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Liberalism and women Elizabeth Evans Can Liberalism ever be feminist? Richard Reeves John Stuart Mill Liberal father of feminism Martin Pugh The Liberal Party and women’s suffrage, 1866 – 1918 Matt Cole The Yellow glass ceiling The mystery of the disappearing Liberal women MPs Lisa Harrison Selecting women candidates A critical evaluation Liberal Democrat History Group Liberal Democrat History Group publications • The Dictionary of Liberal Thought: an accessible guide to the key thinkers, groups and concepts associated with liberalism. £35, from the Westminster Bookshop, 8 Artillery Row, London SW1; see www.westminsterbookshop.co.uk • Great Liberal Speeches: 47 of the greatest speeches by the greatest Liberals, from Charles James Fox to the twenty-first century. £16 toJournal subscribers (£20 to others), but not available in book- shops; order only from LDHG (Patrick Mitchell, 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8; subs@liberalhistory. org.uk). • Liberal History: a concise history of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats. 300 years of party his- tory in 24 pages – £1.50 to Journal subscribers, £2 to others. Order details as above.

2 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 Journal of Liberal History Issue 62: Spring 2009 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. Special issue: Liberalism and women ISSN 1479-9642 Can Liberalism ever be feminist? 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Guest Editor Elizabeth Evans introduces this special issue by analysing the Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli relationship between Liberalism and feminism. Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini John Stuart Mill: Liberal father of feminism 12 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, York Membery Richard Reeves explores how Liberalism and feminism meet powerfully in the life and work of John Stuart Mill. Patrons Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; The Liberal Party and women’s suffrage, 16 Professor John Vincent 1866 – 1918 Martin Pugh traces the relationship between the Liberal Party and the Editorial Board campaigns for women’s suffrage. Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr Balancing family and politics 23 J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Interview with Shirley Williams; by Elizabeth Evans. Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Randall; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe The yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the 26 Editorial/Correspondence disappearing Liberal women MPs Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and Only six women ever sat as Liberal MPs, and most only for very short periods. book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Matt Cole examines why. publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Selecting women candidates: a critical 36 Duncan Brack (Editor) evaluation 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ email: [email protected] The Liberal Democrat record in selecting and supporting women candidates; by Lisa Harrison. All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. From WLF to WLD: Liberal women’s grassroots 46 Advertisements Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. campaigning Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers The evolution of the Women’s Liberal Federation into Women Liberal (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please Democrats; by Hollie Voyce. contact the Editor. Reviews 52 Subscriptions/Membership Hague, The Pain and the Privilege, reviewed by J. Graham Jones; Isba, Gladstone An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History and Women, reviewed by Gillian Sutherland. costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00. The role of women in merger 56 The institutional rate is £50.00, which includes online A personal view of women in Alliance politics; by Celia Goodhart. access. As well as printed copies, online subscribers are able to access online copies of current and all past Journals. Online subscriptions are also available to individuals at £40.00.

