Jewish Thought in Arab Societies, 1880-1960

'Speaking Truth to Power': Shehata Haroun's Endurance Yoram Meital Presented at the workshop Jewish Thought in Arab Societies, 1880-1960 A work in progress Please do not quote without the author permission 'Speaking Truth to Power': Shehata Haroun's Endurance Yoram Meital At the beginning of March 2014 Nadia Haroun suffered a fatal heart attack. Hundreds attended her funeral procession that began at the Shaar HaShamaim (Gate to Heaven) Synagogue and ended at the Jewish cemetery in Bassatine. The funeral of one of the last Jews in Egypt was widely covered by the local and international media. The religious service was held by a rabbi from Paris who had come for the occasion. The reports and photos published in the press and on the internet dealt extensively with the Haroun family‟s history. Nadia died of a heart attack in the middle of a workday at the modest law firm in downtown Cairo she and her sister Magda inherited from their father, on whom this paper focuses. Shehata Haroun was above all a political activist whose positions were directly derived from his commitment to Marxism and internationalism, and his stern opposition to imperialism and Zionism. His exceptional and decisive views established his status as someone who is not afraid to speak „truth to power,‟ even at the cost of serious harm to himself and his family. Shehata was born in Cairo (1920) to a typical middle-class Jewish family. He attended a Catholic school for boys and later completed his law degree at Fu‟ad I University (which became Cairo University after the „Free Officers‟ coup). During his studies he joined communist organizations that were active on campus. His participation in the massive demonstrations in the summer of 1946 against the Isma'il Sidqi government led to his first arrest.1 After graduation Shehata worked as a lawyer and later established a law firm in the center of Cairo, which bears his name until today. When the Sadat regime permitted the 1 The record of his incarcerations shows that at times he was put behind bars when communist activists were arrested, and at other times he was arrested together with members of the Jewish community. In an interview Shehata was asked whether it was not strange that the Zionists accused him of treason, while he was sent to prison in Egypt. He answered: “I don‟t think it‟s so weird. Whoever fights against bigotry [al-ta'assub] in the context of the Israeli–Arab conflict can expect such difficulties. Nevertheless, I should mention that I was astonished about my arrest and even more so about my depiction in the press as a „leftist Jew‟ rather than an Egyptian opposed to Zionism and fighting for the rights of the Palestinian-Arab people.” Ruz al-Yusuf, 2 March 1975. 2 renewal of political party activities, Shehata was among the founders of the Tagammu Party [The National Progressive Unionist Party]. * * * The Jewish Community Significant socio-political, economic and cultural transformations and Western domination characterized Egypt in the last third of the 19th century. The Suez Canal became established as international passageway and allowed for unprecedented commercial and technological development. The British occupation and the protection it provided to minorities and foreigners (Greeks, Italians, Jews and Copts) drew tens of thousands of migrants to Egyptian cities, where they quickly gained dominance in finance, entrepreneurship, commerce and industry. Modern urban quarters with a cosmopolitan atmosphere grew like mushrooms after the rain. Social and cultural changes, especially among the middle classes and the elite, were reflected in the style of housing, the acquisition of language skills and education, in dress style and leisure activities.2 The developments in Egypt caused also significant changes among Jews in the land of the Nile. The local Jewish community actually comprised three sub- communities: the majority belonged to the Sephardic community; also an Ashkenazi community was prospering (a small community belonging to Rabbinic Judaism, though preserving different prayer and other traditions).3 The Karaite Jews differ from their Rabbanite brethren in their approach to religion, customs and tradition. With 2 The previous social and cultural order lost gradually in weight, while new traditions, norms and values penetrated – creating a reality of hybrid processes characterized by the combination of previous values and traditions, and new ones. This was not a process “erasing” previous customs and traditions, but rather the adoption of new values and norms in various ways by different sectors of society. 3 From historical records we learn that already in the 16th century there were Ashkenazi families in Cairo. Most of them continued to speak Yiddish; their prayer style and minhag were those of Eastern Europe. The “Ashkenazi Jewish Community of Cairo” was established in 1865 with government permission. It provided education and welfare services, supported the publication of a Yiddish newspaper, “Dee Tzeyt”, and founded a symphony orchestra and a small theatre group. A considerable part of the Ashkenazi community‟s activities were conducted from the Ashkenazi synagogue, which still stands intact in El-Gaish Street, not far from the busy „Ataba Square. 