floor and four rooms in the upper floor. The rooms on the upper floor have reportedly better hygiene, but since 9 May 2010, all the rooms on the upper floor are occupied by prison laborers (ordinary prisoners who work inside Evin prison). More than 100 political prisoners now live inside the rooms on the lower floor. Inside the five rooms on this floor, the free space (space not covered by beds) in each room is less than 15 sq. meters, and reportedly there are not enough beds for prisoners. The fact that more than 20 prisoners have to live in that space is a major contributor to poor hygienic conditions, which leads to easy transmission of viruses and sickness. Additionally, prisoner bedding such as blankets are generally filthy and unhygienic. The sinks for washing up and washing the dishes are reportedly located in a completely unhygienic environment.

Prison authorities use the prisoners to clean the hallways and prison bathrooms. The bathrooms and showers on the lower level of Ward 350 are reportedly extremely old and eroded. The toilets and bathrooms on the upper level are upgraded and clean, probably because white-collar criminals are held on this floor.

Medicine and medical treatment: limited access, untimely attention

Many prisoners in Ward 350 suffer a multitude of illnesses and physical ailments often reportedly caused by severe physical and psychological pressure during their interrogations There is no space inside Ward 350 allocated to medical services. The only way prisoners in this ward can receive medical attention is to go to the Prison Infirmary. There are many obstacles to the transfer of prisoners to the Infirmary and acquiring a doctor’s visit. Each day, only 10 prisoners inside Ward 350 are allowed to visit the Infirmary. This deprives many prisoners of immediate medical attention or

27 painkillers or special medicines for extended periods of time.

Hoda Saber, journalist and political activist, was most recently arrested in July 2010. Authorities sentenced him to prison on charges stemming from his political activism. He died in Evin Prison on 12 June 2011. Authorities stated that the cause of his death was a heart attack. Saber had gone on hunger strike on 2 June 2011 to protest the reportedly wrongful death of political activist Haleh Sahabi. On the eighth day of his hunger strike, Saber felt severe pain in his chest and stomach. He was transferred to the prison infirmary; however, shortly thereafter, authorities reportedly returned him to his cell. His cellmates said that Saber told them that while he was in the infirmary, security officials posing as medical personnel severely beat him. Sixty-four other political prisoners have confirmed this testimony. Saber’s health conditions further deteriorated and officials failed to provide him with medical aid. He was transferred to the hospital when it was too late and soon after he passed away.

First-hand account of conditions in Ward 350 of Evin Prison

Abdollah Momeni, a prominent Iranian activist jailed since June 2009, described being severely tortured, forced to make false confessions, and subjected to a “show trial” in a letter to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Momeni is serving a four year and eleven months prison sentence in Ward 350 of Evin prison.

On 9 September 2010, the Campaign published a public letter written by Momeni, detailing severe beatings and suffocations by interrogators until he became unconscious; his head being held in a toilet bowl; solitary confinement for 86 days in a 1.6×2.2 meter (4.8×6.6 ft.) cell; repeatedly being threatened with imminent execution; being forced by his interrogators to practice false confessions before his trial; and the complete lack of independence of his Judge, Abol-Ghassem Salavati, and other judicial authorities prosecuting him. His account reveals the overwhelming influence of interrogators and intelligence agents during his prosecution. (Excerpts of the letter are appended as Appendix VII).

Poor conditions at other prisons

Rajaee Shahr Prison

Political prisoners also suffer poor conditions in other facilities. Speaking of the conditions at Rajaee Shahr Prison, the wife of inmate Ahmad Zeidabadi told the Campaign:

“The hygienic conditions of the prison are not good. For a long time, the prison’s water was muddy and unusable. With the water condition, he couldn’t take showers, either. It appears that the hall where he resides is a long corridor with rooms, which were formerly solitary cells on both sides. The doors to the cells have been removed and now three people reside in each cell. The prison food is not good, and the prison store does not have sufficient food supplies. There is serious concern about diseases such as AIDS in the prison infirmary, too. I tell him not to go to the infirmary to the extent possible, because most of the addict prisoners have AIDS. I fear that he might contract the disease if he goes to the infirmary.”

Zeidabadi reportedly regularly witnessed confrontations among prisoners who are convicted murderers, smugglers, and addicts, and according to him, he has witnessed the murder of one of the prisoners in a group fight. Expressing concern about her husband’s lack of security among convicted violent criminals, Mahdieh Mohammadi told the Campaign:

28 “There are dangerous prisoners in this ward. For example they once stole a portable soccer goal net and made knives out of its metal frame. The prisoners pull knives on each other at the slightest disagreement. He has witnessed them injuring each other with knives, and once someone was killed in the scuffle. In this ward, many addict prisoners frequently get into fights over money. The fact that this prison has horrible conditions and that no human rights principles are observed in it is bad enough. But Mr. Zeidabadi does not belong in this prison. Even based on prisoner classification requirements, as a journalist, he should not be kept under such conditions.”

Vakilabad Prison

In a letter to the Head of the Iranian Judiciary, Ayatollah Sadeq Amoli Larijani, published publicly in May 2011 by the Campaign, Seyed Hashem Khastar, a prisoner of conscience who is currently serving time inside Vakilabad, provides details of the dreadful conditions of the prison.

Khastar describes conditions where the number of inmates inside the prison is more than four times the normal capacity of the facility, and that prisoners are serving their sentences while deprived of the most basic living conditions.

According to Khaster’s letter, “Prior to the revolution, the Mashad Vakilabad Prison was constructed by a German engineer, containing four wards, about 1,500 prisoners, and a park-like [atmosphere]. According to the prison’s current authorities, this prison has been built for 2,500 prisoners, and by the authorities’ own admission, [the facility] currently holds about 13,000 prisoners…. the number of prisoners has grown by 4,500 compared to last year.”

Khastar reports in his letter that prisoners in Vakilabad have only half a square meter—or only about one-seventh of the ICRC minimum.

“Hall 4 of the Quarantine Ward in which I served time in July 2008, had an area of 200 sq. meters and a population of 200, which I heard has reached 250. [This Ward] had 456 prisoners in it on 4 December 2010. Every individual had a per capita space of .5 square meters, which equals the area for keeping half of a sheep in a stable. Before, when it was warm, they used the Fresh Air Yard, where sports equipment was installed and the roof was covered in corrugated plastic. But when it got cold, they stopped using it like that and by putting a heater in there, they started using it as space for housing inmates,” wrote Khastar.

“Hall 4 has 80 single beds in it, and each bed is used by two people. The prisoners sleep between and under the beds in compressed rows. Hall 1, which is for drug addicts, used to have 300 inmates and there are stories about its housing 1,100 now. In Hall 4, Ward 5, which has 13 rooms, each holding 15 beds, the inmate population has reached 950 people, to the point where inmates sleep in the mosque and in front of bathrooms. Halls 1, 2, and 3 are no better than Hall 4. Ward 4 has so many prisoners that inmates sleep in front of the bathroom, on the stairs, and on landings. At bath times, one person is under the shower while 10 people wait in line.”

The letter also describes the prison being infested with fleas and other vermin.

“Isn’t this prison, the likes of which are not scarce in Iran, a source of shame for the Iranian nation and humanity? A prison is a full-length mirror of the way a country is managed and our country is no better managed than this. Where are we going?! Mr. Mohammad Javad Larijani, Head of the Judiciary’s Human Rights Council, is a very brave man to defend Iran’s human rights practices, including its prisons.”

Death in Iranian Prisons: No One Held Accountable

29

According to research published by the Campaign, since 2003, 17 political prisoners and prisoners of conscience have died while in custody in Iranian prisons allegedly due to torture, medical neglect, and misconduct of prison authorities. Six of the prisoners were detained and died after the 2009 election and the ensuing crackdown on government critics and political opponents. For most of these deaths, no one has yet been held accountable, despite the fact that in all these instances, family members or lawyers of the prisoners have alleged that authorities were responsible for the deaths due to their physical abuse of the inmate or inadequate medical attention. (For excerpts in English of the report, please see Appendix VIII.)

ELIMINATION OF SLAVERY AND SERVITUDE (ART. 8)

17. Please provide information on steps taken to combat and prevent the trafficking and sale of persons under 18 years of age, particularly young girls from rural areas, often facilitated by temporary marriages (or “siqeh”).

[Not addressed in this review.]

18. Please provide statistics about the number of arrests and convictions under the 2004 law to combat trafficking.

[Not addressed in this review.]

RIGHT TO A FAIR TRIAL (ART. 14)

19. Please clarify how fair trial guarantees contained in article 14 of the Covenant are respected in practice, especially in the Revolutionary Courts and Evin’s Prison Court, including (1) the right to legal assistance of one’s own choosing; (2) the right to be informed promptly of the nature and cause of the criminal charges; (3) the intervention of lawyers during the investigation stage; (4) the presumption of innocence; (5) the right to a public hearing; and (6) the right to appeal a ruling.

Evin Prison Court and access to fair trial and legal representation

Numerous attorneys report that the creation of the Evin Prison Court has resulted in severe limitations to their clients’ due process rights. On 14 April 2010, Nasrin Sotoudeh, a human rights lawyer currently in prison, told the Campaign that after the formation of Evin Court and the transfer of her clients’ cases there, it had become impossible for her and her clients’ families to contact the judges. “The judges are now housed in an environment that is entirely under the oversight of the Ministry of Intelligence,” stated Sotoudeh. “During preliminary investigations, which are the most difficult time during a suspect’s

30 prison term, case judges only receive information from intelligence officers, and neither the suspect’s lawyer nor his or her family can provide any information to the judges.”

On 14 April 2010, another lawyer, Mina Jafari, who represents activists including Maryam Ghanbari, Kouhyar Goudarzi, Dorsa Sobhani, and Saeed Jalalifar said that it had been impossible to fulfill her professional obligations as their lawyer, disappointing the legitimate expectations of their families, “which lawyers cannot oblige.” Jafari added that: “The formation of this court is a clear violation of the Iranian Constitution and suspects’ rights. It is quite clear that according to legal requirements and especially citizens’ basic rights and according to Article 34, forming the Evin Court is against the law ...The Iranian Constitution, which is the parent law of the country, expresses that a court must be accessible and when it is inaccessible, according to Article 575 of the Islamic Penal Code, violators of this basic right can be prosecuted … According to Article 575 of the Islamic Penal Code, whenever judiciary officials or other government officials unlawfully arrest, order an unlawful arrest, or unlawfully prosecute or charge a person, they shall be permanently barred from holding any position within the Judiciary and subjected to a five-year ban from governmental positions.” Article 34 of the Iranian Constitution, establishes that it is the indisputable right of every citizen to seek justice by recourse to competent courts. All citizens have the right of access to such courts, and no one can be barred from courts to which they have a legal right of recourse. Articles 570 through 583 of the Islamic Penal Code of the Islamic Republic of Iran list violations by authorities and government officers and ways in which violations will be addressed. Article 570 of the Code emphasizes that “any state official or authority who illegally denies or deprives people of the rights enshrined in the Constitution shall be subject to confinement terms ranging from 6 months up to 3 years in addition to discharge from government service from 3 to 5 years.” On 21 April 2010, Farideh Gheirat, a lawyer who represents some of the journalists and politicians detained after the elections, said to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: “The courts established at Evin Prison are courts which were previously located in the Revolutionary Courts. When they were at the Revolutionary Courts, people and lawyers had easier access to them. During the interrogation stage, lawyers are not allowed any involvement with the case, but [inside the Revolutionary Courts] it was possible for the lawyers to go and find information about the cases. But now, after the Ashura [protests of late December 2009] and even before that during the [post-] elections events, they have set up the courts inside Evin Prison and with the exception of one or two court branches which remain inside the Revolutionary Courts, all the other courts are now at Evin. These courts specifically review the cases of those detained [in relation to post-election events]. Accessing these courts for us lawyers is not possible at all, as lawyers and others are not allowed inside. As a result, we cannot even have access to what little and incomplete information we used to gain about [our] cases. For example, [there are instances where] the investigations have been completed and the case file has been sent to the Revolutionary Courts, but we have not yet been informed so that we may present our power of attorney documents and there is no way for us to gain such information. Of course, changing the location of a court is within the powers of the Judiciary and we cannot ask why a court has been set up in a particular location, but lack of access for lawyers and the public has become problematic for essential follow-ups.”

Restrictions on and deprivations of the right to counsel

Many Iranian laws, including the Code of Criminal Procedure for Public and Revolutionary Courts and Articles 36, 37, 38, and 168 of the Islamic Republic Constitution, reflect the need for a fair trial.

31 But the addendum to Article 128 of the Code of Criminal Procedure for Public and Revolutionary Courts is arranged in a way that enables the judge to prevent the presence of the suspect’s lawyer during the investigation phase, if he determines that presence of others could be harmful to the discovery of the truth. Authorities often abuse this legal loophole in detriment to the due process rights of defendants accused of political crimes, crimes of belief, and crimes related to press activity. The result is that suspects often remain alone, isolated, and unprotected in the hands of authorities who frequently use torture and other forms of coercion to illicit confessions. In some cases, suspects are not even informed of their charges in a timely manner, according to the law, and as such, the suspect’s legal rights are further violated. Generally speaking, numerous post-election detainees and their lawyers reported authorities imposed undue limitations on the detainees’ access to their lawyers. For example, student activist Majid Tavakoli was denied access to his lawyer throughout his interrogation, trial, and post- sentencing. Zahra Bahrami, an Iranian-Dutch citizen arrested during a protest and later convicted of drug trafficking and executed, was also reportedly denied access to legal representation. On 11 May 2011, 26 prominent prisoners of conscience published a letter on reformist site Kaleme, detailing their conditions in prison. Amongst the abuses alleged by the twenty-six prisoners in the letter is the routine violation of article 3 of the Citizen’s Bill of Rights, which guarantees defendants the right to a lawyer and legal defense. They said that “almost all of the signatories to this grievance were completely deprived of the right to choose and access a lawyer during their arrests and interrogations … and were not even allowed to have access to the country’s law books or … paper and pencil for preparing [a defense].”

“[A]ccess to their lawyers primarily happened a few minutes before their trial … and was usually in the presence of the judge or a third party. … [Some did not have] the presence of their lawyers even inside the courtroom. In some cases, the interrogators pressured and forced the suspects to release their lawyers from their representation.”

20. Please indicate how the independence of the judiciary is guaranteed in practice, and in this light comment on the impact of the role of the Office for Supervision and Evaluation (para.141 of the periodic report), as well as repeated calls by senior clerics and high-ranking Government officials ahead of trials for protesters who were arrested after the 2009 elections to be dealt with harshly on charges of enmity against God (mohareb).

The Judiciary’s independence has not been guaranteed in theory, therefore it cannot be guaranteed in practice. According to the Iranian Constitution, the Supreme Leader appoints the Head of the Judiciary for a term of five years. Therefore, the Supreme Leader and his subordinate units’ judicial policies, especially as they pertain to how to deal with dissidents and critics, can be dictated to the Head of the Judiciary. In this judicial structure, the judge is not independent and cannot judge objectively. The Head of the Judiciary appoints judges at almost all levels and prosecutors. Judges are dismissed or transferred based on his orders.

Given these factors the independence of judges is highly problematic: It is to be expected that if a judge does not carry out the Head of the Judiciary’s policies, he will lose his placement and judicial position and face dismissal or transfer to another location.

Instrumentalization of the Judiciary by Security and Intelligence Forces

32

Proof of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp’s (IRGC) infiltration of the judicial process is apparent in public use by Yadollah Javani, the head of its Political Office, of confidential information from prisoner interrogations. Laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran stipulate that details of interrogations must remain confidential. Javani has publicly quoted from the texts of confessions by prisoners such as Mohammad Ali Abtahi, former Vice President of Iran, and Mohammad Aghaee, another political figure.

On 17 August 2009, Javani demanded that presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi be put on trial. In his speech, he revealed information from the confessions of Hedayat Aghaee, a member of the reformist Kargozaran Party, whose trial had not yet been held. Javani quoted Aghaee as saying that the reformist and opposition candidates' strategy in the presidential election had been to come to power at whatever cost. A few months later, Aghaee was sentenced to five years in prison.

Several released prisoners told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that they were arrested by the Prosecutor's Office, but the IRGC’s Intelligence Unit carried out their investigations and interrogations. Many prisoners who were in custody of the IRGC's Intelligence Unit, especially during the first two months following the elections, were mistreated and physically and psychologically abused, and were coerced to make false confessions. Their interrogators had stated the condition of their release as their confessions against themselves and their colleagues, as well as accepting the charge of participating in post-election public protests.

Additionally, human rights lawyers have told the Campaign that IRGC intelligence forces have made direct demands of Revolutionary Courts judges to issue harsh sentences for post-elections protesters.

The lawyer for political prisoner Heshmatollah Tabarzadi, Nasrin Sotudeh (herself now a political prisoner), said that intelligence agents demanded that the judge in Tabarzadi’s case sentence him to the harshest possible punishment, including exile and a permanent ban on any social and political engagement.

Sotoudeh stated to the Campaign: “We can assume that the intelligence agents lacked knowledge of the law, as this action [pressuring a judge] is, according to the law, a crime … In many cases we have seen that unfortunately, some judges have not only applied such recommendations, but have gone further. The principle of the independence of the judiciary system obliges the judge to refuse such a recommendation by an intelligence agent. The procedure that was applied in Tabarzadi’s case is completely illegal.”

Sotoudeh and other human rights lawyers observed that the infiltration and manipulation of the Iranian Judiciary and court system by intelligence agencies and the Revolutionary Guards, while a chronic problem, had become more widespread since the June 2009 presidential elections. “Court officers” representing the police units, the Intelligence Ministry, and other intelligence and security formations influence decisions about sentences, as well as those affecting interrogation methods, visitation rights, bail, and other issues.

Acting as court officers, Iranian Police, the Ministry of Intelligence, and Intelligence Units of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps have always interfered to varying degrees in arrests, interrogations, and trials, and have been known to harass the families of prisoners.

While the Iranian Judiciary’s Prisons Organization has full responsibility under the law for Iran’s prisons and the conditions in which prisoners are kept, in reality the court officers appear to have

33 final say in prisons. For example, ward 209 of Evin prison is under complete control of the Ministry of Intelligence and the Warden of Evin prison does not have influence there. The same is true for wards that are under the control of the IRGC, like Ward 2-A of Evin Prison. The domination and interference of court officers in the Iranian judicial system has placed a burden on the ability to conduct fair trials.

On April 19, 2010, a group of prisoners of conscience at Evin prison wrote an open letter addressed to religious leaders, published on JARAS website, describing the lack of independence of the Judiciary in their cases. The letter stated that in many cases interrogators and Ministry of Intelligence and IRGC agents told prisoners who were blindfolded and handcuffed and sometimes had their feet tied: “The judgment in your case will not come from the judge, as the judges are insignificant.” Many of the suspects were even informed about their sentences through their interrogators before they heard them in court. According to the letter, in most cases the judges “act as representatives of security organizations,” treating the suspects with threats and insults in court. Also, in the cases of a large number of prisoners who have received orders for bail, or reduced bail or guardianship (in lieu of bail), upon influence of security organizations the Judiciary refuses to accept bail or their guardians for their release.

21. Please clarify whether a judge can prevent a lawyer from attending court in national security cases and confirm on what grounds a judge can make such a decision. Please also provide information on the amount of time that lawyers are given for the preparation of a defence, and whether lawyers have been asked by judges to submit written submissions instead?.

[Access to attorney issues are reviewed under discussion issue 19.]

FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND BELIEF (ART.18)

22. Over the past two years, how many Evangelical Christians have been arrested and charged with proselytizing? Please clarify how many Muslims, who converted from Islam, have been arrested since 2005, and provide information on the crimes for which they were accused and the penalties imposed upon them. What is the status of the proposed article 225 of the draft Penal Code, aimed at making the death penalty mandatory for convicted male apostates? Does the State party intend to lift the ban on conducting Christian services in the Farsi language and allow all citizens to attend a religious service of their own choice?

Apostasy under Iranian Law

In the Islamic Penal Code according to which the ruling will be issued, “apostasy” is not a crime. But where the law is silent or ambiguous, according to Article 167 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Judge is able to refer to jurisprudence in order to use the fatwas of leading jurists as the source for the ruling. It seems the death sentences of individuals who converted from Islam to Christianity are based on Article 167 of the Constitution that allows a judge to step out of the legal framework.

34 Currently, there is a draft of a new Islamic Penal Code, which considers apostasy a capital offence. This draft law has sat in Parliament without coming to a vote since 2006, and it seems unlikely to be put to a vote any time soon. However, under this law, if an individual was born a Muslim, or if he converted to Islam after puberty, and then converted to another religion, when he converts and admits to and states the conversion, it is enough to recognize him as an apostate. However, if he repents prior to the final ruling, he will be saved from the death penalty. In the draft of the Islamic Penal Code, and in multiple items of Article 225, which remain unapproved at this time, the subject is thoroughly explained.

Apostasy conviction and death sentence for Christian pastor

On 22 September 2010, the 11th Circuit Criminal Court of Appeals for the Gilan Province upheld the death sentence and conviction of 34-year-old Pastor Youcef Nadarkhani, who became a Christian at age 19, for apostasy. On 12 June 2011, the Supreme Court remanded the case back to the original criminal court for a deeper factual investigation into Nadarkhani’s pre-conversion religious beliefs and practices. The Supreme Court held that if Nadarkhani was an acting Muslim after the age of maturity (15 lunar-years) then the lower court must find him guilty of apostasy and issue a death sentence. However, if Nadarkhani was not a Muslim after reaching the age of maturity, then he has the option to repent and renounce his Christianity. If he repents then he will not be executed and apparently released. However, if he does not repent he will be sentenced to death. Apostasy, the act of renouncing one’s religion, is not a crime under Iran’s Islamic Penal Code. Instead, the presiding judges in Nadarkhani’s cases rested their opinion on texts by Shia religious scholars.

Other Protestant converts have also been charged with apostasy in 2010 and 2011, including Behrooz Sadegh-Khanjani, however in many of these cases the charge was dropped.

Persecution of Protestant Christians

Christians in Iran are subjected to limitations on their freedom of religion and various forms of religious discrimination. This is particularly true of Protestant Christians, most of whom are new converts from Shia Islam or individuals from Shia Muslim families.

Articles 13 and 26 of the Islamic Republic’s Constitution recognize Christianity as a religion, granting Christians the right to freely worship and form religious societies. Article 14 obligates the Iranian government to uphold the equality and human rights of Christians. However, in reality these protections are by-and-large not extended to Protestant groups and coverts.

