The Concept of the State in Ukraine After Euromaidan Through Consumer Practices and Beyond
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Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | the New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8 Font Size: A A A March 20, 2014 Issue Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine Timothy Snyder This article will appear in the coming March 20, 2014 issue of The New York Review. Valery Sharifulin/ITAR-TASS/Corbis The opposition leader Vitali Klitschko attending a protest rally in Maidan square, Kiev, December 16, 2013 The students were the first to protest against the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych on the Maidan, the central square in Kiev, last November. These were the Ukrainians with the most to lose, the young people who unreflectively thought of themselves as Europeans and who wished for themselves a life, and a Ukrainian homeland, that were European. Many of them were politically on the left, some of them radically so. After years of negotiation and months of promises, their government, under President Yanukovych, had at the last moment failed to sign a major trade agreement with the European Union. When the riot police came and beat the students in late November, a new group, the Afghan veterans, came to the Maidan. These men of middle age, former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, many of them bearing the scars of battlefield wounds, came to protect “their children,” as they put it. They didn’t mean their own sons and http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine/?... 20/02/2014 Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 2 of 8 daughters: they meant the best of the youth, the pride and future of the country. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Resuscitate Healthcare
#8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017: -
A President's Portrait in Domestic Protest
A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: 133 The Anatomy of Hate A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: The Anatomy of Hate Natalia Lysiuk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kiev Kiev, Ukraine Abstract The extreme level of tension during the Euromaidan in Ukraine has caused a real explosion of urban post-folklore creativity. These folklore forms have many distinctive features of traditional folklore, but they are also characterized by their means of transmission. For instance, anonymous inscriptions could appear anywhere. Such texts have their own dramaturgy, and they recreate the development of the Euromaidan events (from simple appeals to give people an opportunity to determine their own destiny to openly hostile discourse that portrayed the former President of Ukraine, Victor Yanukovich, as the main enemy of the Euromaidan). Among those attested: distortions of Yanukovich’s name; demonstration of contempt for his image; insults; mention of his criminal past and ongoing corruption; and prophecies of his fate. One of the defining features of such texts is the violation of prohibitions on the use of dysphemisms and vulgarity as a verbal weapon against an enemy. We will also discuss the basic functions of protest folklore and hate speech. Crowds on the Maidan (author’s photo) The Euromaidan was the second Ukrainian revolution of this century. It was a public protest that took place in the main Kiev’s square Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Maidan) from November 2013 until February 2014. It was characterized by an unprecedented rise of patriotism and strengthening of national identity (as reflected in the wide usage of national colors, symbols, and images). -
Resilient Ukraine Resilient
Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Russian from Society Ukraine: Safeguarding Resilient Research Paper Mathieu Boulègue and Orysia Lutsevych Ukraine Forum | June 2020 Resilient Ukraine Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Mathieu Boulègue and OrysiaLutsevych Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 The Impact of the Armed Conflict 13 3 Creating Resilience Dividends: Case Studies 27 4 Recommendations 33 5 Conclusion 37 About the Authors 38 Acknowledgments 39 1 | Chatham House Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Summary • Despite military conflict and an increasingly adversarial relationship with Russia, Ukraine has largely maintained its democratic reforms thanks to its resilience and determination to decide its own future. The country is gradually developing the capacity of its state institutions and civil society to address the political and social consequences of Russian aggression. • Russia’s three main levers of influence in Ukraine include the ongoing armed conflict, corruption, and the poor quality of the political sphere. The Kremlin seeks to exploit these vulnerabilities to promote polarization and encourage a clash between Ukraine’s citizens and its governing elite by taking military action, manipulating the corruption narrative, supporting pro-Russia parties, and fuelling religious tensions through the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). • The ramifications of the military operation in Donbas reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics. The most prominent spillover effects include the circulation of firearms and the weakened capacity of authorities to reintegrate internally displaced people (IDPs) and war veterans. • With no clear way to end the armed conflict, there is a growing risk of societal polarization. This could have negative consequences for any prospective peace agreement. -
Current Issues of Military Spec
CURRENT ISSUES OF MILITARY SPECIALISTS TRAINING IN THE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR UNDER CONDITIONS OF HYBRID THREATS Instytut Bezpieczeństwa i Rozwoju Międzynarodowego Boguslaw Pacek, Hennadii Pievtsov, Anatolii Syrotenko CURRENT ISSUES OF MILITARY SPECIALISTS TRAINING IN THE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR UNDER CONDITIONS OF HYBRID THREATS Warsaw 2021 Reviewer Prof. dr hab. Andrzej Glen Scientific editors: Boguslaw Pacek – Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland Hennadii Pievtsov – Ivan Kozhedub Kharkiv National Air Force University, Ukraine Anatolii Syrotenko – National Defence University of Ukraine named after Ivan Cherniakhovskyi, Ukraine Language editing and proofreading Foreign Languages Scientific and Research Centre of National Defence University of Ukraine named after Ivan Cherniakhovskyi Computer typing Valeriya Kirvas © Copyright by Instytut Bezpieczeństwa i Rozwoju Międzynarodowego, 2021 ISBN 978-83-66676-10-7 Wydawnictwo Instytutu Bezpieczeństwa i Rozwoju Międzynarodowego https://instytutbirm.pl 1st Edition CONTENTS Preface ............................................................................................... 10 Military Scientific Aspects of Counteracting Hybrid Aggression: the Experience of Ukraine Victor Bocharnikov, Sergey Sveshnikov Systemic features of military-political situation in Ukraine during 2012-2018 ............................................................ 14 Volodymyr Bohdanovych, Oleksandr Dublian, Oleksandr Peredrii, Valerii Dobrohurskyi Comprehensive model of counteracting hybrid aggression process -
Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Final Report
MISSION CANADA UKRAINE ELECTION 2012 FINAL REPORT MISSION CANADA UKRAINE ELECTION 2012 FINAL REPORT This report is available at www.CANADEM.ca/MissionCanada2012 and at www.CANADEMMissions.ca/Ukraine_reports TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword .......................................................................................................................5 Executive Summary .........................................................................................................7 Recommendations ..................................................................................................................... 8 Election Observation Standards ..................................................................................... 11 International Standards for Elections ........................................................................................... 11 Ukrainian Law ........................................................................................................................ 11 Mission Canada Practices, Mandate and Scope .......................................................................... 12 Legal Framework and Electoral System for Ukraine’s Parliamentary Elections ...................13 Political Context ............................................................................................................14 Delineation of Single-Mandate Districts ........................................................................................ 14 Election Administration .................................................................................................15 -
The Months of Ukrainian Protests Labelled As “Maidan” Have Captured the World News Media with Vivid Pictures of Shooting, Fire and Barricades
Who are the protesters in Ukraine? The months of Ukrainian protests labelled as “Maidan” have captured the world news media with vivid pictures of shooting, fire and barricades. But who are the protesters and how did it all begin? Ukrainian revolt started in November 2013 when the protestors, mostly students and professionals from Kiev, protested against the failure to sign the Association Agreement with the with the European Union. Protesters gathered at the Maidan (in Ukrainian = Square) of Independence in the Centre of Kiev and remained for the rest of the night. The name of the square lent its signature to the months of protest that followed, which became known simply as “Maidan”, or "EuroMaidan". On the 30 th November a force from the Bierkut (internal police) arrived and brutally beat the unarmed students who were sleeping in the square and one was killed. The next day thousands of people came to Maidan of Independence to protest against the violence. They demanded that the assailants should be called to justice and the Minister of Internal Affairs resign. There was no reaction from the Government. The spurious reason given by the authorities for the treatment of the protesters was that they were preventing the erection of the official Christmas tree in the square, something which no-one believed. From that time onwards the campers on the square started to organise themselves and to escalate their demands to include the release of political prisoners, protection from police violence and the release of Julia Timoshenko (an opposition politician imprisoned by the current regime on charges of tax evasion). -
“THE PRICE of FREEDOM” Summary of the Public Report of Human Rights Organizations on Crimes Against Humanity Committed Durin
“THE PRICE OF FREEDOM” Summary of the public report of human rights organizations on crimes against humanity committed during the period of Euromaidan (November 2013 – February 2014) 1. Causes of Euromaidan protest movement. Following the election of Viktor Yanukovych as a President of Ukraine in February 2010, the group in power started to centralize control over the country. It is not by chance that in October 2010 the Constitutional Court of Ukraine took a decision on restoring the Constitution of 1996 with a whole range of additional presidential powers1. The strengthening of authoritarian regime was accompanied by worsening social and economic conditions and increased poverty of population. The unprecedented scale of corruption led to the loss of credibility by key state institutions, discontent and public protests. The state authorities considered rights and freedoms such as freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to fair trial, and the right to private life to be a threat to development and existence of the authoritarian rule. Consequently, the following year human rights organizations reported systemic attacks on rights and fundamental freedoms2 by the government, as well as the return to the infamous practice of political persecutions3. Opposition politicians4, journalists5, human rights defenders, public activists6, and active youth became victims of repressions. Both legal means (unlawful arrests, fabricated 1 In 2011, the Constitutional Court unlawfully cancelled amendments to the Constitution adopted in 2004 and restored the Constitution of 1997. This Constitution provided for broad presidential powers. 2 See Annual human rights report Human rights in Ukraine – 2012, http://helsinki.org.ua/en/index.php?r=3.3.1.9. -
Ioulia Shukan Embarking on the Routes of Revolution: Why and How
Ioulia Shukan [Paryż] ● ● ● ● ● ● Embarking on the routes of revolution: why and how ordinary Ukrainian citizens joined their forces on the Maidan ( Winter 2013–2014) Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej Rocznik VII, 2017 ISSN 2084-0578 DOI: 10.26774/wrhm.172 The Maidan was a large-scale protest movement which sparked off on 21 November 2013 in Kyiv, in the Independence Square, a city-center loca- tion (Maidan Nezalezhnosti)1. Several hundred individuals – journalists, citizen activists and students – gathered there to voice their opposition against the decision of the country’s President, Viktor Yanukovych, to sus- pend the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union, scheduled for the following week. Following a violent police intervention launched on the night of 29 and 30 November to rid the place of protesters, the movement turned into a mass rebellion of ordinary citizens who, from 1 December on, pursued the permanent occupation of the square. Before- hand, the large majority of those people had distanced themselves from political life, and had not been involved in any civic activism and exercised their citizen’s rights occasionally on election days: in fact, 92% of them were not members of any political party, trade union or association2. 1 This paper was written within the framework of the “3 Revolutions” project imple- mented by the College of Europe in Natolin. 2 Survey carried out by the “Democratic Initiatives” foundation, in cooperation with the International Institute of Sociology in Kyiv, December 7–8, 2013, see: http://dif. org.ua/article/maydan-2013-khto-stoit-chomu-i-za-shcho (access: 10.09.2017).