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Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 3 The relationship between liberal and feminist ideology has historically been a complex one. This introduction to this special issue of the Journal, by Elizabeth Evans, will consider Can Liberalism the peaks and troughs of the relationship and assess to what extent the aims and objectives of feminism and liberalism are intertwined or mutually exclusive. ever be Feminist? While thinkers such as Mary Wollstonecraft and John Stuart Mill have inspired arly feminist ideas on between the party and feminist extending the rights organisations such as the Fawcett generations of Liberal of men to women, set Society. This article will firstly campaigners for the forth by Mary Woll- consider some of the key areas of stonecraft in A Vindica- tension between feminism and equal treatment of Etion of the Rights of Women (1792), liberalism before moving on to men and women, the were adopted and championed by a chronological analysis of the a number of leading Liberals who extent to which Liberalism in party’s position on argued that the refusal to accord practice can claim to be feminist. women the same basic rights of It is important to deconstruct the suffrage issue at equality and liberty was tyran- the terms ‘liberalism’ and ‘femi- the beginning of the nical.1 J. S. Mill’s detailed and nism’ in order to provide a more important work, The Subjection of concise understanding of their twentieth century was Women (1869), provided a critical distinct ideological approaches, often problematic. appraisal of women’s oppression, thereby allowing us to identify applying the principles of justice, shared ground or potential for While modern Liberal liberty and the right to choose to hostility. Most commentators Democrat manifestos the condition of women’s lives. identify two distinct waves of However, liberalism and femi- feminism: first-wave feminism, do show a degree nism have, at times, been dia- typically contained within the of commitment to metrically opposed: for example period 1830–1920, is grounded in the early twentieth century the in a classical liberal-rights per- women’s issues, a failure Liberals were divided on the issue spective with women’s enfran- to secure the election of suffrage, leading many lib- chisement and civil rights at eral feminists to desert the party the core of its agenda, while of more women to concentrate efforts on the second-wave feminism emerged MPs ensures that the newly formed Women’s Social during the 1960s and relied and Political Union (WSPU). heavily upon informal grassroots party’s commitment More recently, the use of equality women’s organisations. First- guarantees or quotas to increase wave feminism concentrated on to feminist objectives the number of women MPs has overturning legal obstacles to remains uncertain. highlighted divisions in opinion equality, and, following Mill’s

4 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 Can Liberalism ever be Feminist?

philosophy, liberal feminists Mystique (1963), focused their a multilayered ideology. Theo- campaigned for access to prop- efforts on highlighting the more rists write of ‘feminisms’ rather erty ownership and the right unseen elements of discrimina- than ‘feminism’, and the rec- to vote. What is evident is the tion – challenging sexist stere- ognition of this plurality is disconnect between practi- otypes and created gendered crucial.2 During the 1970s the cal changes to legislation that identities. Taking as their start- women’s liberation movement would improve women’s lives ing point the failure of first-wave underwent internal divisions and a more strategic approach to feminism to address the role of as a result of accusations from challenging the underlying gen- women in society, women were non-white, non-middle-class dered norms and values of soci- encouraged to believe that they women that the movement was ety. This is best exemplified by could be more than just house- only concerned with securing the fact that many liberal femi- wives. There was a conver- equality for a certain type of nists saw no connection between gence between the personal and woman.3 This led to a widen- legal equality and the need for the political which resulted in ing of the feminist approach so wider societal social and cul- increased attention towards leg- as to incorporate views as wide tural equality. Essentially their islation surrounding issues such ranging as black, eco, cyber and main objective was to secure as divorce and abortion. The power feminism, all of which equality and liberty within practical objectives of feminism provide different perspectives existing societal structures, and and liberalism were once again on the feminist agenda. Despite personal oppression within the in harmony, with David Steel, the diverse number of feminist family was not considered. The the former Liberal Leader, at the theories, we can assume that period between the end of first- forefront of the campaign for the underlying philosophy run- wave feminism and the start of women’s rights to access abor- Liberalism ning through most contem- second-wave feminism, roughly tion. In 1967, registered practi- porary feminist thought is the from the 1920s to the 1960s, tioners, and the free provision of and feminism desire to eradicate the discrimi- is generally considered to be medical aid for abortion through nation against women by chal- a period of relative inactivity the NHS, were key components have, at lenging hegemonic patriarchy for feminists, which correlates of his successful Private Mem- within society. This patriarchy neatly with the decline in the ber’s Bill regulating abortion. times, been manifests itself through cultural, fortunes of the Liberal Party. Current forms of feminism diametrically institutional and structural dis- Second-wave feminists, such focus on the pluralistic nature crimination that places women as Betty Friedan in The Feminine of feminism, constructing it as opposed. at a disadvantage in relation to