The Intelligence Ministry closely monitors Protestant congregations. Over the last half decade, intelligence officials routinely summoned or shortly detained members of Protestant groups for interrogations, during which individuals were questioned about their beliefs, church activities, other church members and often urged to return to Islam. Some Protestants report being threated by intelligence officials with arrest and apostasy charges if they did not return to Islam.

This pattern of harassment has resulted in most Protestant Churches operating underground, holding church services and bible studies in private homes called house-churches. House-church groups, if discovered, are often ordered to suspend their various meetings, and told that their meetings were illegal without permits. At least one Church group, the Church of Iran, reports that they tried, unsuccessfully, to obtain a license from the authorities in the northern city of Rasht to become an officially recognized religious organization and be permitted to establish a formal Church in a public building.

35 Over the last two years, authorities have arrested dozens of Protestant Christians charging them with various political and religious crimes. These cases included:

Hamed Pishkar is a Protestant Christian from Rasht and member of the Church of Iran. On numerous occasions Ministry of Intelligence officials in Rasht summoned or detained him for questioning. He was finally arrested in January 2010. On 26 October 2010, the first Branch of the Revolutionary Court for the Gilan province in Rasht sentenced Pishkar to one year in prison on the charge of “propaganda against the Islamic Republic of Iran” through holding gatherings in his home with the purpose of converting Muslims to Christianity. The Judge also recommended in the opinion that the prosecutor should pursue an apostasy charge against Pishkar. Shortly after his sentence, while out on bail awaiting appeal, Pishkar fled to Turkey.

Reza (Davoud) Nejatsabet is a Protestant Christian from Rasht and member of the Church of Iran. On numerous occasions Ministry of Intelligence officials in Rasht summoned or detained him for questioning. On 13 August 2010, the first Branch of the Revolutionary Court for the Gilan province in Rasht sentenced Nejatsabet to a 5-year suspended prison term on the charge of “propaganda against the Islamic Republic of Iran” through holding gatherings with the purpose of converting Muslims to Christianity and by distributing anti-Islamic materials (i.e. CDs and books with Christian content). Shortly after his sentence, while out on bail awaiting appeal, Nejatsabet fled to Turkey.

Authorities detained Behrouz Sadegh-Khanjani, pastor for the Church of Iran in the city of Shiraz, in June 2010 and reportedly held him for approximately 2 months incommunicado in solitary confinement and then transferred him to standard detention. Authorities originally charged him with apostasy but the charge was dropped and as of this writing he still awaits trial on the charge of “blasphemy.” On 5 April 2011, the First Branch of the Revolutionary Court in the southern city of Shiraz sentenced Pastor Sadegh-Khanjani, and five other church members, Parviz Khalaj, Amin Afshar Manesh, Mehdi Forutan, Mohammad Baliad, and Nazli Makarian, with a year in prison for “propaganda against the regime.” Authorities, however, acquitted the Christians on the count of “acting against national security.” Sadegh-Khanjani and his fellow Church members have appealed the court’s decision. Sadegh-Khanjani is currently out on bail. “My brother was arrested in June 2010. Eight members of his congregation including his wife were arrested two days later but were eventually released,” Firouz Sadegh-Khanjani, Behrouz’s brother, told the Campaign. “For several months he was in solitary confinement; we had no word from him and he had no contact with his lawyer. He has been moved to [prison] but we worry about the type of pressure he was under while in solitary confinement.”

FREEDOM OF OPINION AND EXPRESSION (ART. 19)

23. Please provide information on the number of human rights defenders and defence lawyers currently in prison, as well as details of the grounds for their detention and the sentences passed in each case. Please provide information also about the number of persons who have been prosecuted for vaguely formulated crimes such as “Mohareb” (enemy of God) and spreading propaganda against the establishment.

Persecuted and Detained Human Rights Lawyers

36 Nobel Peace Laureate Shirin Ebadi has identified 43 lawyers who have represented prisoners of conscience and have come under government attack due to their advocacy on behalf of their clients and their outspoken promotion of human rights and rule of law in Iran. A list of the 43 individuals is appended as Appendix I.

Of the 43 lawyers, 33 have been subjected to judicial prosecution, and 10 have been subjected to persecution. Of the 33 prosecuted lawyers, 8 are currently in prison, 2 have completed their prison terms, another 21 are awaiting their final sentences, and 1 who was detained and subsequently charges were dropped against him.

The Campaign has identified several lawyers as well as human rights defenders who have been persecuted for their human rights advocacy. Some of these lawyers include:

On 9 January 2011, Nasrin Sotoudeh, defense attorney for several activists and political detainees, received a sentence of 11 years in prison and a 20-year ban on practicing law and traveling outside Iran on charges of “acting against national security” and “propaganda against the regime.” She also received a $50 fine for not adhering to Islamic dress code in a videotaped speech. Sotoudeh, who is the mother of two young children, has gone on hunger strike multiple times to protest her illegal detainment and treatment in prison, and her continuing ill-treatment and denial of basic rights are a major concern.

On 9 May 2011, Branch 54 of the Appeals Court in Tehran sentenced Mohammad Seifzadeh, co- founder of the Defenders of Human Rights Center in Iran who represented numerous post-election detainees, to two years in prison and a ten-year ban on practicing law for “acting against national security” by “establishing the Defenders of Human Rights Center.” Seifzadeh has been in government custody since 11 April 2011.

Mohammad Oliaifar, of the Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners in Iran, served a one- year prison sentence on the charge of “propagating against the regime,” primarily for conducting interviews with international media outlets regarding the case of one of his clients, a juvenile facing execution. He was released in April 2011.

Javid Houtan Kiyan, the court-appointed lawyer for high profile defendant Sakineh Ashtiani, a women sentenced to death by stoning for adultery, was arrested on 10 October 2011. He later received an eleven-year prison sentence on charges of “acting against national security” after he appeared in a seemingly coerced televised confession. In June 2011 the International Bar Association (IBA), of which the Iranian Central Bar Association is a member, urged for the release of Javid Houtan Kiyan.

On July 4, Branch 15 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court sentenced Mohammadali Dadkhah a prominent human rights Lawyer and co-founder of the Defenders of Human Rights Center (DHRC), whose clients included post-election prisoners and Yousef Nadarkhani, to nine years in prison, a ten year ban on teaching in university and practicing law, on charges including “cooperation in the soft overthrow of the regime,” “propaganda against the regime,” “interviews with some media outlets,” “distortion of members of the regime,” “dark portrayal of the state of cultural heritage,” and “compiling the book ‘Writing and Reporting’”, which was published by the DHRC. Dadkhah is out on bail awaiting the appeal.

Khalil Bahramian, a lawyer who has defended post-election protesters and Kurdish political prisoners, received a sentence of 18 months in prison and a ban on practicing law for 10 years on charges of “propaganda against the regime” and “insulting the head of the judiciary.” Bahramian is out on bail awaiting the appeal.

37 On 20 May 2011 Mostafa Daneshjoo, a lawyer whose clients included members of Nematollahi Sufi order in Gonabad, received a 7 months in prison and cancellation of his licence on the charge of “propagating lies and creating public anxiety.” Daneshjoo is currently in prison.

On 20 May 2011 Amir Eslami, a lawyer whose clients included members of Nematollahi Sufi order in Gonabad, received a 6 months in prison and cancellation of his licence on the charge of “propagating lies and creating public anxiety.” Eslami is currently in prison.

Mohammad Mostafaee, a human rights lawyer whose clients included Sakineh Ashtiani, a woman sentenced to death by stoning for adultery, was arrested on 24 July 2010 when he was summoned to appear at Tehran’s Revolutionary Court. Mostafaee fled Iran and currently resides in Norway. He was sentenced in absentia to 6 years of internal exile in prison in the town of Izeh on charges of “acting against national security” by giving interviews to the media.

Lack of Autonomy of the Iranian Bar Association

In July 2009, the International Bar Association expressed concern in a statement that, effectively, “bar associations in Iran are under the control of the Judiciary.” Martin Solc, Co-Chair of the IBA’s Human Rights Institute, said Iran is violating “the United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers by fundamentally disregarding the imperative to have an independent legal profession and by subjecting Iranian lawyers to ultimate control of the Judiciary.”

The Judiciary’s control over the Bar Association is also a violation of Iran’s legal obligation to respect freedom of association guaranteed by article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Persecution of Human Rights Defenders

In addition to imprisoning human rights lawyers, Iranian authorities have also repeatedly targeted non-lawyer human rights defenders and human rights organizations. Some examples are as follows:

Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand, founder of the Human Rights Organization of Kurdistan (HROK), was arrested in June 2007 and is carrying out a 10-year sentence in Evin Prison on charges of “acting against national security by establishing the Human Rights Organization of Kurdistan,” “widespread propaganda against the system by disseminating news,” “opposing Islamic penal laws by publicizing punishments such as stoning and executions,” and “advocating on behalf of political prisoners.”

On 4 September 2010, Shiva Nazar Ahari, a member of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters, was sentenced to six years in prison and 76 lashes on the charge of “moharebeh,” or enmity against God, which her lawyer Mohammad Sharif said was not supported by any evidence in her case file. In January 2011, Branch 36 of Tehran’s Appeals Court reduced the sentence to 4 years and 74 lashes. Currently, Ahari is out on temporary furlough, pending a recall to prison.

On 31 January 2011, Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran sentenced Navid Khanjani, a member of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters, to 12 years in prison and cash fines on charges of “propagating falsehoods,” “creating public anxiety,” “propagating against the regime through publishing news and reports and interviewing with foreign TV and radio outlets,” and “membership in the Committee of Human Rights Reports.” The court also convicted Khanjani for “formation of a group for those banned from education” for his participation in the Council for the Defense of the Right to Education.

38 In December 2008 security officials closed the Defenders of Human Rights Center (DHRC), founded by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi and several other prominent Iranian human rights lawyers, just a few hours before the Center planned to hold a 60th anniversary celebration of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at its Tehran office.

In September 2009, authorities shut down the Association for the Defense of Prisoners’ Rights, which monitors the ill-treatment of detainees in Iran. On 21 September 2010, Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court sentenced Emad Baghi, founder of the Association, to a six-year prison term and five years of “civil deprivation” on charges of “engaging in propaganda against the system” and “colluding against the security of the regime.” The basis for his conviction was an interview he conducted a few years prior with dissident cleric Grand Ayatollah Montazeri. Baghi was released in mid-2011 on parole.

24. Please comment on reports that many newspapers and magazines have been closed by the authorities since 2008, and indicate the number and the grounds upon which they were closed. Please provide information on the number of journalists, newspaper editors, film makers and media workers that have been arrested and detained following the 2009 elections, the grounds for their arrest, and the sentences passed. Please also clarify why journalists have allegedly been subjected to interrogations after returning from abroad.

Authorities consistently target journalists and bloggers who write pieces critical of the government with arrest and other forms of harassment and abuse. (A non-comprehensive list of journalists with notes about their torture and ill-treatment in prison is attached as Appendix II.) In addition to the persecution of journalists, throughout 2009, 2010 and 2011 authorities have banned several independent newspapers, particularly reformist publications. Many journalists working for these publications were also arrested, some sentenced to prison terms and bans from journalistic activities. On 1 March 2010, the Press Supervisory Board shut down Etemaad, a well-known reformist publication, citing violations of Iran’s press law

On 21 December 2009, the Press Board banned Andisheh-No, a reformist daily run by Hojjatollah Hajebi. The publication received several warnings for insufficient reporting of certain political events, and was closed for “questioning general policies of the Islamic Republic,” as well as “a constant effort to deepen differences among people after the presidential election.”

In November 2009, Iran’s Ministry of Culture shut down Sarmayeh, a leading reformist newspaper that covered news about opposition leaders, citing article 6 of the Press Law, which prohibits dishonoring the Islamic Republic and insulting senior clergy

Prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi also shut down the newspaper Etemaad-e Melli, belonging to presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi, in August 2009. Authorities accused Etemaad-e Melli of breaching Iran’s media laws. The Prosecutor’s office told the publishing manager that “the newspaper’s interview with Mr. Karroubi as the head of Etemaad-e Melli party and its interviews with the head of the national Expediency Council [former president Hashemi Rafsanjani] were violations of … the Press Law as a result of which the publication of the newspaper had to be suspended.”

39 On 14 June 2009, Tehran Prosecutor Mortazavi banned Kaleme Sabz, the newspaper licensed to presidential candidate Mir Hossein Moussavi. Despite the ban, Kaleme Sabz continued its publications, and authorities stormed its offices on 22 June 2009, arresting almost all of its reporters and staff.

In September 2011, the reformist weekly Shahrvand-e Emrooz (Today’s Citizen) was banned after it published an image of Ahmadinejad on its front page. The reason for the ban was cited as Article 6 of the Iranian Press Law, which states that “publishing libel against officials, institutions, organizations and individuals in the country or insulting legal or real persons who are lawfully respected, even by means of pictures or caricatures,” is not permitted. It was also previously banned in November 2008 for “its unrealistic portrayal of certain actions of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s cabinet,” and had resumed publication on 2 July 2011.

The Iranian government also engages in broad internet censorship aimed, in part, a blocking websites contains information and opinion critical the government In 2009 and 2010 Iranian authorities blocked dozens of blogs, political websites, and online news outlets. The websites of former president Mohammad Khatami, former prime minister Mir Hossein Moussavi and former speaker of the parliament Mehdi Karroubi have been blocked. Authorities continue to block several independent online news sources, such as Gooya Online and Rooz Online. Moreover, authorities frequently jam satellite broadcasts of Persian language media produced outside of the country, such as BBC Persian.

25. Please provide information on the work of the web-crime unit, established on 17 November 2009, to monitor “internet crimes” and “insults and lies”, its findings and subsequent action taken against those found responsible. How does the State Party ensure that the monitoring of internet use does not violate the rights to freedom of expression and privacy as defined in the Covenant? Please comment on the use, especially since the 2009 elections, of blocking websites that carry political news and analysis, of slowing down internet speeds, and of jamming foreign satellite broadcasts. [Not addressed in this review. The issue of blocking websites is discussed above.] 26. Please indicate what measures the State party is taking to investigate and prosecute those who engage in incitement to discrimination and hostility against the Baha’i faith and its adherents, in the media, in public sermons, exhibitions and other events, in published books, and in printed material distributed in public places, including in schools. Please also explain how the authorities’ call in February 2011 for a rally to express hatred against the opposition movement is in line with the provisions of article 20 of the Covenant.

[This issue is not addressed in this review. Please see Issue 34 for further information on persecution of Baha’is.]

FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION (ART. 21, 22)

27. Please comment on the alleged use of force by security forces to break up workers’ public protests. Have workers who have subsequently suffered injuries been

40 offered compensation, and have officials responsible for such excessive use of force been held responsible?

In 2005, during an attack on a workers meeting, Mansour Osanloo, a leading trade union activist, suffered serious injuries including knife wounds. Osanloo had stitches in his neck and tongue as a result. In January 2006, security forces arrested nearly 1000 members of the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, attacked some of their homes, beat their families, and even detained the wives and children of the leading members, to prevent a planned strike. Since then, most members of the Syndicate’s central council have been targets of prosecution and imprisonment. The Syndicate’s leader, Osanloo, is currently serving a five- year sentence, while he suffers from eye injuries due to earlier beatings, and is in danger of going blind. Fifty-four members of the Syndicate have been fired from their jobs and were prosecuted in courts for their peaceful activities.

Another manifestation of the workers movement is secondary and primary school teachers’ attempts to organize and collectively bargain. In March 2007, thousands of teachers held several protests in front of the Parliament, demanding attention to their grievances, including prevalent discrimination against them as compared to other state employees and low wages forcing them below the poverty line. In response to this attempt to gain the attention of members of parliament, security forces violently attacked them. Since then, the leading organizers have been prosecuted in unfair trials and sentenced to as long as five years in prison. The government has harshly punished many of teachers involved by firing them, forcing them into early retirement, cutting wages, or suspending them. Teachers actively organizing independent associations have been exiled from their hometowns.

The teachers’ only independent publication, Ghalam-e Moalem [Teacher’s Pen], was attacked and ransacked by security agents, and its reporters and managing editor were put on trial. The Interior Ministry declared all teachers associations illegal and is actively preventing their meetings from being held.

There are many other instances of official prosecution and persecution of labor activists. Mahmoud Salehi, a bakery worker from the city of Saqez, is in prison because of his persistent attempts to celebrate May 1st, Worker’s Day. The court prosecuted him for “acting against national security.” He suffers from serious medical complications and his life is in grave danger. Intelligence agents also have summoned and temporarily detained Reza Dehghan, a founding member of the Painters Syndicate, and an advocate for construction workers. In the fall of 2007, Majid Hamidi, a well-known workers rights activist, suffered serious injuries to his spinal cord, following an assassination attempt by unknown gunmen. Eleven workers in Sanandaj were flogged in February 2008 for participating in a peaceful gathering on May 1st.

Workers public protests are routinely met with violent repression by security forces. A notable example is the plight of the workers of Rasht Electric, the largest manufacturer of electrical and electronics products in the Middle East. For over three years, the workers at Rasht Electric have been seeking respect for their basic rights through peaceful gatherings and protests, to no avail. Other large-scale workers protests include those at Haft Tapeh Complex in Ahvaz, and the textile workers in Kurdistan. In all these cases, security forces have violently broken up workers’ gatherings.

A number of Iranian teachers are imprisoned for their labor, human rights, and political activism, including Rasol Bodaghi, Hashem Khastar, Abdollah Momeni, Alireza Ghanbari and Mohammad Davari. Two of them, Farzad Kamangar and Alireza Ghanbari have been sentenced to death.

41 The groups also called for an end to the death penalty, the reform of laws discriminating against women, and the release of imprisoned labor activists including Ebrahim Madadi, Ali Nejati, and Mansour Osanloo.

28. Please provide information on the number of women’s rights activists that have been arrested and detained since 2005, in particular volunteers and members of the One Million Signatures Campaign.

Authorities have continuously targeted Iranian women’s rights activists, including those who work with the One Million Signatures Campaign, including subjecting them to arrests and detention.

As recently as May 2011, authorities detained two women’s rights activists and members of the One Million Signatures Campaign, Maryam Bahreman and Mahboubeh Karami. Bahreman is being held on charges of “acting against national security.” Karami has begun to serve a three-year prison term for charges including “membership in the [organization] Human Rights Activists in Iran,” “propagating against the regime,” and “assembly and collusion with the intent to commit crimes against national security.” Karami’s severe depression puts her health at risk in prison.

Bahreman, a journalist, blogger and women’s rights activist, was detained at her home in Shiraz on 11 May on an arrest warrant reportedly issued by the Revolutionary Court of Shiraz. Security agents arrived early in the morning, searching Bahreman’s home, and confiscating some of her personal belongings. According to the One Million Signatures Campaign, on 4 and 5 July 2011, officials from the Prosecutor’s office in Shiraz interrogated Bahreman and asserted her crimes included “acting against national security,” “propaganda against the regime,” “dissemination of false information,” “participating in protests,” and “insulting the Supreme Leader.” After the session, a bail order was issued to facilitate her release, but as of 27 July 2011 Bahreman remained in prison.

Bahreman was a founder of the Association of Women of Pars (Anjomane Zanane Pars), established in 2003, and served as its executive secretary. She contributed to the Coalition of the Women’s Movement to Set Forth Demands in the Election, which raised women’s rights issues in the context of the 2009 presidential election.

Karami began her three-year prison term on 15 May after responding to a summons requiring her to report to Evin Prison in Tehran. She had originally been arrested on 1 March 2009 and spent 170 days in prison before being released on bail of $500,000. Karami was tried at Branch 24 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court, with Judge Pirabasi presiding, and sentenced to four years in prison. In February 2011, an appeals court reduced her sentence to three years. Karami has reported suffering from severe depression.

The Campaign has received a list from women’s rights activists in Iran of female political prisoners. The list includes a number of members of the One Million Signatures Campaign who have been prosecuted, convicted and jailed for their legal and peaceful efforts to change discriminatory laws against women. (Full list is attached as Appendix X).

29. Please clarify why in about two and a half years prior to the 2009 presidential elections, some 200 students have been detained and at least 160 students have been suspended or were expelled from universities. Please report on the number of students that have been arrested and detained during and after the 2009 presidential elections.

42

The student movement, comprised of several organizations of individuals, has for several decades been one of the most vocal and visible forces for social change in Iran. The student movement and student activists often call for democratic reforms, and also advocate for the rights of students on campus. Well beyond graduation, many student activists stay part of in the student movement through alumni and other associations.

Persecution of student activists in the two years prior to the June 2009 election From early 2007 until the end of 2008, authorities detained at least 200 students and suspended at least 160 students from continuing their university education. (Full list compiled by the Campaign appended as Appendix IX)

Three student editors at Amir Kabir University, Majid Tavakoli, Ehsan Mansouri, and Ahmad Ghasaban, were detained in May 2007 after the appearance of copies of allegedly falsified publications in their names, which insulted the authorities. They immediately disavowed any involvement in the publication of the controversial papers. Nonetheless, they were detained and held in Evin prison, even though they were acquitted in court.

In November 2008, security forces were reportedly searching for Majid Tavakoli to detain him. Eyewitnesses reported that four individuals broke into Tavakoli’s home and searched it. Tavakoli was arrested after the elections and as of this writing remains in prison.

Since their release, they have been barred from registration to continue their studies. According to published reports by the above three students and their families, they were subjected to repeated physical torture and psychological abuse. They reported extensive physical beatings including the use of whips and chairs to inflict pain; blows to the face, head, and back; being lifted off the ground by pulling hair; as well as lengthy interrogations lasting as long as 48 continuous hours.

On 26 November 2008, Mehdi Arabshahi, secretary of the Office to Foster Unity (Advar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat), a prominent student organization, reported threats against his organization being circulated in official and semi-official publications and websites. According to these threats, the Office to Foster Unity was being accused of connections to terrorist groups abroad. Arabshahi strongly denied these accusations and announced that despite such intimidation tactics, the organization moved ahead with plans to celebrate National Student Day.

The detention of student activists accelerated on National Student Day, celebrated 1 December 2007, a wave that lasted the next 45 days. As many as 65 students were detained and reportedly subjected to torture and ill-treatment. Eventually they were released after posting heavy bails. Even after their release, the former detainees were subjected to threats, intimidation, and continued interrogations. Many were suspended from further studies.