3 government permission they established their own separate community and religious institutions. Shehata‟s grandfather from his father‟s side moved from Aleppo to Egypt with the migration wave from Syria and Lebanon. At some stage the family adopted the name Haroun instead of Silverra. The Jewish community grew in the wake of the immigration waves. At the beginning of the 20th century, there were about twenty thousand Jews. In the census of 1947 there were 65,639 (out of whom 41,960 were living in Cairo, and 21,128 in Alexandria). The community‟s prosperity is well reflected in the diverse services that it provided to its members, including schools, synagogues, orphanages, nursing homes, cemeteries, clinics and a hospital in Cairo and in Alexandria. Several Jewish newspapers were published, in French, Arabic and Hebrew. The institutions and community services were established by donations from wealthy Jews. The mobilization allowed for the construction of several spectacularly beautiful synagogues and for the renovation of ancient ones. The Jewish quarters that had existed for hundreds of years were increasingly vacated at the turn of the 20th century. Like other well-to-do Egyptian families, many Jewish families began to move to the city center. Some of them lived on central streets, Qasr al-Nil, Soliman Pasha and the other streets in the vicinity of al-Isma„iliya (al-Tahrir since the mid-1950s) and the Opera Squares; and also in the Garden City area. Others established only their businesses in the city‟s commercial center and resided in such prestigious neighborhoods like Heliopolis, Ma'adi and Zamalek. The modern style of the Jewish downtown houses and sites testify to the tremendous development boom that characterized the early 20th century. Also in terms of cultural symbols (visits to the opera, membership in prestigious clubs), dress and language (French, Italian, and English), it is evident that many Jewish families were members of the cosmopolitan social strata that flourished in the Egypt's urban centers in the first half of the 20th century. Many saw themselves as part of Western culture, which is evident in the children‟s education at foreign schools (such as the Lycée Français), European dress, language use, especially of French as spoken language, and cultural habits. Members of the middle class and the elite usually sent their children to local private and foreign schools (Le Lycée Français, Le Collège des Jésuites, the British Boys/Girls School). Shehata attended the Catholic school for boys in the center of the 4 capital. Families with more modest means made do with the education provided by the schools of the Jewish community. Many of the downtown Jews kept some connection to the Jewish religious tradition, such as Kabbalat Shabbat and the attendance of prayers on holidays in synagogues at the city center, especially Shaar HaShamaim. Many families took residence in the new urban quarters that were architecturally similar to modern quarters in Western Europe. Luxury department stores and shops offering a wide range of products indicate the emergence of a consumer society based on an ever- growing affluent public. Shehata‟s father was employed as a salesman at the department store chain Les Grands Magasins Cicurel et Oreco, which became a prestigious brand in Cairo during the first half of the 20th century.4 In the midst of the “golden age” the overall feeling was that of a peaceful and comfortable life. In general, Egyptian Jews cultivated ties with the local community, upheld religious ceremonies (circumcision, Bar Mitzva, and marriage) and observed the holidays in accordance with their community‟s tradition. Synagogues were full on Shabbat and the holidays. The evidence regarding the Haroun family suggests that this holds also true for them. After graduating from law school, Shehata married Marcelle Halfon, and soon they had three daughters (Mona, Magda and Nadia). The testimony of his daughter Magda shows that her father‟s commitment to communism did not diminish the family‟s Jewish identity. Yet, the „economic boom‟ was also characterized by significant demographic growth and a particularly worrisome increase in inequality in Egyptian society. Although the local middle class was expanding, the majority belonging to the lower social strata remained behind. Millions of peasants and residents of the densely populated urban quarters hardly benefited from their country‟s rapid economic development, from the infrastructure established in the urban centers, from the health services and the education system, which served the affluent social strata. The political arena was dominated by the Wafd party that led the national struggle.

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