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 5 can liberalism ever be feminist? male citizens. In some respects to the Constitution of the Lib- grounded in liberalism’s com- it is easier to define feminism by eral Democrats which states that mitment to equality of opportu- what it is against rather than try- the party ‘exists to build and nity and the idea that the ‘best’ ing to pull together the varying safeguard a fair, free and open candidate should be selected strands of feminist thought into society, in which we seek to bal- regardless of gender. Addition- a more detailed definition. ance the fundamental values of ally, many women in the party This negative definition of liberty, equality and community have highlighted the patronising feminism is at odds with the and in which no one shall be nature of positive discrimination idea of liberalism, which Con- enslaved by poverty, ignorance and the importance of avoiding rad Russell described as a ‘hur- or conformity.’8 tokenism.14 rah word’, thereby signifying his Perhaps of most interest A commitment to meritoc- interpretation of the philosophy when considering the relation- racy in the selection of parlia- as setting out a positive agenda ship between feminism and mentary candidates led to the for change.4 However, ambigu- liberalism is the tension within establishment of the party- ity and complexity of meaning the party over the importance funded Gender Balance Task are by no means absent from lib- of equality of outcome versus Force (now Campaign for Gen- eralism, especially in its twenty- equality of opportunity.9 Whilst der Balance, CGB) which has first-century context. Just as we feminism in general empha- the remit of encouraging, sup- would distinguish between the sises the importance of equality porting and training potential different feminist approaches, of opportunity, it is equality of women candidates. Yet whilst so it is also necessary to consider outcome that is now the more the majority of Liberal Demo- the differing views within liber- significant feature of feminist crats view positive action and alism. Those who traditionally writing, particularly in support discrimination as a curtailment favour a social liberal approach, of direct intervention to increase of the freedom of the individual, as espoused by Hobhouse, Key- the number of women MPs as highlighted in the 2001 con- nes, Beveridge and Rawls, rec- through all-women shortlists ference decision not to adopt ognise the value and role that (AWS).10 Gender equality and AWS, many feminists argue that the state can play in bringing freedom from discrimination this is the only way to ensure about social change and tackling is now a core part of the social Perhaps of parity of representation, and so inequality;5 whereas economic justice agenda espoused by all most interest criticise the incremental liberal liberals, influenced more by the three political parties.11 Because approach. pre-New-Liberal Gladstonian this equality of opportunity when con- The criticisms leveled at lib- tradition, set out their views has now become part of a com- eralism by feminism are that the in The Orange Book and see a mon-sense rhetoric, evident in sidering the former fails to properly con- more limited role for the state speeches given by party leaders, sider women as a group, albeit a in changing society.6 They tend surrounding women’s numeri- relationship diverse one, and as such the lib- to favour greater private sector cal representation in Parlia- between eral approach to equality over- intervention in the delivery of ment, feminist attention is now laps with non-feminist analysis public services. firmly directed towards equality feminism of social life, couched within These two approaches at of outcomes, and this is where a commitment to equality for times seem to present quite a liberalism and feminism part and liberal- all. Despite legislative successes dramatic divergence of opinion, company. brought about through the although, as David Howarth This divergence has occurred ism is the introduction of legal reforms argues, it would be simplistic to because many feminists believe tension to improve opportunities for present these approaches as war- an equality of opportunity women, most notably in educa- ring factions and the two beliefs approach is not sufficiently radi- within the tion and employment, the exis- do not prohibit convergence of cal to overcome the institutional tence of liberal feminism as part opinion on much of the contem- sexism within political parties party over of the initial foundations of fem- porary Liberal Democrat policy which currently helps prevent inist theory has to some extent platform.7 J. S. Mill’s focus on greater numbers of women the impor- become redundant. To