Mohammad Saleh Ayoman is one of the student activists who was detained. A political science major at Tehran University, Ayoman and three other Kurdish students were detained on the street after they left a public lecture in honor of National Student Day at Tehran University on 8 December 2007. He was held in detention for 92 days at Evin prison and subsequently released on $80,000 bail (80 million toman). His trial was held behind closed doors in October 2008. Branch 28 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court sentenced him to four years in prison. He was also expelled from the University. The charges filed against him explicitly included participation in gatherings to honor National Student Day, acting against national security and gathering and collusion to disturb national security.

43 In one case, a student detainee died nine days after detention. On 6 January 2008, intelligence agents detained Ebrahim Lotfollahi, a student studying law at Payam Noor University in Sanandaj. His family was informed of his death without having the right to see his body. The authorities reportedly prevented an autopsy and buried him without the presence of his family.

Yaser Goli was sentenced to 15 years in prison and Habibollah Latifi was sentenced to execution. The students, both Kurdish were reportedly prosecuted in unfair trials and charged with having connections to armed groups. Both continue to languish in prison and their sentences have been upheld.

Persecution of student activists after the June 2009 election

Numerous students have been detained since the June 2009 election.

Two prominent student activists received lengthy prison sentences in the court of Judge Moghisseh. They were arrested in late 2009. Bahareh Hedayat was sentenced to nine and a half years on charges including “propagating against the system” and acting against national security, while Milad Asadi was sentenced to seven years in prison for acting against national security and insulting the Supreme Leader. The lawyers representing the two student leaders were not allowed to defend their clients in court. Milad Asadi was recently released at the end of August 2011, in a “pardon” granted to him and other political prisoners by the Supreme Leader.

Majid Tavakoli was prosecuted and sentenced on 5 February 2010 to eight years and six months in prison by Judge Salavati at Branch 15 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court. He was charged with insulting regime officials, acting against national security and propaganda against the state.

Detention and torture of alumni leaders of the student movement after the June 2009 election

Five leaders of the student alumni group Advar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat have been arrested since the June 2009 election.

The five imprisoned leaders of the group, one of the most respected civil society organizations in Iran, include Ahmad Zeidabadi, Abdollah Momeni, and Ali Malihi, as well as Ali Jamali and Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi. The arrests of the latter two leaders were seen as an effort to disable Advar in order to quell student activities at the start of the academic year.

Advar’s spokesperson, Abdollah Momeni, was arrested on 21 June 2009, and is serving a prison sentence of four years and eleven months. Central Council of Advar Tahkim Vahdat member Ali Malihi was arrested on 2 February 2010 and deprived of access to his lawyer for several months. Malihi was sentenced to four years in prison on charges of “congregation and collusion against the regime,” “propagation against the regime,” “participation in illegal gatherings,” “publication of falsehoods,” and “insulting the president,” a sentence upheld by an appeals court. According to his family, he has been severely tortured. He was released at the end of August 2011.

The arrests in August 2010, part of an attempt to of other active members of the group’s Central Council are an attempt to put an end to the organization’s activities before the start of the academic year, and part of a more general policy to disenfranchise civil society organizations.

Ali Jamali was arrested on 22 August, after having been threatened and summoned by security officials, and is reportedly in solitary confinement. Charges against him pertain to statements and position papers published by Advar.

Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi was also arrested on 22 August when his home was stormed by security

44 forces, and has been charged with “congregation and collusion against the regime,” “creating public anxiety,” and “propagating against the regime.” He is confined in Ward 240 of Evin prison.

FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT, MARRIAGE, FAMILY AND MEASURES FOR THE PROTECTION OF MINORS (ART. 7, 12, 23 AND 24)

30. Please provide information as to whether the legal age of marriage for girls and boys will be both set at an equally higher age. Please provide information on measures taken to prevent and combat forced, early and temporary marriages.

Article 1041 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that in order to legally marry, females must be 13 years of age and males must be 15 years of age. If they are younger, marriage is contingent on the approval of their guardians (vali). The Iranian Civil Code was amended in July 2002 by majma’e tashkhis-e maslahat-e nezam i.e. the Expediency Council, increasing the female legal marriage age to 13.

Article 1043 of the Iranian Civil Code stipulates that males older than 15 may freely choose their wives, whereas females older than 18, are allowed to choose their spouses so long as the female is not a virgin. The legality of their marriage is also contingent on their father’s or the paternal grandfather’s approval or the court’s approval.

To the best of the Campaign’s knowledge, the Iranian government has not taken any measures to prevent and combat forced, early and temporary marriages.

RIGHT TO TAKE PART IN THE CONDUCT OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS (ART. 25)

31. Please clarify how the qualifications for registration in election campaigns (in particular article 28, sections 1 and 3, of the Majlis Elections Act), as well as the right of the Guardian Council to reject parliamentary candidates (as per article 3 of the Amendment to the Majlis Elections Act of 1995) are in conformity with the rights guaranteed in article 25 of the Covenant.

[This issue is not addressed in this review.]

32. Please clarify why, regarding the 10th presidential election in 2009, only 4 candidates were approved out of more than 450 prospective candidates. Please clarify why international observers were not allowed entry to monitor the election results. Please also comment on reported censorship and surveillance during the election campaign (including the blocking of cell phone signals and access to social networking and opposition websites), as well as the harassment and arbitrary arrest of political activists, members of the country's religious and ethnic minority communities, students, trade unionists, and women's rights activists during the pre- election period. Please comment on the approval of the election results by Ayatollah

45 Khamenei, before certification by the Guardian Council, and clarify why two provinces showed a turnout of more than 100 percent.

[This issue is not addressed in this review.]

RIGHTS OF PERSONS BELONGING TO MINORITIES (ART. 27)

33. Please provide information on particular restrictions or conditions placed on the enjoyment of cultural, linguistic and religious freedoms of minorities in the State party, such as the Kurds, Arabs, Azeris, and Baluch, including the use of minority languages in schools, publication of journals and newspapers in minority languages. Please also indicate the number of ethnic minority activists that have been accused of terrorism, acting against national security, or treason, since 2005, and the sentences pronounced in those cases.

Ethnic minorities in Iran face various forms of persecution and discrimination.

In July 2011, authorities arrested eight Kurdish literary and cultural figures in Gilan-e Gharb city in Kermanshah Province. Four of these figures, Maryam Amini, Naeem Najafi, Jamal Khani and Sina Bijanpour were released on $50,000 bail in early September 2011, all charged with “propaganda against the regime” after spending a month in solitary confinement in Kermanshah Intelligence Office Detention Center. In early September 2011, the detentions of the other four detainees, Sajjad Jahanfar, Ezzedin Heydari, Farhad Vakilinia and Maziar Mohammadi, were extended for another month. As of this writing they remain in detention.

On 15 April 2011, the ethnic Arab population of Ahwaz and surrounding towns gathered to commemorate the 2005 protests during which several protesters were killed and many others arrested. During this year’s protests, between 20 and 48 people were reportedly killed by security forces, and many injured and hundreds reported arrested. On 16 May 2011, the Campaign spoke with Yousef Azizi Banitorof, Secretary of the Center for Combating Racism and Discrimination Against Arabs in Iran, who reported the execution of 9 ethnic Arabs in Ahwaz, 3 of whom were brothers who were publicly hanged. According to Banitorof, the three individuals, who were all from Ahwaz, “were active in the protests and gathered people to participate in the demonstrations … and now the Islamic Republic has publicly executed them to intimidate the others.” The three bothers “were charged with ‘armed attack on the police at an inspection stop in Ahwaz,’ … the suspects did not have lawyers … the trial was held in a closed court session, behind closed doors.” In an October 2010 report, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) detailed instances of persecution against ethnic Azeris. One such example was in June 2010, when the appeals court of Azerbaijan in Iran sentenced Alireza Farshi and his wife Sima Didar to six months in prison for participating in a demonstration in May 2009 in the People’s Lake Park of Tabriz, where “Education in Turkish” was one of the slogans.

34. Please provide information on steps taken to protect members of the Baha’i community against arbitrary detention, false imprisonment, confiscation and destruction of property, denial of employment and Government benefits and denial of access to higher education.

46 Members of the Baha’i Faith face various forms of discrimination and persecution. For example, members of the Baha’i faith do not receive coverage under Iran’s social security and pension system. Baha’i cemeteries are also regularly attacked and demolished including demolitions in Mashad in June 2010 and Damavand in April 2010.

In the last decade, hundreds of Baha’is have been arrested and arbitrarily detained, charged with various crimes and sentenced to lengthy prison terms. In August 2010, authorities sentenced seven Baha’i leaders to ten years in prison each, on baseless espionage charges. Reportedly, attorneys for the seven Baha‘is, including Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi, have had extremely limited access to their clients and court proceedings.

On 21 May 2011, according to the Baha’i International Community (BIC), Iranian authorities arrested at least 30 Baha’is in a series of coordinated raids in Tehran, Karaj, Isfahan, and Shiraz, targeting a community initiative to provide higher education, through the correspondence university the Baha’i Institute for Higher Education, to Baha’i students barred from university admission.

Restriction on the right to education for Baha’is

In its December 2010 report Punishing Stars: Systematic Discrimination and Exclusion in Iranian Higher Education, the Campaign documented the Iranian government’s systematic discrimination against hundreds of Baha’i students, alongside student activists, in higher education admissions and enrollment. Under Iran’s Moral Selection Regulations for University Entrance Applicants, students who enter university are required to profess belief in “Islam or other recognized religions (i.e. Christianity, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism).” The Ministry of Education’s admissions committee must therefore effectively bar all Baha’i applicants. Baha’is who are admitted are routinely expelled by university administrations once their faith becomes known.

But Iranian officials have denied that they partake in religious discrimination in the university admissions process. “Limitations against some of these Baha’i university students have nothing to do with their religious beliefs. This limitation is because they have failed to meet the entrance requirements to the university and the fact that they have been members of an illegal cult with anti- human rights activities,” said Seyed Ali Raeis Sadati, Iran’s deputy Minister of Justice, during Iran’s Universal Periodic Review at the United Nations Human Rights Council in February 2010.

Moreover, authorities have also targeted independent Baha’i education institutions.

47

48 APPENDICES

Appendix I: List of Prosecuted and Persecuted Lawyers

Lawyer Activities Date/Place of Arrest Length of Charges Sentence Current Status Detention

1. Faramarz Lawyer and graduate June 2009 Since his Security Crimes, accused 28 months in prison In prison Abdollahnejad student of law Tehran arrest in of participation in post- June 2009 election protests

2. Ardeshir Lawyer and legal advisor 3 Dec. 2009 N/A Security Crimes Pending Fled Iran and Amirarjomand to opposition leader Mir Tehran now resides in Hossein Mousavi Paris

3. Shahrangiz Lawyer 16 Dec. 2010 Around 2 Security Crimes Pending Released on Abootalebi Tehran months bail Kohne Shahri

4. Khalil Lawyer, clients included N/A N/A “Propaganda against the 18 months in prison Released on Abrahamian Kurdish political regime” and “insulting the and banned from bail, awaiting prisoners and post- head of the judiciary” practicing law for 10 appeal election protesters years

5. Mohammad Lawyer, clients included 8 July 2009 3 months “Attempting to overthrow 9 years in prison, 10 Released on Ali many political prisoners In his Tehran office the ruling Islamic system” year ban on working bail, awaiting Dadkhah and Protestant Christians as an attorney or appeal academic activity, and a $300 fine for possessing a satellite TV receiver Lawyer Activities Date/Place of Arrest Length of Charges Sentence Current Detention Status

6. Mostafa Lawyer, clients included 20 May 2011 Since his “Propagating lies and 7 months in prison and In Prison (in Daneshjoo members of Nematollahi arrest in creating public anxiety” cancellation of his Sary city) Sufi order in Gonabad May 2011 license

7. Amir Eslami Lawyer, clients included 20 May 2011 N/A “Propagating lies and 6 months in prison and Released on members of Nematollahi creating public anxiety” cancellation of his bail, awaiting Sufi order in Gonabad license appeal

8. Maedeh Lawyer and wife of Ali 3 March 2011 Nearly 2 Security Crimes Pending Released on Ghaderi Parandian, an active Mashhad months bail awaiting member of Green trial Movement

49

9. Maryam Lawyer and women’s 8 Feb. 2010 21 days Security Crimes 6 months suspended Released on Ghanbari rights activist who 3 AM at her home in prison sentence and bail conducted interview with Tehran ban on practicing law Rooz about post- protesters

10. Roza Lawyer, women’s rights 13 Nov. 2010 arrested at 6 days Security Crimes Pending Released on Gharachoorloo activist, and member of Tehran’s Imam Khomeini bail, awaiting “Human Rights Airport upon returning from trial Commission of Central a law seminar in Turkey Bar Association” Lawyer Activities Date/Place of Arrest Length of Charges Sentence Current Detention Status

11. Maryam Lawyer, clients included 13 Nov. 2010 arrested at Nearly 1 “Committing security Pending Released on Kianersi woman sentenced to Tehran’s Imam Khomeini month crimes” and bail, awaiting death by stoning; signed Airport upon returning from “Actions committed trial a letter demanding the a law seminar in Turkey abroad which are release Nasrin Sotoudeh inconsistent with the values of Islamic Republic of Iran”

12. Maryam Lawyer, signed a letter 13 Nov. 2010 arrested at 3 days “Committing security Pending Released on Karbasi demanding the release Tehran’s Imam Khomeini crimes” and bail awaiting Nasrin Sotoudeh Airport upon returning from “Actions committed trial a law seminar in Turkey abroad which are inconsistent with the values of Islamic Republic of Iran” 13. Arash Lawyer and member of 9 Jan. 2011 3 days Security Crimes Pending Released on Keykhosravi Pan-Iranian Party bail awaiting trial

14. Javid Lawyer, clients included 10 Oct. 2010 Since his “Acting against national 11 years in prison In prison Houtan Kiyan Sakineh Ashtiani, a Tabriz arrest on security” woman sentenced to October death by stoning for 2010 adultery

15. Foroogh Lawyer, clients included 2 Jan. 2010 35 days Security Crimes Pending Released on Mirzaei political prisoners and Tehran bail student activists

Lawyer Activities Date/Place of Arrest Length of Charges Sentence Current Detention Status

16. Lawyer, clients included 21 July 2010 arrested N/A “Actions against national Six years internal exile He has fled Mohammad juveniles sentenced to when summoned report to security by giving in prison in the town of Iran and now Mostafaei death and Sakineh at appear the interviews“ Izeh resides in Ashtiani, a woman Revolutionary Court in Norway sentenced to death by Tehran stoning for adultery

50 17. Mehdi Lawyer and member of 22 April 2009 Karaj 45 days “Acting against national 5 years in prison Released on Motamedimeh political association security” bail r Nehzat-e Azadi; published a communiqué in May 2009 to the Committee for Free Elections, asking for international electoral monitoring 18. Hasan Lawyer 16 Dec. 2010 Since his “Acting against national 2 years in prison In prison Sarchahi Tehran Dec. 2010 security” arrest

19. Sara Lawyer and Members of 13 Nov. 2010 arrested at Nearly 1 “Committing security Pending Released on Sabaghian Women’s and Children’s Tehran’s Imam Khomeini month crimes” and “Actions bail Rights Committee, of Iran Airport upon returning from committed abroad which Bar Association; clients a law seminar in Turkey are inconsistent with the included activist blogger values of Islamic Hossein Ronaghi Maleki Republic of Iran” and Sakineh Ashtiani, a woman sentenced to death by stoning for adultery; signed a letter demanding the release Nasrin Sotoudeh

20. Mostafa Lawyer 10 July 2009 Nearly 1 “Propaganda against the 5 years in prison Released on Shabani Tehran month regime” and “Possession bail awaiting of weapons” appeal Lawyer Activities Date/Place of Arrest Length of Charges Sentence Current Detention Status

21. Ghasem Lawyer and former 4 April 2011 N/A “Propaganda against the 1 year in prison and In prison Sholeh Sadi opposition member of Tehran at Mehrabad regime” Banned from working Parliament, open public Airport as an attorney or critic of the regime, wrote pursuing any public letter in 2002 academic activity for insulting the Supreme 10 years Leader 22. Lawyer and co-founder of May 12, 2011 “propaganda against the 2 years in prison and In Prison Mohammad Defenders of Human Oromieh In prison state” because of barring from practicing Saifzadeh Rights Center since his interviews with foreign law arrest press, “actions against national security” because of co-founding DHRC

51 23. Shadi Sadr Women’s rights activist, June 17, 2009 17 days “Acting against national Sentenced to six years Released on lawyer and journalist, security and harming of imprisonment and bail and represented Shiva Nazar public order” 74 lashes managed to Ahari, represented come out from women sentenced to Iran and now stoning she is in the UK 24. Nasrin Lawyer, clients included 4 September, 2010 She is in 11 years in prison, “propaganda against In prison Sotoudeh political activists such as prison barring from practicing the regime,” “acting Arash Rahmanipour and since her law and from leaving the against national Mohammad Reza Ali arrest on country for 20 years security,” failing to Zamani, who were Sep. 2010 wear Islamic head executed after the covering in a film, and elections, as well as membership in the juveniles facing the death Defenders of Human penalty and Shirin Ebadi; Rights Center spoke to the media about her cases

25. Abdolfatah Lawyer and co-founder of June 16, 2009 72 days “propaganda against the Acquitted Released Soltani Defenders of Human regime” and “actions Rights Center, clients against national security” included prominent political dissident Akbar Ganji and Iranian- American scholar Haleh Esfandiari Lawyer Activities Date/Place of Arrest Length of Charges Sentence Current Detention Status

26. Fatemeh Lawyer and post- May 20, 2011 3 days Security crimes Pending Released on Tamimi graduate student, writing bail thesis about Iranian politics under Ardeshir Amir Arjomand 27. Laywer and member of May 1, 2010 1 year “propaganda against the One year in prison Released after Mohamamd the Committee for the regime” by giving completing his Oliaifar Defense of Political interviews one year Prisoners, clients sentence included political prisoners; conducted interviews with the media about one of his clients, a juvenile facing execution 28. Farshid Lawyer and member of May 20, 2011 N/A “Propagating lies and 6 months in prison- Released on Yadollahi the Human Rights creating public anxiety” cancellation of his bail Lawyers Commission, licence clients included members of Nematollahi Sufi order in Gonabad, arrested shortly after the Chief Director of Intelligence in

52 Kish Island wrote a public letter accusing Yadollahi of releasing information about Sufis 29. Hassan Lawyer and political February 2011 N/A “propaganda against the One year in Prison- In Prison Yonesi activist, son of former regime” and assembly $6,000 fine and a five- Minister of Intelligence and collusion to commit year ban on practising during President crime”, for writing an law Khatami’s administration article criticizing the government called “Real Islamic Republic vs. Sham Islamic Republic” 30. Kambiz Lawyer, president of June 2009 N/A “propaganda against the One year suspended Released on Noruzi Iranian Journalists Union, regime” imprisonment and 74 bail co-founder of Journalist’s lashes Union Lawyer Activities Date/Place of Arrest Length of Charges Sentence Current Detention Status

31.Vahidahma Lawyer, university February 2009 More than “propaganda against the 3 years suspended Released on d Fakhredin professor and human 40 days regime” imprisonment bail rights activist

32, Bagher Lawyer, clients included February 2009 N/A There were no charges N/A N/A Farhadi members of Mir Hossein Mousavi's campaign who had been detained after the 2009 presidential election; chief director of Mousavi's campaign in Fars Province; member of the Lawyers Association of Fars & Kohgilouyeh 33. Lawyer and member of 12 September 2010 N/A “actions against national 2 years imprisonment, Released after Mohammadre Mir Hossein Mousavi’s security” 1 of which was serving one za Razaghi Campaign suspended year imprisonment

Total: 33

It is important to note that all lawyers were investigated by the Revolutionary Court.

It should be noted that the lawyers mentioned below and their families were prosecuted after 2009 disputed presidential election:

1- Dr. Shirin Ebadi Under the pretext of taxing her Nobel Prize, the Iranian government seized the entire assets of Mrs Ebadi and sold them in an auction for a third of their value. The Iranian authorities also froze all her bank accounts and even confiscated her safety deposit box, which was registered in the bank under the name of her spouse, Mr Javad Tavassolian. In addition to Mrs Ebadi's various awards and her family documents, the deposit box also held a few gold pieces belonging to their eldest daughter

53 Negar. They continue to be in the possession of the authorities, who refuse to give them back. Mrs Ebadi's husband, Javad Tavassolian, and her sister Nooshin Ebadi, were both arrested and imprisoned for almost a month. They are currently free on bail. While in detention, Mrs Ebadi's husband was forced to speak against her on state television, describing her as a spy for the United States and the West. The footage was broadcast on Iranian TV for two consecutive nights at 2030 local time. Mrs Ebadi's husband and sister have both been banned from leaving the country. Neither of them has ever been politically active; they were merely arrested in connection with Mrs Ebadi's activities. Mrs Ebadi's brother, Ja'far Ebadi, who is an economics professor, has also been frequently summoned by the Intelligence Ministry and asked to explain Mrs Ebadi's activities. Her brother was also asked to advise Mrs Ebadi to give up her activities to protect her family's safety. Dr. Ebadi was summoned to the revolutionary court on December 28, 2010. She did not attend the court due to the fact that she is not living in Iran.

2. Mr Mostafaee’s wife was in prison for a week because the authorities had not managed to arrest him. She was then released and left the country for Norway. Also the wife of Mr Soltani, who is a retired teacher and whose maiden name is Ms Masumeh Dehghan, was imprisoned for three days. According to Mr Soltani, his wife was imprisoned in order to pressurize him into giving up his activities.

3- Dr. Hadi Esmaeil Zadeh was dismissed from the University because of his involvement in human rights activities, and his membership in the Center for Defenders of Human Rights.

4- Mr. Mohammad Sharif was dismissed from University on April 5, 2011.

5- Ms. Mahnaz Parakand was summoned to court. She has escaped from Iran and now she is in Norway.

6- Mr. Hoshang Poorbabaei was investigated several times by the security forces.

7- Ms. Bahareh Davalo and Mr. Amir Raeisian were arrested for several hours.

8- Ms. Nassim Ghanavi was investigated on January 15, 2011 by the revolutionary court and security forces.

9- Ms. Manijeh Mohammadi was integrated by security forces on July 27, 2009.

10- Ms. Shohreh Esfandyarpoor was summoned to court.

