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Abstracts Booklet The Twentieth Manchester Phonology Meeting ! 20 H¥PbNF<K Twentieth anniversary meeting ABSTRACTS BOOKLET Thursday 24th - Saturday 26th May 2012 Held at Hulme Hall, Manchester Organised by a collaboration of phonologists at the University of Edinburgh, the University of Manchester, and elsewhere. "#$%!&''()*+!,'-+.$-%!+#*!.&%+/.,+%!0'/!.))!+#*!1.1*/%!1/*%*-+*2!.+! +#*!twentieth Manchester Phonology Meeting3!#*)2!.+!45)6*!4.))3! 7.-,#*%+*/3!$-!7.8!9:;9<! ! ! ! "#*!.&%+/.,+%!./*!.//.-=*2!$-!.)1#.&*+$,.)!'/2*/!&8!+#*!%5/-.6*!'0! +#*!>0$/%+!-.6*2?!1/*%*-+*/<! ! ! ! "#*! .&%+/.,+%! 0'/! +#*! oral paper sessions ./*! 1/*%*-+*2! 0$/%+3! 0'))'@*2!&8!+#*!.&%+/.,+%!0'/!+#*!poster paper sessions3!.-2!+#*! &''()*+!,'-,)52*%!@$+#!.&%+/.,+%!0'/!+#*!special session<!! ! ! ! ! A))! %*%%$'-%! 0'/! 1.1*/%! )$%+*2! $-! +#$%! &''()*+! @$))! +.(*! 1).,*! $-! *$+#*/!+#*!Old Dining Hall, +#*!JCR '/ +#*!dining area!$-!45)6*!4.))<! 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PA stress is shown in (1): it is final if the final syllable is superheavy, penultimate if the penult is heavy, and antepenultimate otherwise. FINAL STRESS PENULTIMATE STRESS ANTEPENULTIMATE STRESS ba.ka.rá:t “spools” da.ra.bát.kom “she hit you.PL” bá.la.dak “your country” ba.ra:.mí:l “barrels” mak.táb.kom “your.PL desk” lá:.ma.to “she blamed him” Epenthetic vowels (italicized), which repair certain CC combinations in codas, are invisible to stress assignment. For example, in [ní.mir.kom] “your tiger”, where the penult is heavy, penultimate stress is expected, but antepenultimate is attested; in [ka.tá.bit] “I wrote”, where antepenultimate stress is expected, stress falls on the penult. In both cases, stress is assigned as if the epenthetic vowel were invisible. In multistratal OT approaches, this invisibility is captured by assigning stress at an earlier stage than epenthesis, e.g. (in Kiparsky 2000, 2003) lexically, and post-lexically. The alternative I propose derives the invisibility from two constraints: DEP-µ and *emptyNucleus. (3) DEP-µ: every mora in the output must have a carrier in the input. (4) *emptyNucleus: syllable heads are moraic. Combining (3) and (4) eliminates the one-to-one correspondence between vowels and syllables, for it makes it impossible for epenthetic vowels to head syllables on their own; a syllable headed by an epenthetic vowel will contain either a weightless nucleus (a violation of *emptyNucleus) or a moraic epenthetic segment (a violation of DEP-µ). An output candidate that contains an illegal coda, e.g. *[nimr.kom], will therefore lose to a candidate in which epenthesis repairs the cluster, but where epenthesis fails to introduce a new syllable, producing [nimir.kom]. Stress is then correctly assigned according to the general rule described above. The ban against moraic epenthesis finds support in Gouskova and Hall’s (2007) study of epenthesis in Lebanese Arabic, a closely related dialect. Their results indicate that epenthetic vowels are shorter and more central than their non-epenthetic counterparts, suggesting that epenthetic vowels are less likely to contribute to metrical structure. I also situate the prosodic weakness of epenthetic vowels in a more general condition of PA. PA syncope targets light high vowels more frequently than low vowels. I interpret this as setting a threshold on the sonority of open syllable nuclei: since high vowels are less sonorous than low vowels (Selkirk 1984, Parker 2002), they are kept from heading light syllables. The greater weakness of epenthetic vowels restricts them, correctly, to syllables that already contain a moraic element, i.e. closed syllables. Finally, I argue that a monostratal account is necessary, based on data that are problematic for Kiparsky’s LPM-OT. The data is centered on an interaction between epenthesis and prothesis (Abu-Salim 1980). Prothesis repairs illegal phrase-medial complex onsets, e.g. /ba:b#kbi:r/ ! [ba:bikbi:r] “a large door”. In cases where the prothesis site follows an illegal complex coda, e.g. /nimr#kbi:r/ ! [nímrikbi:r], the prothetic vowel bleeds word-internal epenthesis. But PA also allows further epenthesis, as is indicated by the grammaticality of [nímirikbi:r]. If prothesis is taken to apply post-lexically (as it should, given its sensitivity to phrases), then there is no reason for further epenthesis to apply at that stage, because it would incur further DEP violations without repairing any obvious sources of markedness. I argue that a monostratal approach can be used to account for the data, by invoking constraints on identity to isolation forms, e.g. [nimir]~[nimirikbi:r] (see Kenstowicz 1996, Benua 1998). In LPM-OT, this move would amount to post-lexical constraints that nevertheless make reference to words, a logical possibility that still seems undesirable given the natural morphological divisions underlying the framework. Vowel harmony in Even: insights from a perception study
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