be sure, equality, freedom and what we from being selected, particu- tance of liberal feminism is distinct from now call civil liberties is what larly in winnable seats.12 The Marxist and radical feminism, drives much of the thinking Liberal Democrats’ refusal to equality of with their emphasis on power behind twentieth-century and introduce AWS for the selec- relations and sexual politics, but contemporary liberal think- tion of their parliamentary can- outcome for a contemporary understand- ing, and it is these core themes didates has resulted in criticism ing of feminism the inclusion of that this article will take as the from women’s pressure groups versus a distinct liberal strand requires base understanding of liberal- such as the Fawcett Society.13 equality of a far-reaching definition of ism. This principle is articulated The philosophy behind much feminism that could prove to be neatly in the opening preamble of the opposition to AWS was opportunity. of limited political use. Those

6 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 can liberalism ever be feminist? more comfortable with the dis- On the men and women.16 Mill’s work is behind liberalism’s traditional course and ideas of liberal femi- the only substantial text within distinction between public and nism have embraced the social broader liberalism which seeks to pro- private life and its insistence that justice agenda and the discourse themes of vide a philosophical discussion the latter cannot be a matter of of diversity with a firm emphasis about the inequality between political concern.’18 By viewing on equality of opportunity and a equality, the sexes. However, in arguing the private sphere as a distinct belief in meritocracy based upon that women should receive equal space free from state interven- an existing system. such as wom- treatment to men, it is suggest- tion, the traditional liberal view Away from the contentious ing that the assumed male norms essentially isolates women and issue of positive discrimination en’s right to governing society should also women’s issues from the pub- for the selection of parliamen- vote, to be be applied to women, an area lic agenda, reinforcing cultural tary candidates, the basic con- of significant contention within traditions surrounding women’s temporary values of feminism educated, feminism. roles within society and the and liberalism clearly chime. On Although not perhaps writing sexual division of labour. How- the broader themes of equality, and to work with gender in mind, the impor- ever, thinkers within the Lib- such as women’s right to vote, tance of equality or equal rights eral Democrats have recently to be educated, and to work for for equal is emphasised by Rawls, who begun to grapple with the need equal pay, liberalism and femi- pay, liber- writes, ‘each person is to have an for the party to provide detailed nism are in accord. However, equal right to the most extensive policies regarding the family, within Western twenty-first- alism and basic liberty compatible with a and to debate the role that the century politics these are ideas similar liberty for others’.17 Fem- state can play in safeguarding that are matters of consensus feminism are inists would argue that if the childhood.19 Whilst this goes rather than controversial femi- rules and laws governing a soci- some way to allaying feminist nist demands, and none of the in accord. ety have been created by men, concerns vis-à-vis liberalism’s mainstream political ideologies then women will never be able unwillingness to interfere too would be at odds with femi- to take an equal part because of heavily in the private sphere, a nism on such issues. In order to the inherent cultural and institu- feminist liberal approach must analyse this relationship more tional bias against both women be willing positively to embrace closely we need to look beyond and femininity that exist within the idea that intervention is cru- a simplistic understanding of the fabric of society. Feminism cial in improving the lives of equality to assess to what extent not only stresses the importance children, and helping the poor- liberalism is a champion of gen- of difference between women, est and most vulnerable women der equality. but also the differences between in society. Part of the criticism lev- men and women which have Looking in further detail at elled at liberalism by feminists to be taken into account when the trajectory of liberal thought has been that whilst they claim considering how a truly fair and and activity in the twentieth to consider men and women equal society could be created. and twenty-first centuries, we equal, several liberal philoso- Tinkering with legislation will can see that, on the question phers have used essentialist not be enough to create equal- of suffrage, feminists and the language and ideas. For exam- ity between the sexes because majority of liberals were clearly ple, Mill describes women as men have created the basis of divided, leading many to join intuitive, which signifies an ele- a liberal, free and fair society. the newly formed Labour Party. ment of reductivist biologism Rather, what is needed is a more Whilst the issue of suffrage in his thoughts on women, and fundamental revolution in the was of significant importance, plays into the construction of a way in which society and cul- it is also vital to acknowledge romanticised notion of woman- ture