54 Appendix II: List of Persecuted Journalists

The following list presents detailed instances of the persecution of journalists collected by the Campaign

Kouhyar Goudarzi (M):

Kouhyar Goudarzi, a human rights activist, banned student, blogger and member of Committee of Human Rights Reporters, was arrested and transferred to an unknown location on 31 July 2011 by unidentified forces. Goudarzi was arrested along with his mother, Parvin Mokhtare, who is currently detained inside Kerman Prison. A relative of his who spoke with the Campaign provided details of his arrest: “Kouhyar was a guest at a friend’s home when he, his host, and another guest were arrested. Unofficial sources told us that Intelligence Ministry forces arrested Kouhyar and the other two individuals with him. However, judicial and security authorities have so far maintained silence about this and we remain in a complete information blackout. We do not know which individuals carried out the arrests and with what intentions. Some of the neighbors of the home in which Kouhyar was arrested have said that plainclothes individuals entered the home by force and without showing a warrant, taking the three with them after a while … Also, some unofficial sources told us that Kouhyar is in solitary confinement inside Evin Prison’s Ward 240 in Tehran. Considering there are no judicial orders for his arrest inside the human rights activist’s case file at the Tehran Prosecutor’s Office, there is persistent concern about his detention location and his health. We consider him abducted and vanished.” As of this writing, authorities have not confirmed Goudarzi’s location.

Hossein Ronaghi Maleki (M):

Hossein Ronaghi Maleki. a blogger, arrested on 13 December 2009, and spent a year in solitary confinement in Evin Prison. He was sentenced to 15 years in prison, which was upheld by an appeals court. In mid-August 2011, Ronaghi Maleki was beaten in prison by IRGC security forces after writing a letter to Tehran’s Prosecutor detailing his condition in Evin Prison. Ronaghi is currently suffering from severely damaged kidneys and is in need of serious medical attention. On 14 August, Ronaghi wrote a letter to Tehran Prosecutor Jafari Dowlatabadi detailing the problems inside Ward 350 of Evin Prison and his urgent need for treatment outside prison. Ronaghi’s family heard from his cellmates that yesterday, after his weekly prison visit, a prison guard brutally beat him. Ronaghi’s letter indicates that the Tehran Prosecutor was directly involved in the refusal to grant medical furlough for his treatment, as the Medical Examiner had authorized his leave several months earlier.

Ronaghi’s letter was published recently on JARAS website: “Mr. Dowlatabadi, as you recall, I told you about my dire physical condition, caused by two kidney surgeries, gallbladder stones, heart angina, and broken teeth, gifts from my interrogators. As you recall, I said that I did not have access to proper nutrition and medicine, specialist clinics, and a peaceful environment for resting. What did you say in response? You only said that due to the IRGC’s disapproval, you cannot send me on furlough. As you recall, during our previous visits, you had said that ‘if the Medical Examiner agrees with your furlough, we’ll send you on [medical] leave.’ Later, I researched about what you had said and found out that the Medical Examiner had agreed to my furlough and had sent you his agreement three months before the day you made those statements [to me.]” Describing her son’s condition, Zoleikha Mousavi said, “They called us from prison today and told us that after our visit with my son yesterday, an IRGC Intelligence Unit official him up, to the point where he passed out and remained unconscious like that for several hours, until they transferred him to Taleghani Hospital. When he regained consciousness, he was immediately transferred back to prison."

Issa Saharkhiz (M):

55

Issa Saharkhiz, a political activist and journalist who was former head of the National Press Department of Iran’s Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance during the Khatami era, was arrested in the aftermath of the June 2009 presidential election. Judge Salavati sentenced him to three years in prison at Branch 15 of Tehran Revolutionary Court on charges of “insulting the Supreme Leader” and “propagating against the regime.” He is currently at Rajaee Shahr Prison in Karaj. On 5 August, he was sentenced to an additional two years in prison for his former journalistic activities. During his two years in prison, Issa Saharkhiz has not been allowed one day of furlough.

Mehdi Saharkhiz, son of Issa Saharkhiz, told the Campaign that his father has been sentenced to an additional two years in prison. “The new ruling against him is like the other ones. It displays the personal animosity of Mr. Khamenei against my father for his criticisms of Khamenei. Now they are trying to abuse him in whatever way they can and keep him in prison longer,” said Saharkhiz.

His son also “Mr. Saharkhiz is very weak; he has blood pressure problems, his ear drum has been torn, he suffers from backache, and he was even using a wheelchair for a while. He needs to be under the care of a specialist, but he is not allowed. During my father’s first days in prison, he was given something like a letter of repentance to sign. He was told that if he signed the letter, they would provide him with suitable and comfortable conditions, but my father told them that he believed in the things he had said and that he was not going to sign a letter of repentance. For this reason, they have kept him under very bad conditions inside prison and they never responded to his requests for furlough.”

Hamzeh Karami (M):

On May 8, 2010, Branch 36 of Tehran Appeals Court upheld a lower court's sentence of eleven years in prison for Hamzeh Karami on charges of "propagating against the regime" (one year), and "embezzlement" (10 years.) Hamzeh Karami, a former commander in the Revolutionary Guard and chief editor of reformist website, Jomhouriyat, published an open letter to the Iranian Prosecutor General alleging that after his detention in June 2009, interrogators tortured him to coerce a confession of illicit sexual relations with relatives of prominent opposition leaders. Karami said, “They put my head in a dirty toilet 20 times to make me give a false confession. When I screamed ‘Ya Allah’ [by God] they said, ‘We are your God today and will do to you whatever we want.’” Karami, who is currently serving his prison term, wrote in a letter addressed to Ali Khamenei, Iran's Supreme Leader, in August 2010, stating that his confessions against himself had been extracted under torture. He also wrote a letter to the Prosecutor General, demanding a non-political re-trial.

Keyvan Samimi (M):

Keyvan Samimi, the manager of the now-defunct monthly magazine Nama, was arrested on June 14 in Tehran, according to Committee to Protect Journalists. Branch 26 of Tehran Revolutionary Court sentenced the veteran journalist to six years in prison and a lifetime ban on political, social, and cultural activities. Branch 54 of Tehran Province Appeals Court upheld his prison sentence, but reduced the ban on his activities to 15 years. Samimi has developed liver disease in prison, but prison authorities refuse to allow for his medical treatment outside prison. He has been subjected to ill treatment numerous times during his time in custody, and in February 2010, local activists reported that he had been transferred to solitary confinement after he objected to substandard conditions. His family visits were also cancelled.

Siamak Ghaderi (M):

56

The Iranian judiciary has denied a temporary leave request for jailed Iranian journalist Siamak Ghaderi, who was arrested last year. Ghaderi worked for more than 18 years at the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) and was dismissed last year for publishing critical views of the government on his weblog, Irna-ye-ma (Our IRNA). He was then sentenced to four years in prison for "propaganda against the regime, disturbing public sensibilities and publishing falsehoods."

Sam Mahmoudi Saraee (M):

The Book Section Editor of Shargh Newspaper, Sam Mahmoudi Saraee was arrested on 29 February 2011, after he appeared before the Revolutionary Court, according to BBC Persian. Prior to this, Mahmoudi was arrested in 2009 in the aftermath of presidential election. Mahmoudi spent five months in “temporary detention” without a trial or judicial orders. He was released on 13 August 2011.

Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand (M):

Mohamamd Sadiq Kaboudvand, journalist and founder of Human Rights Organization of Kurdistan, was arrested in June 2007 and held in solitary confinement for 5 months in Evin Prison. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison on charges of “acting against national security through establishment HROK,” “widespread propaganda against the system by disseminating news,” “opposing Islamic penal laws by publicizing punishments such as stoning and executions,” and “advocating on behalf of political prisoners. ”Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand suffered a heart attack on 2007 in Evin Prison. He was unconscious for about 30 minutes and was given first aid by another prisoner who had medical training. His fellow prisoners called for help and asked the guards to take him to the prison clinic, but he was left in his cell. According to Amnesty International, Kaboudvand suffers from kidney and prostate conditions: “It was believed that on 17 Dec 2008 he suffered a heart attack but no doctor was available in the clinic as it was a national holiday… It is also reported that Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand suffered two strokes in 2010 -- one on 15 July and the other on 19 November. His sister said he told her that he had been seen by a neurologist after the first stroke but was not examined thoroughly and no tests were administered. Instead the physician prescribed a series of pills to take daily but did not give any details on the name, recommended use or possible side-effects of the pills.” According to Kaboudvand’s family, he suffered a third stroke in July 2010. In June 2011, he was seen by an independent doctor who reportedly stated that he needed to undergo two operations for clogging of the heart arteries and an enlarged prostate. Since his imprisonment Kaboudvand has lost about 20 kgs.

Ahmad Zeidabadi (M):

Reformist journalist, columnist for Rooz Online and Secretary General of the Iranian Alumni Association (Advar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat), Ahmad Zeidabadi was arrested on 14 June 2009 in front of his home, 2 days after the presidential election. On 2 January 2010, Judge Pirabbasi, the presiding judge of Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court, sentenced Zeidabadi to six years in prison, five years’ exile in Gonabad, and a lifetime ban on social and political activities. He was charged with “attempting to implement a velvet revolution,” the most significant evidence of which was an open letter he had written to the Iranian president, criticizing him. According to his wife, Zeidabadi spent 141 days in solitary confinement, suffered difficult interrogations where he was given a sheet of paper and told to write down his own charges and then beaten. He was originally held in Ward 350 of Evin Prison, but was transferred to Rajaee Shahr Prison on 1 February 2010. According to his wife, he has suffered from horrible prison conditions in Rajaee Shahr, including not being able to shower because of dirty water, and sleeping in a small cell with two other people. According to his lawyer,

57 Mohammad Sharif, and his wife, Mahdieh Mohammadi, Zeidabadi has been denied furlough for more than two years. On 4 August 2011, he was finally allowed a 48 hours furlough after posting USD 500,000 (500,000,000 toman), and upon its completion he returned to prison.

Mohammad Davari (M):

Mohammad Davari, the 2010 winner of Committee to Protect Journalists International Freedom Award and editor-in-chief of the news website Saham News, was arrested in 2009 after Mehdi Karroubi wrote a letter to Head of the Council of Experts, reporting the torture of political prisoners inside Kahrizak Detention Center. He was sentenced to five years in prison, which was recently increased to six years, for “mutiny against the regime.” The additional year of imprisonment is because of Davari’s inability to pay a $5,000 cash fine for a teachers protest he attended in February and March 2006. Davari was exposed to horrific abuse at the Kahrizak Detention Center, and was tortured to make television confessions against Karroubi videotaping statements from detainees who said they had been raped, abused, and tortured. Davari spent time in solitary confinement and did not see his family for a period of eight months. Davari is a union activist and member of the Central Council of the Iranian Teachers Association.

Massoud Bastani (M):

Journalist Massoud Bastani was arrested on 5 July 2009 when he went to the Revolutionary Courts to learn why his wife had been arrested. The reason for his arrested was cited as “activities on the Jomhouriyat website.” Bastani hasn’t received a single day of furlough since his arrest. According to Bastani’s wife, Bastani spent 3 months in solitary confinement and was charged with “collusion, creating riots, and propaganda against the regime…. Masoud was arrested due to his cooperation with the Jomhouriyat website, which during the presidential election was openly in support of Mir Hossein Mousavi.” In June 2011, a prison soldier physically attacked Bastani during a family visitation when he asked for a few more minutes to say goodbye to his mother and wife. After the beating, Bastani suffered nausea and disorientation and was transferred to the hospital and spent a day in the hospital under observation for brain damage. Only after retracting his complaint was he transferred from a solitary cell to the General Ward.

Bahman Ahmadi Amouee (M):

Bahman Ahmadi Amouee, a prominent journalist, blogger, and contributor to reformist newspapers, was arrested on 20 June 2009 and serving a 5-year prison term for “actions against national security” and propaganda against the regime.” Prior to his arrest, Amouee wrote articles critical of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s cabinet. Those articles have been determined as evidence of “insulting to the President” and “propagating against the regime.” His work as editor-in-chief of the website Khordad- e Now has also been used as evidence of “colluding against national security.” One of his charges is publishing a poem by Ferdowsi on Khordad-e Now. He has been deprived from furlough as of this writing.

Abdolreza Tajik (M):

Abdolreza Tajik, a journalist and a member of the Defenders of Human Rights Center (DHRC) was arrested on 12 June 2010, immediately after an insulting and libelous program about Shirin Ebadi was broadcast on Iranian state television. During a visit on 15 July 2010, Tajik’s sister reported that Tajik said he had been “violated” the first night of his detention. After publicizing this news, Tajik’s sister was summoned to Investigation Branch 5 of Evin Prison, and the reason for the summons was

58 “providing some explanations about Reza Tajik’s case.” Abdolreza Tajik was released in December 2010 but can still be sentenced and imprisoned. He has suffered serious psychological illness due to prolonged solitary confinement.

Saeed Matinpour (M):

An Azerbaijani journalist and human rights defender, Saeed Matinpour was arrested on 25 May 2007, when authorities broke into his home without a warrant. He wrote for Yarpagh and Mardom-e No, in which he protested human rights violations and advocated for peaceful activities in pursuit of Azerbaijani cultural and linguistic rights such as the right to primary education and publication in the Azerbaijani language. According to his wife, Atieh Taheri, he was forced to make televised confessions, and she was not allowed to see him until 17 December 2007. Matinpour was released on 11 March 2008 on $500,000 (500,000,000 toman) bail. He was later sentenced to eight years in prison by Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran on charges of “contact with foreigners” and “propagating against the regime.”

Mehdi Mahmoudian (M):

Mehdi Mahmoudian, journalist, member of the reformist Participation Front Party and the Society for the Defense of Prisoners’ Rights, was arrested by Intelligence Ministry forces on 18 September 2009 in his home. He spent nearly three months (80 days) of his detention in solitary confinement. His charges included “interviewing with media” about post-election events, and he was sentenced to 5 years in prison. According to his family, he developed bronchitis when he was held naked in freezing winter temperatures outside. Mahmoudian’s mother, Fatemeh Alvandi, told the Campaign about her son’s condition in prison: “When he was at Evin Prison and under torture, he developed influenza. The prison doctor prescribed two strong penicillin shots for him and he received both injections at the same time, leading to a seizure after which he lost consciousness … As you know, Mehdi’s lungs were damaged seriously as a result of the psychological and physical torture he received in solitary confinement. One of his lungs has almost entirely collapsed. The Medical Examiner said six months ago that as a result of that pressure and torture, Mehdi should be transferred to a hospital and treated immediately. But authorities did not accept this at all and didn’t give him leave. With our continued pursuit of the matter and after going to many government authorities, a neurologist and an internist came to see him in prison. They determined that he must receive a brain scan and should receive serious cardiac examinations.” Mahmoudian also wrote about the inhuman and illegal prisoner treatment at Kahrizak prison in a public letter.

Siamak Pourzand (M):

Siamak Pourzand is a retired prominent journalist and husband of prominent human rights lawyer Mehrangiz Kar. He was arrested in 2001, tortured and forced to make televised confessions, sentenced to 11 years but released, and then arrested again in 2002, though released for health reasons.

A travel ban imposed on him by Iranian authorities that barred him from visiting his family. His wife, Mehrangiz Kar, who is abroad, asked Iranian officials many times to allow him to leave for medical care or guarantee her safety to return and take care of him, but her requests were denied. He eventually committed suicide 29 April 2011while suffering from serious medical illnesses and not being able to have his family join him or being able leave the country to join them abroad.

Maziar Bahari (M):

59

Prominent journalist and documentarian Maziar Bahari, who holds both Canadian and Iranian citizenship and has written for Newsweek since 1998, was detained in Tehran on 21 June, 2009 during the widespread crackdown following the disputed 2009 presidential election. Bahari was arrested at his mother's home in Tehran by government security forces. He was released on 17 October, 2009 on bail of $300,000. Bahari, who made confessions under duress, told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that his taped confession was a fabricated show coordinated by Iranian state television and certain press outlets close to the Iranian government. “Three teams of reporters came into the prison, Press TV, IRIB’s Persian service, and Fars news Agency…the interrogator said, ‘We will give some of the footage from your confession to be broadcast on the 8:30 program.’ During the confessions, the IRIB team members talked to the interrogators…they were completely coordinated. For example, the interrogator would hand them a piece of paper and would say: make sure you ask this question, too,’” said Bahari. Bahari told the Campaign that when he told his interrogator that he would not be able to remember all the questions and answers he was supposed to repeat before the camera, his interrogator said, “’In order to make it easier [for you], we will convert the text of your confessions into questions and answers. Therefore, the reporters would ask these questions and you would answer them.’ Therefore each of the three reporters had a set of questions and I gave the answers I was supposed to give. One was a reporter from the IRIB Persian service, one was a reporter from the English language Press TV, and the other was a reporter from Fars News Agency. All three of them and I were reading from a script. The IRIB reporters read the interrogator’s questions. When I made a mistake, just like an interrogator, the reporter would say ‘It’s better if you say it this way.’” According to Bahari, there was complete coordination between his interrogators and the IRIB team. “The room where I was interviewed by Press TV was the same as my interrogation room. Only that during the taping, a red curtain was put up behind me and my interrogator sat behind the curtain making sure I spoke as they wished,” said Bahari.

Hengameh Shahidi (F):

Adviser to Mehdi Karrobi, journalist and blogger, a contributor to reformist newspapers such as Etemaad-e Melli, Hengameh Shahidi was arrested on 30 June 2009, spent 50 days in solitary confinement and underwent “extreme mental anguish.” She was sentenced to six years and three months in prison. In May 2010 Branch 54 of the Tehran Appeals Court upheld her lower court ruling. Her charges included “propaganda against the regime,” “acting against national security” and “insulting the president.” She is currently in Evin Prison. Shahidi is the only female journalist currently serving her sentence. In September 2010, Shahidi’s mother said: Hengameh has developed rheumatic heart disease, kidney problems, stomach problems, and severe depression in prison. …The prison doctors have said that she needs outside medical attention in order to address her ailments.”

Hossein Derakhshan (M):

Hossein Derakhshan, a prominent blogger, was sentenced to ninetten-and-a-half years on 28 September 2010. Derakshan’s charges included: “cooperation with hostile states, propagating against the regime, propagation in favor of anti-revolutionary groups, insulting sanctities, implementation and management of obscene websites. Other reasons for his charges included a letter of recommendation for university admission written by Gary Sick, a Columbia University faculty member, and Derakhshan’s participation in Gulf 2000, an online forum managed by Sick.

60 Derakhshan was also previously arrested on 1 November 2008, when he spent nearly 10 months in solitary confinement, and was reportedly subjected to beatings to coerce him to make false confessions about having ties to the CIA and Israeli intelligence services.

Ali Malihi (M):

Ali Malihi, journalist, student activist and member of the Tahkim-e Vahdat Alumni Association, was arrested on 2 February 2010 and convicted on charges of “congregation and collusion against the regime,” “propaganda against the regime,” “participation in illegal gathers,” “publication of falsehoods,” and “insulting the President.” Judge Moghisseh upheld his 4-year sentence on these charges in July 2011. He was released at the end of August 2011, in a pardon by Ayatollah Khamenei, for the holy day of Eid all-Fitr, marking the end of the holy month of Ramadan.

Saeed Pourheydar (M):

Saeed Pourheydar, a journalist who formerly worked for several reformist publications, was arrested for the first time on 6 February 2010 at his home by Intelligence Ministry and served one month of solitary confinement inside Ward 240 in of Evin Prison. He was again arrested on 10 October 2010, when he was detained after being summoned to Evin Prison and spent 52 days in prison. An appeals court upheld his condition and he left Iran. His charges are: “propaganda against the regime,” “assembly and collusion with intent to overthrow,” “disrupting public order,” “insulting the president,” “insulting the sanctities and questioning Islamic orders,” and Judge Pirabbasi of Branch 26 of Revolutionary Court, sentenced Pourheydar to 5 years in prison, 10-year ban on journalistic activities, $3,000 in fines.

When the appeals court upheld his conviction, he left Iran and currently lives abroad. In an interview with the Campaign, Pourheydar detailed instances of his torture in prison: “Sometimes I was physically tortured, which included beatings during interrogations, sleep deprivation, once throwing me inside a cold water barrel, or keeping me naked outside in the cold weather. Some of the mental and psychological torture included giving me false news and information, threatening me with flogging, forcing me to accept immoral charges, threatening me with arrests of my family members or giving me false news about the arrests of my wife and my father, playing my daughter’s voice during an interrogation session and telling me that my wife and my daughter were also arrested, threatening me with a long prison sentence, and banning my visitations and contacts with my family.”

Gholamhossein Arshi (M):

Gholamhossein Arshi, a 31-year old journalist who was arrested following the Ashura Day 2009 [27 December 2009] protests after he was identified by security forces in a photograph published on news websites, was eventually sentenced to one year prison by Branch 15 of the Appeals Court. During his imprisonment, due to poor prison conditions, he embarked on hunger strikes several times. According to the letter which was made available to Kaleme website through the prisoner’s friends, Gholamhossein Arshi informed the Tehran Prosecutor that his interrogators wanted him to take responsibility for having set fire to several Anti-Riot Police vehicles. Faced with his refusal, his interrogators beat him and verbally abused him with profanities. In this letter, Arshi provided details of his torture account: “At this stage they used metal handcuffs to tie me to the chair, and started to beat me with wires and cables. Months later, cable marks and wire tracks remained on my arms and my legs as my cellmates would confirm. In their attempts to force me to confess to something I had not done, meaning setting fire to police vehicles, the interrogators did not stop at beating me with wires and cables. They set my legs apart while my

61 hands were closed, severely squeezing my testicles and hitting on them, to the point where I would yell in pain and weakness. The answer to my begging and pleas for mercy was only profane swears.”

Hossein Ronaghi Maleki (M):

Hossein Ronaghi Maleki, a blogger who was arrested on 13 December 2009, spent nearly a year (11 months) in solitary confinement in Evin Prison in Ward 2-A under Revolutionary Guards’ control, and is currently in Ward 350 of Evin Prison. On 15 March 2010, hardline Kayhan Newspaper published an article in which Ronaghi Maleki was accused of serious charges including “accepting money from Western countries,” “helping political figures escape Iran,” and “heading political gangs,” among other charges. On 5 October 2010, Maleki was sentenced to 15 years in prison by Branch 26 of Revolutionary Court; his ruling was upheld on charges of “membership in Iran Proxy Network,” “insulting the Supreme Leader,” and “insulting the President.” Regarding his conditions inside prison, his lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah said: “As Hossein Ronaghi himself has said from inside prison, and his family has confirmed, he is in dire need of medical attention outside the prison, and the prison infirmary is not equipped to treat him.”

Ronaghi’s father also spoke with the Campaign about his son’s dire conditions in prison: “When Hossein was in solitary, his interrogators contacted us every day and said ‘we will kill Hossein. We won’t let him live.’ … “When I wrote letters to the authorities about my son’s conditions, my home was raided one night and they wanted to beat me, and I took my witnesses to the regional hall of justice, but they didn’t pay any attention to it. And one night I was on my way home when some assailants were going to attack me with an axe, and because I was carrying a shovel, they were unable to harm me and ran away on a motorbike. I reported all of this at the regional hall of justice,”

On 14 August 2011, Ronaghi wrote a letter to Tehran Prosecutor Jafari Dowlatabadi published on JARAS website, talking about his medical condition: “I told you about my dire physical condition, caused by two kidney surgeries, gallbladder stones, heart angina, and broken teeth, gifts from my interrogators. As you recall, I said that I did not have access to proper nutrition and medicine, specialist clinics, and a peaceful environment for resting.” After writing the letter, he was beaten up by Revolutionary Guard prison forces and made unconscious, and hospitalized. He also wrote a letter on 11 July 2011 to Tehran Prosecutor asking for furlough. Though the Head of Court and medical authoritoies reportedly approved his medical leave, judicial authorities did not.

Ronaghi’s mother told reformist website Kaleme on 19 August 2011 that she was threatened by security forces that “If you give interviews [to the media] you won’t see your son again.”

62 Appendix III: Publications that have been shut down by the Iranian Government

In 2009, 2010 and 2011, authorities have banned several independent newspapers, particularly reformists publications.

On 1 March 2010, the Press Supervisory Board shut down Etemaad, a well-known reformist publication, citing violations of Iran’s press law

On 21 December 2009, the Press Board banned Andisheh-No, a reformist daily run by Hojjatollah Hajebi. The publication received several warnings for insufficient reporting of certain political events, and was closed for “questioning general policies of the Islamic Republic,” as well as “a constant effort to deepen differences among people after the presidential election.”

In November 2009, Iran’s Ministry of Culture shut down Sarmayeh, a leading reformist newspaper that covered news about opposition leaders, citing article 6 of the Press Law, which prohibits dishonoring the Islamic Republic and insulting senior clergy

Prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi also shut down the newspaper Etemaad-e Melli, belonging to presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi, in August 2009. Authorities accused Etemaad-e Melli of breaching Iran’s media laws. The Prosecutor’s office told the publishing managar that “the newspaper’s interview with Mr. Karroubi as the head of Etemaad-e Melliparty and its interviews with the head of the national Expediency Council [former president Hashemi Rafsanjani] were violations of … the Press Law as a result of which the publication of the newspaper had to be suspended.”

On 14 June 2009, Tehran Prosecutor Mortazavi banned Kalame Sabz, the newspaper licensed to presidential candidate Mir Hossein Moussavi. Despite the ban, Kalame Sabz continued its publications, and authorities stormed its offices on 22 June 2009, arresting almost all of its reporters and staff.

On 5 September 2011, authorities banned the publication Shahrvand-e Emrooz (Today’s Citizen), a reformist weekly, allegedly for publishing covers with images of President Ahmadinejad as well as his cabinet members. Authorities cited Article 6 of the Press Law, which states, “publishing libel against officials, institutions, organizations and individuals in the country or insulting legal or real persons who are lawfully respected, even by means of pictures or caricatures,” is not permitted. The publication opened in March 2006, btu was banned in November 2008 for portraying an image of Ahmadinejad. It only resumed publication on 2 July 2011, and was again banned three months later.

The Iranian government also engages in broad internet censorship aimed, in part, a blocking websites contains information and opinion critical the government In 2009 and 2010 Iranian authorities blocked dozens of blogs, political websites, and online news outlets. The websites of former president Mohammad Khatami, former prime ministry Mir Hossein Moussavi and former speaker of the parliament Mehdi Karroubi have been blocked. Authorities continue to block several independent online news sources, such asGooya Online and Rooz Online.

63 Appendix IV: List of 114 Child Offenders on Death Row

This list by the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran is not complete and not all information could be compiled. The names, ages, court dates, and trial locations are only provided for those juveniles whose cases were known. A number of the juveniles have already been executed.

1. Abbas – Karaj, Branch 77, Tehran Children’s Court, Supreme Court, 30/May/2006 2. Afshar, Habib – 15 years old, from Qom, case # 1126-83 T, Qom Criminal Court 3. Afshari – from Tehran, Branch 1603, Tehran Criminal Court, Supreme Court, May 1999 4. Ahmad, Jaberi – 15 years old, from Khuzistan, Branch 29, Supreme Court, case # 39/711 5. Ahmadi, Rahim – 16 years old, Branch 5, Fars Penal Court, 20 January 2007, Branch 37, Supreme Court 6. Ahmadpour, Sadiq – 17 years old, from Chahar Mahal and Bakhtiari, Branch 104, Shahrkurd Public Court, Branch 27 Supreme Court, 23 July 2006 7. Akbari, Salman – from Ardebil, Public Court of Arshagh, 14 July 2003 case # 2-8728/7 8. Ali – 16 years old from Tehran, case #2101, Tehran Children’s Court Branch 27, July 2002 9. Ali (citizen of Afghanistan) – 15 years old from Shahriar, Branch 74, Tehran Criminal Court, 22 July 2007 10. Alimohammadi, Akram (alias Setayesh) – 17 years old 11. Alinezhad, Reza – 17 years old 12. Alireza – 17 years old from Tehran, case #2102, Children’s Court, April 2002 13. Alkoozeii, Omaruldin – 17 years old from Yazd, Branch 101, Taft Public Court, 12 January 2003, Branch 26 Supreme Court

14. Amir – from Tehran, Branch 1156, Tehran Besat Judicial Complex

15. Amir Hooshang

16. Amrullahi, Amir – 16 years old from Shiraz, Branch 5, Shiraz Penal Court, Branch 27, Supreme Court, 10 November 2007

17. Angooti, Safar – 17 years old

18. Anvari, Mehyar – 17 years old from Golestan, Branch 6, Khoramabad Public Court, 13 June 2004; case #690, Branch 27 Supreme Court

19. Arab, Saeed – from Golestan, Public and Revolutionary Court of Gorgan, Branch 3 Gorgan Criminal Court, 18 July 2006

20. Ashkan – 16 years old, Branch 122, Special Court for Children, 26 October 2003

21. Atashjan, Nazbibi – 16 years old from Semnan, Branch 107, Khoramabad Criminal Court, 1 May 2006, case #222/84/3015

22. Ayootundi, Rasool – 17 years old

23. Azimi, Mehdi

64 24. B., Milad – 17 years old from Tehran, case # 2106, Tehran Children’s Court, August 2002

25. Bakhtiari, Mehdi – Branch 74, Tehran Children’s Court; Branch 27, Supreme Court, November 2004

26. Barahooti, Gholamnabi – 16 years old from Yazd, Branch 10, Yazd Public Court, case # 2067, 6 February 2003; Branch 27, Supreme Court, case # 89

27. Benyamin Rasooli – 16 years old from Karaj, Branch 74, Tehran Penal Court; Supreme Court, October 2005

28. Chaleh Chaleh, Amir – 17 years old

29. Darabi, Delara – executed 1 May 2009; 17 years old from Rasht

30. Fada – Tehran, Branch 71, Tehran Children’s Court, 5 March 2006

31. Fadaii, Mohammad – 17 years old

32. Faramarz – from Karaj, Branch 71, Tehran Penal Court, 2006; Branch 28, Supreme Court, September 2007

33. Farhad – from Tehran, Branch 1157, Tehran Criminal Court

34. Feizi, Morteza – 17 years old

35. Feyz, Mohammad (citizen of Afghanistan) – 16 years old from Karaj, case # 122, Karaj Children’s Court, 2004

36. Ghaderi, Mohammad Shah – from Tehran, Branch 1608, Tehran Criminal Court, June 1999

37. Ghandali, Mehdi – from Semnan, Branch 4, Semnan Public Court, 16 June 2006

38. Gharehbaghloo, Hussein – 16 years old from Tehran, Branch 71, Tehran Public Court, 1 November 2006

39. Golshani, Ramin – from Tehran, Tehran Criminal Court, November 1997; Supreme Court, June 1998

40. Haddadi, Mohammad Reza – 15 years old from Shiraz, Branch 42, Supreme Court

41. Haghgoo, Mehryar – 17 years old from Rasht, Branch 102, Rasht Penal Court

42. Haghi, Hussein – 17 years old, Branch 27, Supreme Court, 24 June 2004

43. Hajer – 16 years old from Karaj, Branch 122, Karaj Children’s Court, January 2006

44. Halat

45. Hamid – Branch 17, Isfahan Penal Court

46. Hamid – 17 years old from Shariar, Branch 71, Tehran Penal Court, October 2005

47. Hamzeh, Zolfali – from Markazi, Branch 2, Saveh General Court

48. Hasan – from Tehran, Branch 1156, Tehran Besat Judicial Complex

49. Hashemi, Iman – 16 years old from Isfahan

65 50. Heidari, Asghar – 17 years old

51. Heidari, Saeed – from Tehran, Branch 1602, Tehran Criminal Court, 17 June 1999

52. Hijazi, Reza – 15 years old from Tehran

53. Hussein – from Tehran, Branch 37, Tehran Public Court, 11 April 1998

54. Husseini, Aku – from Kurdistan, case # 1326, 3 November 2003, Branch 27, Supreme Court

55. Iman (also Iman Jirofti) – 16 years old from Tehran, Tehran Children’s Court, September 2004

56. J., Amir – from Tehran, Branch 1601, Tehran Criminal Court, 22 October 2000

57. J., Javad – from Tehran, Branch 1602, Tehran Criminal Court

58. Jahedi, Mohammad – 16 years old from Fasa, Branch 4, Fasa Public Court, 25 December 2003; Branch 27, Supreme Court

59. Jazzi, Saeed – 17 years old, Branch 1183, Children’s Court, 21 May 2005

60. Kafishir, Masood

61. Kalbali, Naiim – 15 years old from Sistan and Baluchistan, Branch 102, Zahedan Criminal Court

62. Khaleqi, Bahador – 16 years old, Branch 1, Saqez Public Court, 21 June 2005; Branch 27, Supreme Court, 13 March 2005

63. M., Mohammad – from Shiraz, Shiraz Criminal Court, 2004; Supreme Court

64. Mavari, Mohammad – from Golestan, Branch 2, Kerdkoori Public Court, 18 August 2000; Branch 40, case # 40/28

65. Mehdi – Branch 71, Tehran Children’s Court, 5 March 2006

66. Mehran – 17 years old from Karaj, Branch 77, Tehran Children’s Court; Supreme Court, 30 May 2006

67. Mehrdad – 17 years old from Tehran, Branch 71, Tehran Children’s Court, 4 February 2006

68. Mihan Torabi, Ali – 16 years old from Karaj, Branch 33, Special Public Court for Children, 30 October 2003; Branch 27, Supreme Court, 8 June 2004

69. Mohamad (alias Seifullah) – from Tehran, Branch 71, Tehran Children’s Court, 23 January 2006

70. Mohammad – 16 years old from Qazvin, Supreme Court, 4 August 2006

71. Mohammad Reza – from Tehran, case # 1602, Tehran Criminal Court, Branch 33, 30 September 2002

72. Mojtaba – from Tehran, case # 1188, Tehran Children’s Court, August 2003

73. Momeni Yasaghi, Hani – from Golestan, Public Court of Gorgan, 20 November 2004, Branch 26, 9 March 2005

74. Moradzadeh Zagheh, Ali – from Qom

66 75. Morazavian, Ahmad – 15 years old from Isfahan

76. Morteza – 17 years old from Tehran, Branch 74 Tehran Penal Court

77. Mostapha – 16 years old from Tehran, Branch 74, Tehran Criminal Court; Branch 33, Supreme Court, August 2005

78. Mowsali Roodi, Alireza – 16 years old from Qom, case # 4786-85 T, Qom Criminal Court

79. Mozafari, Hasan – from Bushehr, Bushehr Criminal Court, case # 85/18; Branch 27, Supreme Court, case # 530/85

80. Nabavi, Iman – Semnan, Branch 4, case # 15-471/85

81. Naghdi, Mostapha

82. Najafpour, Soghra – 13 years old from Gilan

83. Nemat – 17 years old, Branch 106, Isfahan Criminal Court; Supreme Court, 1 May 2006

84. Nooriani, Rasool – from Hamedan, Hamedan Penal Court

85. Noorzehi, Ahmad – 12 years old from Sistan and Baluchistan, Revolutionary Court, 2005

86. Nour Mohammad, Ali – 16 years old, Branch 24, Kermanshah; Branch 8, Kermanshah Appeals Court

87. Padashi, Reza – 16 years old, Branch 71, Tehran Penal Court, 20 February 2005; Branch 37, Supreme Court, 3 September 2006

88. Pezhman, Mohammad – from Bushehr, Branch 27, Supreme Court, case # 530/85

89. Pour Heidari, Hamed

90. Rakshani, Abdolkhaleq – from Golestan, Branch 2, Golestan Appeals Court, 16 March 2006

91. Ramrdar – 17 years old from Shiraz, case # 12, Shiraz, June 2004

92. Reza – from Tehran, case # 1157, Tehran Criminal Court, June 2003

93. Reza – Islamshahr, October 2003

94. Sohrabi, Abu Moslem – from Firoozabad, Fars, Branch 3, Firoozabad Court; Branch 33, Supreme Court

95. Saeedi, Mustapha – from Markazi, Saveh General and Revolutionary Court; Branch 42, Supreme Court

96. Safar, Ali – from Tehran, Branch 1156, Tehran Besat Judicial Complex

97. Sara – Islamshahr, Tehran Criminal Court, September 2003

98. Sarani, Omid – 17 years old from Sistan and Baluchistan, Branch 102, Zahedan Criminal Court

99. Sh., Javad

100. Shahidi, Rahman – from Bushehr, Bushehr Criminal Court, case # 85/18; Branch 27 Supreme Court, case # 530/85

67 101. Shahmazhi, Khodamorad – 17 years old from Sistan and Baluchistan

102. Shanbehzadeh, Alinazar – 17 years old

103. Shirnejad, Siavash – from Lorestan, Branch 107, Khoramabad Criminal Court, 9 May 2006

104. Shojai, Behrooz – 16 years old

105. Soltani, Feyzollah – from Yazd, Revolutionary Court

106. Taleii, Ebrahim – Tehran, Branch 1602, Tehran Criminal Court, 25 July 1999; Branch 11, Supreme Court, March 2001

107. Taranj, Hussein

108. Unknown – 17 years old, 3 June 2004; Supreme Court, 20 June 2006

109. Unknown – from Kerman, Branch 101, Kerman Court; Supreme Court

110. Vahid – 16 years old from Tehran, Branch 71 Tehran Children’s Court, 6 November 2004

111. Zahir – 15 years old from Tehran, case # 77, Tehran Children’s Court, 2004

112. Zamani, Mehyar – 16 years old, Branch 102, Rasht Children’s Court

113. Zamani, Mosleh – 17 years old, Branch 27, Supreme Court

114. Zare, Behnam – 16 years old from Fars, executed 26 August 2008

68 Appendix V: Testimony of Ebrahim Sharifi (Survivor of torture and rape)

Ebrahim Sharifi, was kidnapped by plainclothes agents on 22 June by plainclothes agents for one week. He provided detailed testimony to the Campaign regarding his torture and rape during detention:

My name is Ebrahim Sharifi, born on 27 February 1985, 24 years old and a computer science major at Azad University in Tehran. Before the 12 June elections I was active in a grassroots campaign office for presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi. I did campaigning by doing graphics work, making posters and distributing them. After the elections, believing the result were not true, I participated daily in protests. In many of the protests, security and intelligence agents took my pictures and videotaped me, which I did not mind.

On the evening of June 22, as I was on my home, in Kangan Boulevard, a black car pulled over next me. A middle aged man, perhaps 40-45 years old, wearing a grey suit, seated in the passenger sit called me over. As I approached the car, a third person from behind grabbed me, twisted my hand behind my back, put on plastic handcuffs, blindfolded me and threw me into the back seat and pushed my head down. I felt a period of about 40 minutes passed before we stopped at a place where there was no more sound of cars. They pushed me like a lamb into what felt like a large hall. I was still blindfolded and handcuffed. I could hear the heavy sounds of others breathing.

That night I felt asleep handcuffed and blindfolded. I was not given any food or drinks. Some people would ask to be taken to a bathroom but no one would come. The next day, the sounds of a girl in pain and screaming were heard. I and others started protesting. In response, someone came in and said we have to be collectively punished. They took out our clothes, leaving on my underclothes and threw me on the floor. I thought there were 30-40 other detainees in the room. I was still handcuffed and blindfolded. They started beating me and others on the back with some kind of a whip. It was thick and elastic. The person was whipping me and four other people, because I was counting. He would whip each person three times and then move on to the next and repeat the cycle. He was doing this for hours and was getting tired as the interval between each whipping became longer and longer. My mouth was close to the ground and I could smell urine and blood.

Afterwards, more hours past, I don’t know how many, until someone came in and put some kind of relieving cream on my back. I was exhausted and passed out. Until the next day we were not given any food or drinks. I don’t know how long I was asleep that someone came in and pulled me up, holding me under my shoulders. They ordered us to line up and said we have been condemned to execution. I had heard many stories of fake executions, but still was gripped in fear. They took us to an outdoor space; it must have been early morning as I felt a morning breeze. They put a rope around my neck and said your execution order has been issued verbally, you are charged with being Mofsed fi-al Arz (corrupt on earth), and we are waiting for the written order to come. I felt an hour passed like this, until someone came and announced, “For now the Leader has pardoned you, get lost.”

I was taken back to the big hall. They took off my handcuffs and gave us a few pieces of stale bread and potatoes and a glass of water that tasted awful. In the following days, I was subjected to mock executions twice more. During the last instance, I protested by saying if you want to hang me why don’t you just do it? Why all these games? Someone came forward and hit me hard in the stomach. I fell down and he continued to keep hitting me in the stomach till I was throwing up blood. He told someone else, “Take this –expletive- and

69 impregnate him.” The other person dragged me on the floor to another room as I was very weak. In there, he tied my hands to a handcuff that was connected to the wall, tied my feet, and pulled down my underwear. He then said “If you can’t protect your –expletive- how do you want to bring about a Velvet Revolution?” He then sexually assaulted me. I was feeling so weak and became unconscious.

When I gained consciousness, I was no longer blindfolded and was lying on a bed and tied to it with metal handcuffs. It looked like a clinic. In the bed next to me was another person who screamed nonstop; a medical worker, probably a nurse or a doctor, would came by frequently and inject him with a serum. I was constantly throwing up blood. About 16 or 17 hours passed like this. In these circumstances, someone came and stood behind my bed and told the medical staff: “Doctor, he is dying or should we finish him off ourselves?” I heard the doctor’s voice responding: “He is in terrible shape. He could cause us lots of trouble like the other two. Just get rid of him.”

A few more hours passed. They untied me from the bed, blindfolded me again and put on the plastic handcuffs. Then they asked my name and phone number. I think they took me back to the detention hall. From there they led me to a car and drove me off for about 10-15 minutes. They stopped and led me out of the car still blindfolded. They told me to count to 60 and then take off my blindfolds. I was on Sabalan Highway. It was morning time. I managed to walk to a supermarket and call a friend who came and picked me up and took me home. My mother couldn’t believe I was alive; she thought I had been killed.

The next day, the first thing I did was to go to a psychologist. I also talked to several lawyers and friends who recommended I file a judicial law suit. I went to the judiciary office in Elahieh and wrote up a complaint about being kidnapped. The authorities told me it is not within their jurisdiction and I should go to the Revolutionary Court. I went there but they repeated the same thing. I went to the criminal court and they wrote a letter to the Police Detective Bureau to investigate the case. From there I took the letter to the First Bureau of Detectives in Niavaran. There, the authorities told me it doesn’t relate to them and I should go to the Central Detectives Bureau in Shapour and Mowlawi intersection. I went there and the staff there asked me for the report of my disappearance that my father had filed. I told them it is filed with the First Bureau of Detectives, so they sent me back there. At the First Detectives Bureau they told me, “We cannot release your file to you,” so I returned to the Central Detective Bureau.

Finally, the authorities there stamped my letter saying the relevant crime is kidnapping and asked me to go to Branch 11 of police detective bureau. First they asked me to come back the next day, but I insisted that the signs of torture and my beatings were starting to go away and I wanted to give a testimony now. A detective eventually agreed to interview me. He told me it is probably the work of the Ministry.” I asked which Ministry and he replied: “The Intelligence ministry. If I were you I wouldn’t follow it up.” I insisted that I wanted to follow up and want to be examined by a state-certified physician. He eventually agreed and wrote a letter to the office of state-certified medical office. When I went there, they said I should return the next day. I went back but they kept making excuses and wouldn’t examine me. I finally realized they are not willing to examine me.

A week passed and I finally decided to go meet with Mr. Karroubi. I went to his offices and told him my entire saga. He asked me to provide my testimony to Judiciary officials. Tehran’s prosecutor’s office contacted me and said they want to expedite my complaint. But then

70 suddenly out of the blue, the official asked me, “What is your expectation from Karroubi?” I responded I don’t want anything from him.

On 19 August, I met with Mr. Mohammadi, the representative of Dorri Najaf-Abadi, the country’s General Prosecutor and I gave him my testimony. The next day, Mr. Moghaddami, the representative of Mr. Moratazivi, Tehran’s general prosecutor contacted Mr. Karroubi that Mortazavi has asked to meet with all witnesses. At 2 p.m. on 20 August, I went to Mr. Karroubi’s office and met with Mr. Moghaddami. He asked me to write down my entire testimony and I did so. Then he started asking me questions that were irrelevant to my detention and what had happened to me. He said how can we know you haven’t been paid by Karroubi to make these allegations? I was very surprised. These insinuations were repeated multiple times by Moghaddami.

He then sent me to the state-certified medical offices for examinations. The doctor there told me with nearly two months having past since the occurrence of the sexual assault, there will be no visible signs by now.

During this period, several judiciary agents had combed through my neighborhood, talking to local shopkeepers and our neighbors, collecting information about me.