operate in order to allow that during this period issues hood.15 Of course it is important men and women together to cre- of Home Rule and splits over to consider the historical context ate the rules governing their leadership were also key to the when analysing nineteenth- society, free from existing gen- decline of the Liberals. So what century texts, and Mill’s work der stereotypes. evidence is there for any com- The Subjection of Women (1869) Feminist critics have also mitment to feminism on behalf highlights an early and progres- argued that the liberal emphasis of the party? Indeed, is it pos- sive discussion within liberal- on the individual is too cerebral sible to find such a consensus ism on the need to improve the and that the division of society within a philosophy which val- quality of women’s lives. Con- into public and private com- ues the individual over a sense sidering the need for changes to pounds the idea that public space of collective identity? legislation and societal attitudes is codified as male, and the pri- Whilst feminism certainly towards women Mill called for a vate home as female. As Valerie finds fault with certain aspects of ‘morality of justice’ and the crea- Bryson observes, ‘Male values liberal ideology, looking at lib- tion of an equal society between and interests are also said to be eralism in practice may provide

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 7 can liberalism ever be feminist? us with examples of where the The first However, following this brief to maintain women’s position two agendas have both clashed period most radicals switched within society, he was aware and dovetailed. The narrative explicit to Labour and the party failed of the drudgery of housework of the suffrage movement is mention of to capitalise on the issue.22 Pugh and his scheme was a significant irrevocably bound to the Liberal considers two different catego- move forward in terms of provi- government and its subsequent women in ries of women involved in the sion for women in society. demise. As early as 1902 the Lib- party. Firstly there were leading Whilst Beveridge is impor- eral MP Herbert Samuel wrote post-war feminists such as Margaret Win- tant as regards an analysis of in his work Liberalism that the tringham and Margery Cor- the substantive Liberal and Lib- arguments in favour of women’s manifestos bett Ashby, and secondly, there eral Democrat commitment suffrage were part of a power- produced by were party loyalists with deep to women’s issues, a feminist ful backdrop regarding citizen- family connections in the party appraisal of party election mani- ship. Despite the patronising the British such as Violet Bonham Carter festos will allow us to trace the assumption that women had less and Megan Lloyd George, who extent to which such issues have responsibility than men, Samuel Liberal Party showed no obvious sign of inter- been prioritised by the party. Of highlights that having the vote est in women’s issues. Pugh course, when looking at mani- will engender citizenship and came in credits Wintringham’s success festos, it is vital to remember the a feeling of self-worth amongst 1964’s Think to the fact that she was a femi- historical context and the extent women, ‘despite their lives being nist who ‘epitomised the WI to which the Liberals were narrower than those of men, and for Yourself, image of the motherly woman’ struggling for survival. their responsibilities less, all the and was thus able to cham- The first explicit mention of greater is their need of the stim- with its rec- pion women’s causes and break women in post-war manifestos ulus of citizenship and the larger down prejudices surrounding produced by the British Liberal advantage they would derive ognition of women’s involvement in poli- Party came in 1964’s Think for from it.’20 However, he lacked the economic tics.23 The existence of feminists Yourself, with its recognition of the confidence to come out in in the Liberal Party at this point the economic inequalities facing favour of women’s suffrage, and inequali- was crucial to the party’s abil- women. The manifesto included his conclusion states that, whilst ity to attract feminist voters and a commitment to introduce opinion is so bitterly divided ties facing campaigners. equal pay and enhance legal about the issue within the Lib- The 1942 publication of the rights in marriage, and an eral Party, it can ‘neither be women. Beveridge Report marked a dra- emphasis on part-time working denied discussion in its counsels matic shift in social reform, and opportunities to allow women nor find a place in its immedi- his commitment to improving to return to work.25 This inclu- ate programme.’21 This reticent the lives of the poorest citizens, sion of a specific policy designed attitude towards women’s suf- particularly through the provi- to appeal to women was devel- frage is symptomatic of the Lib- sion of family allowances and oped in the 1966 election mani- eral Party’s hesitant approach to widow’s pensions, explicitly festo, where the party called for what would be one of the most recognised the fact that women a new system of allowances to important political issues of the were disproportionately dis- provide more funds for widows early twentieth century. When advantaged by the system.24 with children and again stressed the Liberal W. H. Dickinson Beveridge undoubtedly made the importance of