On 23 August, I was due to meet with a group of parliamentarians and to provide them my testimony. That day, on the street, a car approached me and pulled over. It was a Peugeot and the driver called me over. He claimed to be a friend of my father and spoke very warmly of him and had so many details about my family; I was persuaded he is an old family friend. He offered to give me a ride. He drove me from Niavaran towards Darabad. In the car he suddenly warned me, “Look, if you give testimony to the parliamentary committee, you and your entire family will be killed in a staged accident. You know we are capable of doing it.” I was shocked that he was aware of my imminent meeting and realized he is an intelligence agent.

I left the car and realized that my family and I are in great danger, because while there is no will within the Judiciary to investigate my case, there are much efforts to intimidate me and my family into silence and to make false accusations that I have been paid by Karroubi to make up my story. I immediately went into hiding. Subsequently my father was threatened. I left the country and since then my friends and associates have been under pressure to denounce me. Some of them have been called into the Intelligence Ministry and interrogated for hours. I fear for my family and friends’ safety in Iran.

71 Appendix VI: Supplementary List of Tortured Detainees

Below is a list compiled by the Campaign of detailed torture accounts. Please note that detailed torture accounts of journalists is appended under Appendix II.

Hashem Khastar (M):

Hashem Khastar is an agricultural engineer, former head of the Mashad Teachers’ Union, and a former teacher at the Agriculture Technical High School. He was first arrested on 15 June 2009, while sitting on a park bench, when a cl ericcame up to him and asked if he was Mr. Khastar. Khastar was transferred to Ministry of Intelligence Office, interrogated while blindfolded, facing a wall, in solitary confinement for 6 days. He was then transferred to Revolutionary Court on 27 July 2009, didn’t have access to a lawyer, sentenced to 6 years in prison. When he was released on bail on 27 August 2009, lawyers wouldn’t take his case and was threatened by Ministry of Intelligence, found a lawyer and then was transferred to prison without reading the appeals court ruling, which sentenced him to two years. He was arrested again on 16 September 2009 while walking in a park and was taken to Vakilabad Prison. Khastar was sentenced to six years in prison.An appeals court later reduced his sentence to two years. After completing his 2-year sentence, he was tried again on 26 July 2011 on charges of “creating public anxiety.” He has written three letters to the Head of the Judiciary regarding the dire and inhumane conditions and secret executions at Vakilabad Prison, the most recent of which was in May 2011.

“In 2010, the retinas in both my eyes were torn and I realized that I had developed high blood pressure and I started taking pills to control it. Because the prison food has no fiber (there is no fruit or vegetable) I had to have surgery in my digestive tract. Not once were the prisoners given fruit in six months. They transferred me to Imam Reza Hospital in hand and foot cuffs and a hospital uniform. They took me to my tests with the same hand and foot cuffs. The day they took me to the operating room, they couldn’t find the key to my ankle cuffs, so they postponed the surgery for one day. After my operation, when I regained consciousness, I heard the officers saying that my feet had to be chained to the bed…the doctor said after examining me at 8 a.m. that I had to stay in the hospital one more day, but at 11, the guards said that I had been released. They transferred me to the prison in an ambulance….they transferred me in such a rush that they didn’t take any instructions from the doctor, nor did they bring any of my medical documents from the hospital…they sent me to the prison infirmary and the doctor on duty said that because it was a holiday, the pharmacy was closed and they couldn’t get my prescription filled, so they couldn’t give me any medicine. Three months later, I have not been fully healthy.”

Speaking about Khastar’s conditions in Vakilabad, a human rights activist told the Campaign: “At this time, in Hall 102 where Mr. Khastar is currently kept, there are more than 700 prisoners, which is four times its capacity.”

Abdollah Momeni (M)

Abdollah Momen, spokesperson for the student alumni organization Advar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat (Office to Foster Unity), was arrested on 21 June 2009 and sentenced to 4 years and 11 months in prison, placed in solitary confinement for almost 200 days, subjected to physical & psychological abuse, and forced to make a televised confession. In a letter to Ayatollah Khamenei in September 2010, Momeni provided details of his torture.

72 Account of torture: “[They] … shoved my head so far down the toilet that I swallowed feces and began to choke… on several occasions the interrogator in charge of my case strangled me to the point of me losing consciousness and falling to the ground. For days following… I suffered such sever pain in the neck and throat area… eating and drinking became unbearable.”

After writing the letter detailing his torture, he was deprived of furlough and family visits, and according to his wife, the physician said Momeni needs physical treatment outside of prison, but he is denied proper medical care. On 27 July 2011, Tehran’s prosecutor, Jafar Dowlatabadi, filed new charges against Momeni for writing the above letter. He has not been sentenced yet under these charges. He is in prison and has not been allowed a single day of furlough since his arrest.

Mohammad Nourizad (M)

Mohammad Nourizad, a filmmaker imprisoned for his critical writings, was arrested on 20 December 2009 and transferred to Evin after he wrote 3 critical letters to Khamenei and Sadegh Larijani. He was sentenced to three and a half years: two years for “insulting the Supreme Leader,” one year for “propaganda against the regime,” three months for “insulting the president,” three months for “insulting the Head of the Judiciary,” and 50 lashes for “insulting the Mashhad Friday Imam. He spent a total of 68 days in solitary confinement in Ward 209 and 240 in Evin Prison. He was transferred to a hospital on 16 February 2011, got surgery for kidney stones and furlough, returned 27 February, and was being held in IRGC’s Ward 2-A of Evin Prison. He was released after serving nearly seven months of his prison term.

Account of torture: Noruizad wrote a letter to the head of the Judiciary, Sadegh Amoli Larijani, alleging that interrogators spat in his eyes, beat him with shoes on his back and chest, shoved his head in a toilet bowl, cursed his wife and family while punching and kicking him, and “sexually defamed” his family. According to Nourizad: “Insults, curses against my honor, and beatings; these are the things that happened to me twice. In the following sessions, insults, humiliations and threats to my family continued, and things that shame me to repeat. Perhaps for about a year we were forced to wear blindfolds… I developed a skin condition. I developed an infection in my jaws. My teeth became loose. Maybe it was because of the prolonged hunger strikes, but the prison itself is a contributing factor which affects [one's health] silently.”

73 Appendix VII- Excerpts from Abdollah Momeni’s letter

On His Detention: “Beatings, verbal abuse and degradation, and illegal treatments started at the very moment of my arrest. During my arrest, tear gas was used, which prior to this had only been used in the streets and open air. Breathing teargas in a confined space made me feel as if I were choking and rendered me unable to move. Still, the security officials did not stop at that. With great spite and hostility they began to beat me, punching and kicking me, so that they could turn me over to their superiors at Evin prison with a bloody nose, mouth and bleeding teeth and shackled arms and legs … From the very beginning, I was faced with this constant proclamation that ‘the regime has suffered a crack’ and the constant promise that ‘you will all be executed.’”

On Torture and Ill-Treatment:

“During the 86 days I spent in solitary confinement I never saw the color of the sky. During the 7 months of my detention in the security wards of 209 and 240 I was only allowed to go into the courtyard on 6 occasions. After my time in solitary confinement and the end of my interrogations and my court hearing, I was only allowed to contact my family every two weeks—calls that lasted only a few moments and during which my interrogator was present.”

“They cursed at me and my family and after a good beating, while cursing at me and belittling me, they said, ‘We will prove to you that you are a bastard child and that you are the result of illegitimate relations.’ These words made me angry and I responded by fighting. They forced my head down the toilet. They shoved my head so far down the toilet that I swallowed feces and began to choke. They pulled my head out of the toilet and said that they would leave and come back at night and that I had been provided this time to confess to my sexual indiscretions. They claimed that I had to ‘explain fully who I had had sexual relations with, when, how and where.’ They even demanded that I falsely confess to being raped as a child. On many occasions I was threatened with the prospects of being raped with a bottle or a stick. This was so extreme that for example the interrogator of the Ministry of Intelligence of the Islamic Republic would vow that he ‘we will shove a stick in your rear so far that even 100 carpenters won’t be able to extract it.’ He would also claim that: ‘we have informed some web-based sites about your sexual indiscretions and these details will be widely distributed via Bluetooth and CDs.’”

“The iron fist of interrogators would often result in my passing out. On several occasions the interrogator strangled me to the point of me losing consciousness and falling to the ground. For days following these strangulations, I suffered such severe pain in the neck and throat area, that eating and drinking became unbearable.”

On Coerced Confessions:

“… the interrogations had only one aim: to break the prisoner and force him to confess to what it was the interrogator wished. When we asked why it was that they used such methods to extract such confessions, we were told that, ‘According to the founder of the Islamic Republic the preservation of the Regime is the foremost obligation.’”

“During interrogations, whenever I did not respond in accordance with the ‘will of the interrogator’, or as he put it “in line with the interests of the regime,” I was told that either I had ‘to respond as we want you to, or you have to eat and swallow your interrogation form.’ This was not a threat. After refusing these demands, they would force feed the interrogation forms into my mouth.”

“From the start of the interrogations, I was forced to write against my friends and those close to me and when I resisted, besides being beaten and slapped repeatedly, I was given this response by the

74 interrogator, ‘You have to write against others so that your own notorious personality is demoralized.’ Perhaps this logic, which was intent on demoralizing and breaking me, justified their insistence that I confess to sexual relations and indiscretions which I had not had. When I objected that these accusations were not true, and insisted that I could not implicate myself in a false confession, I would receive beatings and insults and would be told that, ‘We will bring a prostitute to your court hearing to confess against you and say that she had illegitimate sexual relations with you.’”

“More than 400 days have passed since my arrest…I just want to inform all that I continue to hold the same beliefs that I had prior to my arrest and I remain true to those beliefs. As explained earlier, the statement I read in court and under pressure does not represent my beliefs.”

On the “Show Trial”:

“Following these abuses, 86 days in solitary confinement and 50 days of being completely out of touch with the outside world, lack of access to my family, lack of phone privileges or visits (which resulted in everyone outside of prison wondering whether I was actually still alive) and after practicing my lines with the interrogator to ensure I made statements implicating myself, I appeared for my court hearing. I appeared in court despite the fact that I was not allowed to have a lawyer of my own choosing representing me.”

“This was a court after all, where my testimony was dictated to me by my interrogators beforehand. The interrogators had falsely promised me that if I read the testimony they had prepared during my court hearing, they would release me, by the end of September 2009. But freedom was not my motivation for reading their statement in court and implicating myself in confessions. I was only looking for a way to free myself of the constant physical and emotional torture that was being inflicted upon me in prison… I was hoping that I would not have my head jammed into the toilet bowl in order to extract a false confession. I was hoping to free myself of the constant beatings, punches, kicks, and slaps of the interrogator. I was looking to free myself of the constant threats of execution and other promised acts of violence against me.”

On Independence of Judicial Authorities:

“Interrogators said that they were in fact the ones who issued court rulings. Perhaps it is important to note that the judge in charge of my case (Judge Salavati) had explained to me that ‘if the interrogators are satisfied with you, we will free you.’ This statement in and of itself reflects the level of independence enjoyed by judges and court officials.”

“It is a fact that these false confessions are then used by the court system and judges, as a basis for the issuance of verdicts and sentences. This cooperation between the court and interrogators takes place despite the fact that on many occasions I personally witnessed how interrogators insulted and cursed the judges and prosecutors. The interrogators believe that the judge and prosecutors play no roles in the issuance of sentences and their opinions do not count. Interrogators believe that they are the ones who decide for the judicial system and for the regime as a whole.”

“The interrogator said “The prosecutor is a nobody and that I am the one who decides.” The interrogator told me that in my meeting with the prosecutor I should not demand the services of a lawyer. In the end and to my disbelief, my interrogator was present during my meeting with the prosecutor—the same interrogator who had tortured me, and the experience of this torture over several months was more tangible than all other possibilities. So, it was only natural that under these circumstances I did not have much to say to the prosecutor.”

75 Appendix VIII: No One Held Accountable

In all the cases detailed in the Campaign’s recent Persian-language report on this problem, Iranian officials never provided full or compelling accounts for the prisoners’ deaths. Authorities failed to launch full or independent investigations in most instances. In several cases, authorities even denied lawyers and family members access to details about the prisoner’s death, refused to allow an autopsy, and did not allow lawyers or family members to file grievances. In the high profile case of Canadian-Iranian journalist, Zahra Kazemi, and abuses at the notorious Kahrizak Detention Center, prosecutors did bring criminal charges against alleged perpetrators, but only against low-level prison guards. The guards in Kazemi’s case were acquitted and high-ranking officials openly implicated in the Kahrizak abuses were never prosecuted.

The Campaign believes the number of deaths caused by official wrongdoing would be greater than the 17 published in the report if undocumented cases and the cases of ordinary non-political inmates were accounted for.

In sum, the deaths prisoners of conscience in Iran indicate a pattern of abuse and willful neglect. The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran calls on authorities to ensure the treatment of prisoners met international standard and launch independent investigations into all deaths documented in the report, and responsible persons to be prosecuted and held accountable.

Below is a summary of the cases documented in the full length Persian language report.

Zahra Kazemi, photojournalist, was arrested on 23 June 2003 for taking photographs outside of Evin Prison in Tehran. Kazemi told police interrogators that while under interrogation at the Prosecutor’s Office, she was beaten in the head. On 27 June 2003, Kazemi was taken to the hospital after slipping into a coma. She died in the hospital on 10 July 2003. Kazemi’s cause of death was officially announced as brain hemorrhaging.

A special fact-finding committee, appointed by then President Mohammad Khatami, implicated Tehran’s Prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi in the death of Kazemi. The committee’s findings were reviewed inside the Iranian Judiciary under the oversight of Mortazavi himself. The Judiciary at first charged an Intelligence Ministry employee with involuntary manslaughter and refused to investigate Mortazavi’s direct involvement in the case. The Intelligence Ministry suspect was later acquitted of the charge and released. The four lawyers who represented Kazemi’s family were threatened and eventually arrested and imprisoned on unfounded charges.

Akbar Mohammadi, political activist, was arrested for the first time on 9 July 1999 and released on medical furlough. He was re-arrested on 11 June 2004 and reportedly launched a hunger strike, according to Sohrab Soleimani, Head of the Department of Prisons of Tehran. Mohammadi died while in prison on 30 July 2006. Mohammadi suffered from seizures and spinal disc problems, and according to his parents and lawyers, was repeatedly beaten in prison and denied medication. Witnesses present at Mohammadi’s burial said he had signs of injuries on his face, head, and body. The Iranian Judiciary, despite promising to investigate Mohammadi’s cause of death, never reported any findings. The Medical Examiner’s report was also never released. Khalil Bahramian, one of Mohammadi’s lawyers, was later prosecuted on charges of “insults and libel” in a suit filed against him by officials at Evin Prison.

Valiollah Feyz Mahdavi, political prisoner, was arrested in September 2001 and sentenced to death on the charge of “attempting to plant a bomb.” His sentence was reduced to imprisonment after approval from Head of the Judiciary Ayatollah Shahroudi, according to a public statement made by one of Mahdavi’s lawyers. Mahdavi began a hunger strike on 26 August 2006 to protest his case. He

76 died in prison in September 2006.

On 4 September 2006, the Head of the Department of Prisons of Tehran, Sohrab Soleimani, announced Mahdavi’s “suicide attempt” and said he was transferred to a hospital, but denied he was on hunger strike. Prison authorities announced Mahdavi committed suicide by hanging himself in his cell. Two days later, the Head of the Public Relations Office of the Department of Prisons of Tehran claimed Mahdavi attempted to hang himself in his cell and was taken to a hospital where he died. Mahdavi’s body was never delivered to his family and security forces carried out his burial. The Medical Examiner’s report detailing Mahdavi’s cause of death was never released.

Zahra Baniyaghoub, physician, was arrested on 12 October 2007 and died in prison on 14 October 2007. Baniyaghoub and her fiancé were arrested by Morality Police in the city of Hamadan. Baniyaghoub’s father arrived at the Morality Police headquarters in Hamadan to pick her up, but was told she had committed suicide thirty minutes earlier using pieces of fabric from a banner. Baniyaghoub’s brother later said he spoke with her only fifteen minutes prior to the announced time of death, and that she was calm and peaceful, awaiting their father’s arrival to take her home. Baniyaghoub’s family members who attended her burial reported that she was still bleeding from her nose and ear. One of her lawyers, Shirin Ebadi, visited the room where Baniyaghoub was alleged to have committed suicide, and said that considering Baniyaghoub’s height, the room’s ceiling was not high enough to commit suicide by hanging. There were also discrepancies about the time of death.

Three suspects were charged with Baniyaghoub’s death but the charges were later dismissed and the cause of death confirmed as suicide. Upon the family’s appeal, a court in Tehran found two men in violation of administrative laws and sentenced them to two and one-year prison terms respectively. All authorities were acquitted of murder charges.

Ebrahim Lotfallahi, student activist, was arrested on 6 January 2008, and nine days later, on 15 January 2008, his family was informed of his death. Authorities told his family that he had committed suicide, but did not provide any other details. Lotfallahi’s family and the Defenders of Human Rights Center have requested an investigation into Lotfallahi’s death. No one has been charged or held responsible in connection with his death.

Amir Hossein Heshmat Saran, political activist, was arrested in 2004 on the charge of establishing the “Iranian National Unity Front” organization. A few days before 4 March 2009, Saran became ill, and other inmates took him to the infirmary twice. The first time, the infirmary refused to accept him, and after hours of delay when his condition became critical, authorities transferred him to an outside hospital. Authorities reportedly wrote above his hospital bed that he had been admitted for mental problems. However, his wife claimed that the attending doctor told her Saran was “brain hemorrhaging, and his lungs were infected with the infection spreading to the rest of his body.” She speculated that, “He must have received medical aid earlier, but he was brought to the hospital when he was practically dead.” Saran’s wife added that she heard from his cellmates that the night before, Saran was beaten severely by prison guards. Prior to his death, Saran suffered from a heart condition and was denied medical treatment.

Omidreza Mirsayafi, blogger, was sentenced to prison in November 2008 on charges of insulting religious leaders and engaging in propaganda against the Islamic Republic. He died in March 2009. On 18 March 2009, Mirsayafi was diagnosed with very low blood pressure and was transferred to the prison infirmary. Three hours later he was transferred to a hospital. Authorities declared the cause of his death to be a drug overdose. However, his brother stated that Mirsayafi’s body showed evidence of a broken skull, bruised back, and bloody nose and ears. The authorities prevented an autopsy and have not responded to his family’s complaints.

77 Amir Javadifar, Mohsen Rouhoulamini, Mohammad Kamrani, and Ramin Aghazadeh Ghahremani, all protestors, were arrested by security forces on 9 July 2009 during a post-election protest, and sent to Kahrizak Detention Center. According to the report of a parliamentary committee, these individuals faced poor prison conditions, lack of medical attention, and torture. The committee requested that judiciary officials investigate the deaths of these individuals. However, two years later, the case has not yet been settled. Kahrizak Detention Center was reportedly closed after the deaths of these individuals. Several low-level prison guards have been prosecuted for abuses in Kahrizak, including for the deaths of these four protestors. However, the former Prosecutor of Tehran, Saeed Mortazavi, and Tehran’s police chief, Ahmad Reza Radan, have not faced trial despite a parliamentary investigation that held them accountable for abuses at Kahrizak.

Mohsen Dogmechi, a former political prisoner, was arrested by authorities on 7 September 2009. He was sentenced to prison for providing financial support to the families of political prisoners and sent to Evin Prison. He died on 28 March 2011. While in prison, he had complained of severe stomach pain, weight loss and heart problems. However, authorities ignored his complaints and denied him medical aid. Four months later he was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer and prescribed chemotherapy. Authorities delayed his treatment by over a month and soon after, he passed away. After numerous threats by the authorities, Dogmechi’s wife, for the safety of her son, decided not to push for an investigation into his death.

Hassan Nahid, communications engineer, was arrested in 2004 and sentenced to prison for revealing classified evidence. Nahid died in prison in April 2011. He had suffered from health complications and was diagnosed with cancer. However, not only was he denied medical aid, authorities also added an additional three years to his prison sentence for failure to pay a fine that was part of his original. In an open letter, a group of prisoners wrote that Nahid was denied the basic rights of a prisoner, including medical care, while in prison.

Hoda Saber, journalist and political activist, was most recently arrested in July 2010. Authorities sentenced him to prison on charges stemming from his political activism. He died in Evin Prison on 12 June 2011. Authorities stated that the cause of his death was a heart attack. Saber had gone on hunger strike on 2 June 2011 to protest the reportedly wrongful death of political activist Haleh Sahabi. On the eighth day of his hunger strike, Saber felt severe pain in his chest and stomach. He was transferred to the prison infirmary; however, shortly thereafter, authorities reportedly returned him to his cell. His cellmates said that Saber told them that while he was in the infirmary, security officials posing as medical personnel severely beat him. Sixty-four other political prisoners have confirmed this testimony. Saber’s health conditions further deteriorated and officials failed to provide him with medical aid. He was transferred to the hospital when it was too late and soon after he passed away.

Ten parliamentary representatives have publicly called for an investigation into the cause of his death, however, at the time of this writing, there has been no response by authorities.

Other Questionable Deaths of Political Prisoners:

Abdulreza Rajabi, a member of the Mojahedin-e Khalgh Organization (MEK), was arrested by authorities in 2001 and sentenced to life in prison. On 28 October 2008, Rajabi was transferred from Evin Prison to Gohardasht Prison. He died the same night. Authorities have not released any information regarding the cause of his death.

Kaveh Azizpour, a Kurdish political activist, was arrested in 2006. In late April 2008, authorities transferred him to a hospital while he was in a coma and he died 20 days later on 17 May 2008. Azizpour’s relatives have said that in the second year of his sentence, he had two brain surgeries

78 after suffering from “a stroke as a result of torture.” Iranian judicial authorities never provided an official explanation about the political prisoner’s death.

Hashem Ramezani, a Kurdish citizen, was arrested by authorities in January 2009. Four days later, his family was called to appear at the Intelligence Office in the city of Orumiyeh to claim his body. Authorities informed the family that Ramezani had committed suicide during his detention. Judicial and Intelligence authorities in Orumiyeh did not approve the Ramezani family’s request to transfer his body to the Medical Examiner’s Office in Tehran for an autopsy to determine the cause of death. They were further asked to not speak publicly about his death at the Intelligence Detention Center in Orumiyeh and to bury him immediately.

Deaths of Ordinary Prisoners:

In addition to political prisoners, there were several other cases of prisoner deaths among ordinary non-political prisoners:

Mohammad Rajabi Sani was arrested on 30 September 2004 following a street fight with two other citizens, and transferred to Ghezel Hessar Prison. Authorities transferred him to Rajaee Hospital in the city of Karaj a few days later, saying he had lost brain function in prison. Sani, who was prescribed heavy medication for psychological disorders he developed while serving in the Iran-Iraq War, was denied his medication and refused access to a doctor. When his health deteriorated in prison, authorities transferred him to the mental ward. Believing that Sani was “faking” his illness, prison personnel allegedly attacked and beat him and transferred him to a hospital only after he slipped into a coma. The Judiciary first announced that Sani’s cause of death was an “advanced internal infection.” However, a public outcry over the treatment of mental patients at Ghezel Hessar Prison forced the Judiciary to launch an investigation. Authorities concluded that Sani’s death was the result of “negligence on the part of four prison officials who did not do their legal duties and caused the individual’s death.”

Several other suspicious deaths of ordinary non-political prisoners have also been publicly reported. The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran continues its efforts to gain more information about these cases, including nine deaths among female inmates between November 2005 and June 2009 inside Gohardasht Prison in Karaj, where the women either died under suspicious circumstances or had allegedly been murdered in prison. Fereshteh Famil, Hanieh Hadian, Arezoo Abdi, Fereshteh Rajabzadeh, Mina Maleki, Katrin Safa, Shirin Zoghi, Hedieh Moayedi, and Mahnaz Akbari are some of these victims.

79 Appendix IX: Students detained and suspended March 2007-December 20088

List of 201 students detained between June 2007 and December 2008

STUDENTS WHO DIED WHILE IN CUSTODY: 1. Ebrahim Lotfolahi; Payam Nour in Sanandaj, detained on 6 January 2008, died in custody on 14 January 2008 under suspicious circumstances. Strong indications that he died due to severe torture. 2. Yaghoub Mehrnahad; Azad University in Zahedan, detained on 6 May 2007 in Zahedan, He was sentenced to death following an unfair trial and executed on 8 August 2008. 3. Habibolah Latifi; Originally from Sanandaj, student at Azad University in Ilam, detained on 25 October 2007, was sentenced to death in August 2008. ______DETAINED AND SENTENCED: 4. Rashed Abdolahi – University of Isfahan, detained on 15 June 2008. Sentenced to a 3-year imprisonment in exile in Soleyman Masjid in November 2008. 5. Javad Alizadeh – Tehran University, detained on 11 October 2008. Previously detained on December 9, 2007 and released on 17 February 2008 on approximately $88,000 bail (800 million Rial). 6. Amirreza Ardalan – Azad University in Shahreza, detained on 17 June 2008. Appealed a one-year prison sentence, reducing it to 6 months. Currently serving his sentence. 7. Saeed Derakhshandeh – University of Yazd, detained on 21 August 2006. Sentenced to 30 months prison. 8. Hedayat Ghazali – Alameh Tabatabaee University, detained on 25 September 2007 in Sanandaj. Sentenced to two years in prison on 24 August 2008. Currently in Evin Prison. 9. Yaser Goli – Azad University in Sanandaj, detained on 12 October 2007. Sentenced to 15 years prison. 10. Aboulfazl Jahandar – Alameh Tabatabaee University, detained on 20 August 2006. Sentenced to 3 years prison. 11. Sabah Nasri – Tehran University, detained on 25 September 2007 in Sanandaj. Sentenced to two years in prison on 24 August 2008. Currently in Evin Prison. 12. Mehdi Nouri – Azad University in Naghadeh, detained on 8 May 2007. Two-year prison sentence. 13. Jamal Rahmani – University of Isfahan, detained on 15 June 2008. Sentenced to 6-years imprisonment in exile in Izeh in November 2008. ______DETAINED AND RELEASED: 14. Ali Abdolahzadeh; University of Tabriz, 31 June 2008 – 4 July 2008. Released on bail. 15. Amir Aghaiee; Rajaiee University, detained 3 December 2007. 16. Saeed Agham Ali; Yazd University.

80 17. Maghsoud Ahdi; University of Tabriz, 20 July 2008 – 28 October 2008. Released on a 200 million Rial ($22,000) bail. 18. Mohammad Mehdi Ahdi; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008 – 11 March 2008. Released on bail. 19. Nader Ahdi; Mazandaran University, 1 December 2007 – 5 February 2008. Released on a 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 20. Asgar Akbarzadeh; Payam e Nour University in Ardebil, 9 June 2008- 10 July 2008, released on a 300 Million Rial ($33,000) bail, Previously he was arrested on 23 February 2008 and released on 16 April 2008 after serving 4 months in prison. 21. Javad Alikhani; Chamran University Ahwaz, 22 October 2007- 13 September 2008 on a $88,000 (800 million Rial) bail. 22. Mehdi Allahyari; Sharif University, 8 December 2007 – 26 February 2008 on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 23. Mansour Aminian; Tabriz University, 20 July 2008 – 28 October 2008 on a 200 million Rial ($22,000) bail. 24. Rouzbehan Amiri; Tehran University, 4 December 2007 – 15 January 2008, released on bail. 25. Mehdi Amirian; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008 – 11 March 2008, released on bail. 26. Keyvan Amiri Elyasi; Sharif University, 3 December 2007 – 30 January 2008, released on a 500 Million Rial ($55,000) bail. 27. Hamidreza Amirkhani; University of Ferdosi Mash’had, 1 September 2008 – 10 September 2008. 28. Reza Arab; Mazandaran University, 27 June 2008 – 20 July 2008. Previously arrested on 12 December 2007 and released on 13 December 2007. 29. Mehdi Arabshahi; Alameh Tabatabaiee, 9 July 2007 – 10 August 2007, released on bail. 30. Amin Aria; Teacher Training University in Tehran, 9 September 2008- 18 September 2008. 31. Akbar Asgarzadeh; Payam e Nour Ardebil, 23 February 2008 – 16 April 2008. 32. Amireza Ardalan; Azad University in Isfahan, detained on 28 June 2008, was sentenced to one year in prison on 4 August 2008. 33. Ashkan Arashian; University of Ferdowsi mash’had, 7 July 2008 – 28 July 2008. 34. Majid Asadi; University of Alameh Tabatabaiee, 6 July 2008 – 25 August 2008, released on bail. 35. Vedoud Asadi; University of Rasht, 22 July 2008 – 24 August 2008, released on bail. 36. Sohail Asefi; University of Soureh in Tehran, 4 August 2007 – 13 October 2007 on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 37. Hadi Asgari; Shiraz University, 5 March 2008 – 6 March 2008 on bail. 38. Majid Ashrafnejad; Shahid Rajaiee University, December 2007 – 30 January 2008 on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 39. Mohammad Saleh Ayouman; Tehran University, 9 December 2007 – 27 February 2008, released on a 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail.

81 40. Anoushe Azadbar; Tehran University, 2 December 2007 – 21 January 2008 on a 300 Million Rial ($33,000) bail. 14 February 2008 – 24 February 2008 after increasing previous bail to 1 billion Rial ($110,000). 41. Ali Azizi; Amirkabir University, 4 November 2007 – 6 January 2008. He was sentenced to 3 years in prison on August 2008. 42. Milad Azizi; Tehran University, 9 December 2007 – 10 December 2007. 43. Behzad Bagheri; Tehran University, 14 January 2008 – 16 March 2008, on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 44. Jamshid Bahrami; Originally from Marivan, Tabriz University, 8 February 2008 – 18 February 2008. 45. Mojtaba Bayat; 9 July 2007 – 10 August 2007, released on bail. 46. Amirali Bayat Mokhtari; University of Damghan, 8 July 2008 – 11 July 2008. 47. Reza Daghestani; Payam e Nour Naghade, 26 February 2008 – 19 March 2008, released on a 400 Million Rial ($44,000) bail. 48. Majid Dari; University of Alameh Tabatabaiee, 25 November 2008- 2 December 2008, released on third person guarantee. 49. Soroush Dashtestani; 14 January 2008 – 4 March 2008, released on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 50. Abdullah Davoudina; Shiraz University, 5 March 2008- 6 March 2008, released on bail. 51. Nader Dinari; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008- 11 March 2008, released on bail. 52. Tohid Dolatshenas; University of Ferdosi in Mash’had, 27 June 2008 – 11 July 2008. 53. Saadat Dolfani; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008- 10 March 2008, released on bail. 54. Farshad Doustipour; Buali University in Hamedan, 26 May 2008 – 1 June 2008, released on guarantee bail. Previously he was detained from 9 December 2007 to 2 February 2008 and was released on a 500 Million Rial ($55,000) bail, 55. Mohammad Ehsani; University of Sistan and Baluchestsn, arrested in Mash’had, 8 July 2008 – 17 July 2008. 56. Mojtaba Emadpour; University of Damghan, 8 July 2008- 11 July 2008. 57. Morteza Eslahchi; Alameh Tabatabaiee, 9 July 2007 – 10 August 2007, released on bail. Also detained 24 January 2008 – 17 February 2008, released on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 58. Daryoush Esmaieli; Uromieh Technical Training Center, 21 May 2008 – 16 June 2008, released on an 1 billion Rial ($11,000) bail. 59. Darush Esmaielzadeh; Urmieh Technical high education Center, 22 May 2007– 18 June 2007, released on a 100 Million Rial ($11,000) bail. 60. Mohsen Fakhri; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008- 10 March 2008, released on bail. 61. Farshid Farhadi Ahangaran; Rajaie University, December 2007- 21 February 2008, released on a 500 Million Rial ($55,000) bail. 62. Sivan Farokhzadi; Teacher Training University in Tehran, 11 September 2008 – 18 September 2008.

82 63. Mosleh Fatahpour; Teacher Training University in Tehran, 23 August 2008 – 1 September 2008, released on bail. 64. Bahram Feyzi; 9 July 2007 – 10 August 2007. 65. Saeed Feyzolahzadeh; Allameh Tabatabaie, 25 November 2008 – 2 December 2008, released on a 3rd person Guarantee. Previously he was arrested on 1 March 2008 and released on 26 April 2008 on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 66. Mohsen Gamin; Amirkabir University, around 1 December 2007 – 21 January 2008 on an 800 million Rial ($88,000) bail. 67. Mehdi Gerailou; Tehran University, 7 December 2007 – 7 February 2008 on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 68. Loghman Ghadiri; Shiraz University, 5 March 2008 – 6 March 2008, released on bail. 69. Aidin Gharehbaghi; Payam e Nour in Ardebil, 10 April 2008 – 15 April 2008. 70. Nadermahd Gharehbagh; Tabriz University, 22 May 2007 – 7 June 2008. 71. Ahmad Ghasaban; Amirkabir University, 3 May 2007, sentenced to two and half – year prison term. He was conditionally released on 13 August 2008. 72. Amin Ghazaiee; 14January 2008 – 4 March 2008, released on a 500 Million Rial ($55,000) bail. 73. Roshanak Gheyasian; Tehran University, 9 December 2007 – 10 December 2007. 74. Payman Gholami; University of Tabriz, 31 June 2008 – 4 July 2008, released on bail. 75. Ali Gholizadeh; Shahroud University, arrested in Mash’had, 7 July 2008- 23 August 2008, released on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 76. Mahdieh Golrou; University of Alameh Tabatabaiee, 25 November 2008- 2 December 2008, released on a 3rd person guarantee. 77. Mohsen Gowhari; Shiraz University, 5 March 2008 – 6 March 2008, released on bail. 78. Mohammadmehdi Habibi; University in Isfahan, 5 August 2008 – 26 August 2008. 79. Saeed Habibi; Tarbiat Modares, 2 December 2007 – 12 February 2008 on a 1.5 billion Rial($165,000) bail. 80. Ghafour Habibpour; Azad University in Tabriz, 19 May 2007 – 7 June 2007. 81. Shirzad Hajilou; Azad University in Khoy, 11 December 2007 – 2 March 2008, served prison term. 82. Mehdi Hajmohammadi; Urmieh University, 30 May 2007 – 13 June 2007, released on a 200 Million Rial ($ 21,000) bail. 83. Abbas Hakimzadeh; Amirkabir University, 6 June 2007- 19 July 2007, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 84. Hadi Hamidi Shafigh; Azad University in Uromieh, 11 December 2006 – 3 May 2008, released after completing 17 month prison term. 85. Ali Hasani; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008- 10 March 2008, released on bail. 86. Shahin Hasani; Teachers Training Institute in Tabriz, 20 May 2007 – 20 June 2007, released on a bail.

83 87. Farzad Hasanzadeh; University of Ferdosi in Mash’had, 27 June 2008- 22 August 2008 on 300 million Rial ($33,000) bail. Previously, he was arrested in January 2008 and released on 5 February 2008 on bail. 88. Mohammad Hashemi; Tehran University, 13 July 2008- 16 August 2008 on a 3rd person guarantee, previously he was arrested on 9 July 2007- 10 August 2007 and released on bail. 89. Sorena Hashemi; Zanjan University, 12 August 2008- 9 September 2008, released on a 200 million Rial ($22,000) bail. 90. Soroush Hashempour; Chamran University in Ahwaz, 22 October 2007- 29 October 2007. 91. Daryoush Hatami; University of Tabriz, 17 July 2008- 28 October 2008. 92. Bahareh Hedayat; University of Tehran, 13 July 2008 – 16 August 2008, released on a 3rd person guarantee, previously she was arrested on 9 July 2007- 10 August 2007 on bail. 93. Anahita Hoseini; Tehran University, 14 January 2008 – 20 February 2008, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 94. Hossein Hosseini; University in Azerbaijan, 21 June 2008 – 10 July 2008, released on a 100 Million Rial ($11,000) bail. 95. Saeed Isadbakhsh; Alameh Tabatabaiee University, 20 May 2007 – 26 May 2007. 96. Ramin Jahani; Azad University in Ardebil, 22 May 2007 – 9 May 2007, released on bail. 97. Esmaiel Jalilvand; Shiraz University, 5 March 2008 – 6 March 2008, released on bail. 98. Ilnaz Jamshidi; Azad University in Tehran, 2 December 2007 – 23 January 2008, released on a 1 billion Rial($110,000) bail. 99. Hassan Jonaydi; University of Zanjan, 8 July 2008 – 3 September 2008, released on a 1.5 million Rial ($155, 000) bail. 100. Hassan Jonaydi; University of Zanjan, 8 July 2008 – 3 September 2008, released on a 1.5 billion Rial ($155, 000) bail. 101. Nahid Kalhor; University of Qom, 1 June 2008. 102. Ali Kantouri; 12 December 2007 – 25 May 2008, released on a 1.5 billion Rial ($156,000) bail. 103. Jafar Karimi; Uromieh University, 19 May 2007 – 1 June 2007, released on a 200 Million Rial ($22,000) bail. 104. Sohrab Karimi; Azad University in Tehran, 9 December 2007 – 26 February 2008, released on a bail. 105. Ardeshir Karimi Khiyavi; Azad University in Ardebil, 22 May 2007 –29 May 2007, released on bail and detained again 10 April 2008 – 29 April 2008, released on a 300 million Rial ($33,000) bail. 106. Behrouz Karimizadeh; Tehran University, 3 December 2007 – 15 April 2008, released on a 3 billion Rial ($330,000) bail. 107. Sasan Keyvani; Urmieh University, 19 May 2007 – 1 June 2007, released on a 200 Million Rial ($21,000) bail. 108. Sara Khademi; Mazandaran University, 11 December 2007 – 27 December 2008 109. Aidin Khajeiee; University of Tabriz, 17 July 2008 – 28 October 2008, released on a 50 million Rial ($55,000) bail.

84 110. Meghdad Khalilpour; Amirkabir University, 7 May 2007- 19 July 2007, on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 111. Hasti Khazravi; University of Khajenasir, 21 September 2008- 30 September 2008, released on a 200 Million Rial ($22,000) bail. 112. Morteza Khedmatilou; 14 January 2007 – 14 March 2008, released on bail. 113. Masoud Kheirati; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008- 11 March 2008, released on bail. 114. Mehdi Khosravi; University of Ferdosi Mash’had, 1 September 2008 – 8 September 2008. 115. Ali Kilaiee; Azad University in Shahriar, 4 December 2007 – 30 January 2008, released on a bail. 116. Mehdi Kiyani; Payam e Nour in Ardebil; 10 April 2008 – 15 April 2008. 117. Mehdi Khodaiee; Azad University in Tehran, 3 July 2008 – 9 August 2008, released on a bail. 118. Adel Lotfi; Azad University in Ardebil, 22 May 2007 – 29 May 2007, released on a bail. 119. Hassan Maarefi; Mazandaran University, 30 November 2007- 20 December 2007, released on bail. 120. Pouyan Mahmoudian; Amirkabir University, 9 May 2007- 19 July 2007, on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 121. Majid Makouiezadeh; University of Tabriz, 31 August 2008 – 28 October 2008, released on a 500 Million Rial ($55,000) bail. 122. Ehsan Mansouri; Amikabir University, 23 May 2007, sentenced to two year imprison. He was conditionally released on 13 August 2008. 123. Masoumeh Mansouri; Amirkabir University, 25 October 2007- 14 November 2007, released on a 3rd person guarantee. 124. Amir Mardani; Tabriz University, 13 August 2008 – 28 October 2008, released on a 500 Million Rial ($55,000) bail. 125. Farough Maroufi; Teacher Training University in Tehran, 23 August, 2008 – 1 September 2008, released on bail. 126. Mehdi Masoumi; Chamran University in Ahwaz, 22 October 2007- 29 October 2007. 127. Showan Merikhi; Mazandaran University, 11 December 2007 – 20 December 2007. 128. Yunes Mirhoseini; Shiraz University, 5 December 2007 – 19 December 2007, released on bail. He was sentenced to three year prison which has been suspended for 4 years. 129. Siamak Mirzaiee; University of Parsabad Moghan, 8 October 2007- 9 October 2007. 130. Mohammad Mizban;University of Ferdosi Mash’had, 3 July 2008- 11 July 2008. 131. Milad Moeini; Mazandaran University, 30 November 2007- 20 December 2007, released on a bail. 132. Mahboubeh Moghadam; Alameh Tabatabaiee, 6 September 2007 in Kermanshah – 20 October 2007. 133. Hamed Mohammadi; Mazandaran University, 30 November 2007- 20 December 2007, released on bail. 134. Mahnaz Mohammadzade; University of Uromieh, 8 October 2007.

85 135. Mahsa Mohebi; Sharif University, 4 December 2007. 136. Samad Moulagholi; Azad University in Shabestar, 6 October 2008 – 8 November 2008, released on a 10 Million Rial ($11,000) bail. 137. Rouzbeh Mousavi Rahimi; Chamran University in Ahwaz, 22 October 2007 – 29 October 2007. 138. Salaam Nabati; Azad University in Marivan, 7 February 2008 – 18 February 2008, released on a 200 Million ($20,000) Rial bail. 139. Nima Nahvi; Mazandaran University, 11 December 2007. 140. Ehsan Najafi; University of Tabriz, 30 September 2008 – 28 October 2008, released on a 500 million Rial ($55,000) bail. 141. Reza Negahdari; Tehran University, 24 August 2008 – 27 August 2008. 142. Ali Nekounesbati; Amirkabir University, 9 July 2007 – 10 August 2007, released on bail. 143. Akbar Nikjou; Uromieh University, 6 July 2007 – 19 July 2007. 144. Raiee Nikzad; Chamran University in Ahwaz, 22 October 2007 – 12 November 2007. 145. Milad Omrani; Rajaiee University, 3 December 2007 – 23 January 2008, released on an 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 146. Arash Pakzad; Mazandaran University, 3 December 2007 – 15 January 2008, released on a 200 Million Rial ($22,000) bail. 147. Akbar Pashaiee; Urmieh University, 22 May 2007 – 1 July 2008, sentenced to one year prison sentence. 148. Zeinab Peyghambarzadeh; Tehran University, 7 May 2007 – 16 May 2007, released on a 200 Million Rial ($22,000) bail. 149. Peyman Piran; University of Tehran, December 2007 – 1 May 2008, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 150. Sadra Pirhayati; Shahed University, 4 December 2007. 151. Mohammad Pourabdolah; 14 January 2008 – 24 February 2008, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 152. Sajad Radmehr; University of Tabriz, 17 July 2008 – 28 October 2008 on a 500 million Rial ($55,000) bail. 153. Pedram Rafaat; Amirkabir, 1 November 2007 – 20 November 2007, released on a bail. 154. Sajjad Rajabi; University of Ferdosi Mash’had, 4 July 2008 – 17 July 2008. 155. Hossein Rahimi; University in Rasht, 24 August 2008. 156. Mohsen Rahimi; University in Rasht, 24 August 2008. 157. Abbas Rahmati; Shiraz University, 5 March 2008 – 6 March 2008, released on a bail. 158. Sajjad Rajabi; University of Ferdosi Mash’had, 4 July 2008 – 17 July 2008. 159. Arman Rasoulpour; Mazandaran University, 11 December 2007. 160. Arash Rayeji; University of Zanjan, 8 July 2008. 161. Kazem Rezaie; Shiraz University, 5 March 2008 – 6 March 2008, released on bail.

86 162. Amin Reeyahi; Univeristy of Ferdousi Mash’had, 1 September 2008 – 8 September 2008. 163. Bijan Sabbagh Sani; Mazandaran University, 14 January 2008 – 23 February 2008, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 164. Ali Saberi; Amirkabir University, 7 July 2008 – 20 July 2008, reviously was arrested on 6 June 2007 and released on 19 July 2007, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 165. Soroush Sabet; Sharif University, 14 January 2007- 28 February 2008, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 166. Rouzbeh Safshekan; Tehran University, 4 December 2007 – 20 January 2008, released on a 1.5 billion Rial ($165,000) bail. 167. Hadi Salari; Rajaiee University. 168. Ali Salem; Amirkabir University, 12 December 2007 – 30 January 2008, released on an 800 million Rial ($88,000) bail. 169. Maziar Samiee; Allameh Tabatabaie, 30 October 2007 – 8 November 2007, released on a 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 170. Bita Samimi Rad; 14 January 2008 – 20 February 2008. 171. Mohammad Sayadi; University of Hamedan, 13 September 2008 – 15 September 2008. 172. Arman Sedaghati; Allameh Tabatabaie, 30 October 2007 – 8 November 2007, released on a 3rd person guarantee, two year suspended prison by branch 28, Revolutionary Court on 9 April 2008. 173. Amir Sarabi; University of Damghan, 8 July 2008 – 11 July 2008. 174. Behnam Sepehrvand; Allameh Tabatabaie, 30 October 2007 – 8 November 2007, released on a 1 billion Rial ($110,000) bail. 175. Asadolah Shahbakhsh; Azad University in Zahedan, 6 March 2008. 176. Ali Shakeri; Payam e Nour in Sanandaj, 13 January 2008- 3 February 2008, released on bail, was sentenced to two year and 6 months in prison in August 2008. 177. Payam Shakiba; University of Zanjan, 8 July 2008 – 3 September 2008, released on 1.5 billion Rial ($155,000) bail. 178. Mohammad Sharifi; Teacher Training University in Tehran, 11 September 2008- 18 September 2008. 179. Mehdi Sheikhahmadi; University of Tabriz, 14 August 2008. 180. Majid Sheikhpour; Amirkabir University, 9 May 2007 – 19 July 2007, released on an 800 Million Rial ($88,000) bail. 181. Hajilou Shirzad; Azad University in Khoy, 11 December 2007 – 2 March 2008, had been sentenced to 3 months and a day imprisonment. 182. Amin Shoja; Teacher Training University in Tehran, 11 September 2008 – 13 September 2008. 183. Bahram Shojaiee; Azad University in Tehran, 6 December 2007 – released shortly and again for several days was in detention in December and detained again 16 December 2007- 30 January 2008 on bail. 184. Sadegh Shojaiee; University of Alameh Tabatabaee, 25 November 2008– 2 December 2008.

87 185. Salman Sima; Azad University in Tehran, 6 July 2008 – 9 August 2008. 186. Nasim Soltanbeygi; Allameh Tabatabaee, 3 December 2007 – 26 January 2008, released on a 500 Million Rial ($550,000) bail. 187. Tohid Soltani; Urmieh University, 19 May 2007 – 1 June 2007, on a 200 Million Rial ($21,000) bail. 188. Majid Tavakoli; Amirkabir University, 9 May 2007, sentenced to three year imprison. He was conditionally released on 13 August 2008. 189. Javad Tavalali; Chamran University in Ahwaz, 22 October 2007- 29 October 2007. 190. Abed Tavanche; Amirkabir University, 22 August 2008 to serve an 8 month prison sentence. He was released on 18 November 2008 after 5 months in prison and paid a fine for the rest of the prison sentence. He had been arrested in 2007 and 2006 and released on bail. 191. Ali Vaghfi; Sharif University, 9 July 2007 – 10 August 2007, released on a bail. 192. Bahram Vahedi; Zanjan University, 6 August 6, 2008 – 11 September 2008 on a 200 Million Rial ($22,000) bail. 193. Mojtaba Vakili; Shiraz University, 9 March 2008- 10 March 2008, released on a bail. 194. Amir Yaghoubali; Alameh Tabatabaiee, 11 July 2007 – 8 August 2007, on a 200 Million Rial($22,000) bail. 195. Hanif Yazdani; University of Shahr Kurd, 9 July 2007- 10 August 2007, release on a bail. 196. Salman Yazdanpanah; 30 January 2007. 197. Houd Yazerlou; University of Qom, 24 May 2008. 198. Babak Zamanian; Amirkabir University, 27 April 2007, 28 May 2007, released on a 500 Million Rial ($55,000) bail, sentenced to one year imprisonment by a lower court. 199. Behrang Zandi; Mazandaran University, released on 20December, 2007. 200. Faraz Zehtab; University of Tabriz, 17 July 2008 – 28 October 2008, released on a 500 million Rial ($55,000) bail. 201. Mohammad Zeraati; University of Ferdousi Mash’had, 1 July 2008- 26 August 2008. Previously arrested on January 2008, he was released on 5 February 2008 on bail.

List of 161 students suspended or expelled from University from March 2007 to December 2008

1. Abbas Hakimzadeh – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for three terms from university in July 2007. These semesters counted against his 12-semester total and put him over the limit, delaying his graduation. 2. Abbas Rashidi – a student of education at Tehran University who was suspended for two terms in August 2008. 3. Abbas Samad Babai – student at Khajeh Nasir University who was suspended for two terms in November 2008 for writing questions about student freedoms on signs during Rahimpour Arghazdi’s talk.

88 4. Abbas Vays Maradi – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. 5. Ali Davar – student at Tabriz University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeal verdict were issued at the same time. 6. Ali Gholizadeh – a student at Shahervad University and spokesperson for the Islamic Students Society who was suspended for two terms in October 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 7. Ali Osdalahi – student at the University of Science and Technology who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 8. Ali Parveen – student at Khajeh Nasir University who was suspended for one term in November 2008 for writing questions about student freedoms on signs during Professor Rahimpour Arghazdi’s talk. 9. Ali Rahnama – student at Isfahan University who was suspended from university for two terms in 2007. 10. Alireza Davoudi – student at Isfahan University who was suspended for two terms in 2007. In October 2008 he was again suspended for two terms and barred from entering his dorm or university property. 11. Alireza Mosoui – student at Alameh Tabatabaee who was suspended for two terms in his graduating year of 2007-2008. He was summoned before the Disciplinary Committee of his university in January. He was suspended for two terms again on 1 October 2008. 12. Amin Arya – student of Teaching at Tehran University who was suspended for two terms in August 2008 for despite being assured by officials that he would not be targeted. 13. Amin Hasouri – student at Yasooj University who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 14. Amin Mahdi Shahzamanian – student at the University of Science and Technology who was suspended from university for two terms in 2007. 15. Amin Nazari – student at the University of Hamadan who was suspended for one term in 2007. 16. Amin Riahi – student at Ferdowsi University in Mashad who was suspended for three terms in September 2008 because of articles he wrote in student publications. 17. Amir Emami – student at Tabriz University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. 18. Amir Hossein Fatouhi – student at the University of Medical Sciences in Hormozgan who was suspended for two terms on 29 September 2008 because of his involvement in student demonstrations on 29 May 2008. The two terms were deducted from his 12-semester maximum allotment for his studies. 19. Amir Hossein Iraji – student in the Literary School at Alameh Tabatabaee University who in the fall of his graduating year in 2007 was suspended for one term. In January 2008 towards the end of his suspension, he was unable to register for his classes and was summoned before the Disciplinary Committee. 20. Amir Raisian – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended from university for two terms in March 2008. The two terms were deducted from his 12-semester maximum even though he wasn’t enrolled in classes. 21. Amir Salari – a student of education at Tehran University who was suspended for two terms in August 2008.

89 22. Amir Yaqoubali – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended for two terms in March 2008. 23. Arash Armoon – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended from university for 2 terms in 2007. 24. Arivbarzan Maradokhani – student at Ilam University who was suspended from university for one term in November 2008 for being involved in student demonstrations in March 2008. 25. Arman Sedaqati – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for one term in July 2007 and was barred from appealing. 26. Asal Akhavan – student at the School of Social Sciences at Alameh Tabatabaee University was suspended for one term in 2007. In November 2007 her suspension was extended to four terms. 27. Ashkan Madani – a student at Shahervad University of Technology and the secretary of the Islamic Students Society was suspended for one term in February 2007 and barred from entering the university. 28. Ayedin Khajei – student at Tabriz University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. Khajei’s preliminary and appeal verdict were issued at the same time. 29. Ayedin Qafaranjan – student at Tabriz University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 30. Azar Nivash – an Islamic jurisprudence at the International Imam Khomeini University in Qazvin who was suspended for one term on 10 September 2008. 31. Babak Rahmati – student at Tabriz University and president of the student publication Goonesh who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time and in this same manner he was expelled from university. 32. Babak Zamanian – student at Amir Kabir University and head of Public Relations for the Islamic Students Society who was suspended for two terms by the Disciplinary Committee at Amir Kabir University. The terms were deducted from his 12-semester maximum. The sentence was announced at the celebration of the beginning of the semester. Zamanian was previously suspended for one term in 2006, during which he was periodically arrested. 33. Bariman Mostafoui – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for one term in July 2007. This term was deducted from his 12-term maximum for undergraduate degrees. 34. Behnam Safri – student at Khajeh Nasir University who was suspended for two terms in November 2008 for writing questions about student freedoms on signs during Professor Rahimpour Arghazdi’s talk. 35. Behnam Zali – student at Tabriz University who was suspended for one term from university in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 36. Bijan Pouryousefi – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. 37. Bijan Sebaq – a student at the Technical College of Anoushirvan in Babol, Mazindaran who was suspended for one term in April 2007. 38. Ebrahim Rahmani – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for one term in July 2007.

90 39. Ebrahim Zeynali – student at Tabriz University and head of the publication of Azerbaijani Studies who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 40. Elham Alavi – student at Yasouj University who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 41. Ersalan Sadeqi – student at Isfahan University who was suspended for one term in 2007. 42. Faraz Zahtab – student at Tabriz University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 43. Farhang Salami – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended for one term in 2007. 44. Faroq Mahroufi – a student of education at Tehran University who was suspended for two terms in August 2008, despite having been assured by officials that he wouldn’t be targeted for his involvement in student demonstrations. 45. Farzad Hasanpour – student at Ferdowsi University in Mashad who was expelled from university on 22 August 2008 after being released from prison. 46. Farzaneh Hafezi – student at Shiraz University who was suspended for one term in March 2008 for her involvement in student demonstrations on campus that month. 47. Forkhandeh Bakhtiarzadeh – student at the Technical University of Shahervad and the political secretary of the Islamic Student Society was suspended in the fall of 2007 for one term. She was blocked from reentering university and his self-service card was deactivated. She was to leave her dormitory although no order was given that for her expulsion. 48. Hadi Asgari – a medical student in veterinary sciences at Shiraz University who was suspended for two terms in March 2008 because of his involvement in student demonstrations. 49. Hadi Behadari – student at Tabriz University and secretary of the Azerbaijani Studies Society who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 50. Hamadollah Namjou – student at Shiraz University who was suspended from university for two terms in March 2008. 51. Hamed Tofiq – student at Tabriz University and Secretary of the Political Council in the Islamic Student Society who was suspended for two terms in May 2008. The two semesters were counted among his 12-semester limit even though he wasn’t enrolled in university. 52. Hamid Malakzadeh – student at Tehran University who was suspended for one term in 2007. 53. Hamid Reza Amirkhani – student at Ferdowsi University in Mashad who was suspended for three terms in September 2008 because of articles he wrote for student publications. 54. Hasan Hosseini – student at the University of Kerman who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 55. Hashem Hasanpour – a Master’s Degree student in psychology at Shiraz University who was suspended for two terms in March 2008 for his involvement in student demonstrations in the same month. 56. Hesam Saeedi – student at the University of Kerman who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 57. Ismail Jalilvand – Master’s Degree student in politics at Shiraz University who was suspended in March 2008 for two terms because of his involvement in student demonstrations.

91 58. Ismail Solemanpour – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended from university for one term in July 2007, which in addition to a previous one term suspension caused him to be held back in his studies. 59. Karoo Sadiqiati — Master’s Degree student in mechanical engineering at the University of Science and Technology and part of the Kurdish University Student Democratic Union who was expelled from university in March 2008 by the Ministry of Higher Education while in his final term before graduation. 60. Khanum Sedaqati – a student of education at Tabriz University who was suspended for two terms in August 2008. 61. Kouresh Jonati – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended for one term in his graduating year (2007-2008). 62. Mahmoud Hadipour – student at the University of Kerman who was suspended from university for two terms in 2007. 63. Majid Dari – student of literature at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended for two terms in September 2007. He was suspended for two terms again in October 2008. 64. Majid Saqayati – student at University of Science and Technology who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 65. Majid Shaykhpour – a student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended from university for two terms in 2007. 66. Mandana Chotorchi – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended from university in 2007. 67. Mansour Aminian – student at Tabriz University who was president of the Islamic Society in the Technical College was suspended for two terms in July 2007. 68. Maqsoud Ahmadi – student at Tabriz University who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 69. Maral Pileh – student at Tehran University who was suspended for one term in March 2008. 70. Mateen Maskin – a Master’s Degree student in electrical engineering at Amir Kabir University and the assistant secretary of the Islamic Council was held back in his studies being told his marks were below 15, even though they were not. 71. Maziar Mahsoumi – student at Isfahan University who was suspended from university for one term in 2007. He was suspended for two terms again on 13 October 2008 and was barred from entering his dormitory and the university. 72. Maziar Samiee – student at Alameh Tabatabaee who was suspended for one term in 2007. 73. Mehdi Abbaszadeh — student at Khajeh Nasir University who was suspended for two terms in November 2008 for writing questions about student freedoms on signs during Rahimpour Arghazdi’s talk. 74. Mehdi Fadaee – a student at Azad University in Ray and secretary of the Voice of Islamic Students Society who was suspended for two terms in May 2007. 75. Mehdi Jamalvand – student at the University of Hamadan who was suspended for one term in 2007.

92 76. Mehdi Khosroi – student at Ferdowsi University in Mashad who was suspended for three terms in November 2008 because of articles he wrote for student publications. 77. Mehdieh Golro – a student at the Economics College of Alameh Tabatabaee University and assistant secretary of the Islamic Students Society was suspended for two terms in her graduating year of 2006-2007 and was again suspended the following academic year for two terms. 78. Milad Asadi – student at Khajeh Nasir University who was suspended for two terms in November 2008 for writing questions about student freedoms on signs during Professor Rahimpour Arghazdi’s talk. 79. Milad Azizi – student of philosophy at Tehran University and head of the student publication Jumhuriat was suspended from university in the middle of a semester for one term on 6 May 2008. His sentence was based on his involvement in student demonstrations. He had previously been suspended for one term. 80. Mohammad Karim Asayesh – student at Tehran University who was suspended from university for 1 term in 2007. 81. Mohammad Karimi – student at Lorestan University who was suspended for one term on 20 September 2008 for his involvement in student protests in May 2008. 82. Mohammad Nourvazi – student at Lorestan University who was suspended for one term on 20 September 2008. The term was deducted from his 12-term allotment for undergraduate studies even though he was not enrolled. 83. Mohammad Siadi – student at the University of Hamadan who was suspended from university for one term in 2007. 84. Mohammad Yusef Rashidi – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for two terms in June 2007. The two terms were deducted from his 12-semester maximum even though he wasn’t enrolled. 85. Mohsen Goharinia – a veterinary sciences student at Shiraz University who was suspended for two terms in March 2008 for being involved in student demonstrations. 86. Mohsen Hasouri – student at the University of Kerman who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 87. Mohsen Mosoui – student at Yasouj University who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 88. Mojdeh Samabi – student at Isfahan University who was suspended for one term on 13 October 2008 and barred from entering her dormitory and the university. 89. Mojtabi Nazari – student at Yasouj University who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 90. Morteza Ashrafi – student at the Zahedan School of Medical Sciences and manager of the university publication Raha and member of the Islamic Society at Zahedan School of Medical Sciences, was suspended for one term by the Disciplinary Committee at his university on 28 June 2007. 91. Mosalah Fatahpour – a student of education at Tehran University in August 2008. 92. Mosalem Ebrahimi – student at Birjand University who suspended from university for one term in March 2007. 93. Mostafa Sedaqatjou – student at Sabzevar University and part of the Domestic Affairs Council of the Islamic Students Society who was suspended for three terms in May 2007 because of an interview he gave about the murder of a student at Sabzevar University.

93 94. Movafagh Kateb – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for one term in July 2007. 95. Nader Mehdarobaq – student of electrical engineering at Tabriz University who was suspended for one term on 14 July 2007. 96. Nahid Afrasiabi – accounting student at Shiraz University who was suspended for two terms because of her involvement in a gathering in December 2007. 97. Naim Ahmadi – student at Tabriz University who was suspended in July 2007 for two terms. 98. Naser Pouyafar – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for one semester in July 2007. 99. Negin Farazmand – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended for one term in the fall of 2007 and wasn’t allowed to be on campus. 100. Nima Garshasebi – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for one term in June 2007. The term was deducted from his 12-term maximum in undergraduate studies even though he wasn’t enrolled. 101. Nima Rezaee – student at Yasouj University and secretary of the Islamic Student Society at his university was suspended for two terms in May 2007. These semesters were deducted from his 12- semester maximum, even though he wasn’t enrolled in classes. 102. Pegah Hamzei – student at Tehran University who was suspended for one term in March 2008. 103. Peyman Rafati – student at Amir Kabir University who was suspended for two terms in May 2007. The two semesters were deducted from his 12-semester maximum even though he wasn’t enrolled in classes. 104. Rashid Esmaili – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended for two terms in 2007. In 2008, simply because of defending his case he was suspended another two terms, effectively being expelled from university. 105. Reza Negahdari – a student of accounting at Tehran University who was suspended from university for two terms in March 2008. He was suspended for two terms again on 30 November 2008. These two terms were deducted from his 12-term maximum for undergraduate studies even though he wasn’t enrolled. 106. Sadeq Shojaee – student at Alameh Tabatabaee who was suspended for two terms in March 2008. Shojaee had received suspension sentences in the past as well. 107. Saeed Faizollazadeh – a student at Alameh Tabatabaee University who was suspended in his graduating year of 2007-2008 for two terms. He had been previously suspended for two terms in May 2005. 108. Saeed Hossein Rahimi – student at Yazd University and president of the student publication Bayaneh Azad who was suspended for one term by the Disciplinary Committee of his university in April 2007. 109. Saeed Mojtabi Taqoenejad – student at Yasooj University who was secretary of the Islamic Students Society was suspended for two terms in May 2008. The semesters were counted against his 12-semester limit for undergraduate studies even though he wasn’t enrolled as a student. 110. Saeed Rahim Hosseini – student at Yazd University and president of the banned student publication Bayaneh Azad who was suspended for one term in June 2007. The suspension was for his

94 spring term, his last term in university, and because of his dissemination of “poison” amongst university students. 111. Saeed Yaqoubinejad – student at the Noushirani University of Technology in Babol, Mazindaran and a member of the Islamic Students Society who was suspended for one term in April 2007. This term was deducted from his 12-term maximum allowance for undergraduate studies. 112. Sahar Rezazadeh – student at Tehran University who was suspended for one term in March 2007. 113. Sahar Yazdanipour – Master’s Degree student in Library Sciences at Shiraz University who was suspended for two terms in March 2008 because of her involvement in student demonstrations. 114. Sajad Mohammadi – student at the University of Science and Technology who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 115. Sajad Radmehr – Master’s Degree student in mechanical engineering at Orumieh University who was suspended for one term in June 2008. 116. Saleh Ivman – student of political sciences at Tehran University who after being arrested on 9 December 2007 and spending 92 days in jail, was sentenced to 4 years in prison and expelled from university in October 2008. 117. Shima Farzadmanesh – student at Alameh Tabatabaee University was suspended from university for two terms in March 2008. The semesters were deducted from her 12-semester maximum in undergraduate studies. 118. Sina Banizamani – student at Shiraz University who in March 2008 was suspended for one term because of his involvement in demonstrations in that same month. 119. Sivan Farrakhzad – a student of education at Tehran University who was suspended for two terms in August 2008 despite being assured by authorities that by being involved in demonstrations she would not be targeted. 120. Siyavash Hatem – student at the University of Hamadan who was suspended for one term in 2007. 121. Siyyid Zia Eldin Naboui – student at the Noushirani University of Technology in Babol, Mazindaran and a member of the Islamic Students Society who was suspended for one term in April 2007. His sentence was issued in February 2007 and was issued because of his involvement in student demonstrations. 122. Soleman Yazdanpana – student of accounting at Tehran University who was suspended for two terms in March 2008. 123. Soleyman Mohammadi – a student in the College of Economic and Social Sciences of Alameh Tabatabaee University and the secretary of the Trade Council at the university who was suspended for one term in June 2007. 124. Tina Hosseini – student at Ferdowsi University in Mashad who was suspended for one term in March 2008. 125. Vahid Dahqani – student at Tabriz University and head of Public Relations for the Islamic Student Society of the Technical College who was suspended for two terms in July 2007. His preliminary and appeals sentences were issued at the same time. 126. Vahid Mosalmi – student at the University of Technology of Hamadan and the former secretary of the Trade Council at his university who was suspended for one term in March 2008.

95 127. Vahid Zare – student at the University of Kerman who was suspended for two terms in 2007. 128. Yadollah Mahmoudi – student at Ilam University who was suspended from university for one term in November 2008 for being involved in student demonstrations in March 2008. 129. Yusef Mohammadi – a student at the University of Birjand who was suspended from university for one term in April 2007. 130. Zaynab Peyghambarzadeh – a student of Criminal Sciences at the School of Social Sciences at Tehran University who was suspended for one term by the Disciplinary Committee at Tehran University for her involvement in a demonstration in December 2007. 131. Zeynab Koushaki – student at Lorestan University who was suspended for one term on 20 September 2008 for her involvement in student protests in May 2008. 132. – 161. Thirty dental students at the Medical School of Shiraz University were suspended from university in January 2008 because of their attendance at parties off-campus and outside of dormitories. They were sentenced by the Disciplinary Committee at the university. Hidden cameras were used to tape the students and used as evidence against them by the Disciplinary Committee. Despite protests from the students their sentences were issued in March 2008. Their names were never released.

96 Appendix X: Detained Women’s Rights Activists

Prisoners 1-25 are detained in Women’s Ward in Evin Prison

1. Farah Vazehan 2. Atefeh Nabavi 3. Reyhane Haj Ebrahim 4. Motahare Bahrami 5. Kobra Banazade 6. Maryam Akbari Monfare 7. Shabnam Madadzadeh 8. Kefayaf Malek Mohammadi 9. Leila Tavasoli 10. Ashraf Alikhani (Setareh) 11. Ladan Mostofi 12. Sousan Tabinian 13. Sahba Rezvani 14. Manijeh Nasrollahi 15. Mahvash Shahriari 16. Masoumeh Yavari 17. Nazila Dashti 18. Mahboubeh Karami 19. Nasrin Sotoudeh 20. Hanieh Saneh Farshi 21. Alieh Eghdamdoost 22. Sholeh Tae’f 23. Fariba Kamal Abadi 24. Mahdieh Golroo 25. Bahareh Hedayat 26. Maryam Bahreman (in Ward 209, managed by the Intelligence Miistry) 27. Fatemeh Rahnama (in Ahwaz prison) 28. Maryam Bidgoli (in Qom prison) 29. Zeynab Jalalian 30. Zeynab Bayazidi 31. Ronak Safazadeh 32. Parvin Mokhtare (mother of human rights activist Kouhyar Goudarzi, in Kashan Prison) 33. Marzieh Vafamehr (Varamin Prison in Gharchak)

97