helping mar- introduced his Bill to enfran- a conscious decision to redress ried women with children to chise unmarried women house- many of the gendered economic return to work if they wished holders, Campbell-Bannerman inequalities evident within to.26 said that the government would society, arguing that married The 1970 manifesto did not give it no time and that he could women should be entitled to build on 1964 and 1966. It made not support it because it would economic support from their no mention of women despite only enfranchise ‘well-to-do husbands, as he viewed women’s having sections entitled ‘The single women’ and not impact unpaid role within the home as Old’, ‘The Young’ and ‘The upon working-class men and crucial. Whilst many women Independent Trader’ amongst women. The Bill was eventually welcomed the proposals in the others. The February 1974 elec- talked out. scheme, the Women’s Freedom tion manifesto, Change the Face of In his work on women’s League was critical of the sup- Britain, saw the return of a small movements in Britain, Martin port the plan gave to the domi- section concerning women’s Pugh notes that Liberal politi- nant view of women’s dependent equality, this time under the cians had often championed status, a view taken up again heading ‘The Status of Women’, women’s causes. This con- by second-wave feminists in which advocated the establish- nection was briefly reborn in the 1970s. However it would ment of a Sex Discrimination 1918, when prominent Liber- be unfair to suggest that Bev- Board to ensure that legisla- als campaigned on equal pay. eridge had willingly attempted tion surrounding equal pay and

8 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 can liberalism ever be feminist? opportunity was adhered to. commitment to equal represen- significant increase in the par- Again, it stressed the impor- tation on appointed bodies and ty’s engagement with women’s tance of allowing women to improved maternity benefits.30 issues, with policies ranging work, ‘Our aim is to provide Given the strong tradition of from ideas to strengthen UK the opportunity for women who gender equality and women’s discrimination laws through an so wish freely to seek satisfying groups within the Labour Party, Equality Act in Freedom, Justice goals other than a lifetime of we would expect to and indeed and Honesty (2001) and the pro- childbearing.’27 Despite the pro- can identify the greater empha- duction of a specific manifesto gressive nature of some of these sis on women’s issues that the for women in both 2001 and proposals there is no mention of SDP introduced into Alliance 2005.34 Again, the decision to the need for a wider shift in soci- manifestos. The newly created produce a separate manifesto ety with regards women’s roles, SDP had been clear about its for women is a key indication as proposed a century before by commitment to gender equal- that, whilst the party stresses Mill. Moreover, there was no ity and both the numerical and the importance of the individ- discussion of childcare alterna- the substantive (acting on behalf ual, it also recognises the elec- tives which would allow women of women) representation of toral importance of appealing to go back to work, and such an women was a core part of their to women voters and showing omission undermines the com- belief and narrative.31 that, despite the low numbers of mitment to ensuring a nation of The Liberal Democrats in women MPs on its benches, it is all the talents. their 1992 manifesto failed to concerned with women’s issues. As the October election of build on or develop ideas from The 2005 manifesto for women 1974 was mainly fought on the previous manifestos, but did highlighted the party’s top five economy, economic inequality introduce a policy for a citi- policies for women, juxtapos- dominated this manifesto, but zen’s pension which explicitly ing traditional women’s policies no links were made between recognised that women are dis- such as increased maternity pay the disproportionate impact that proportionately discriminated with the importance of scrap- poverty had (and still has) on against in old age due to a life- ping tuition fess to make uni- women. Instead, it was in the time of poorly paid work and versity education affordable 1979 manifesto that the party childcare.32 The 1997 manifesto for all. The way in which the first considered the impact of mirrored the 1987 coverage of party made this link between a inequalities, other than eco- women’s issues detailing a range high-profile national policy and nomic, with a discussion of of specific proposals aimed at The way in women’s issues is both striking gender inequalities and eth- women such as ensuring equal- and a clear change of approach nic minority rights. Moreover, ity of treatment in the health which the towards the established idea of there was a discussion of men service and providing greater women’s issues, leading com- and women in relation to family resources for domestic violence party made mentators to highlight the pro- needs, thereby recognising that, refuges. What is notable is that this link gressive nature of their policies in order for women to take a full despite repeated pledges in this for women despite the numeri- part in society, men have to take and previous manifestos to a between a cal under-representation of on responsibilities previously commitment to parity in terms women MPs.35 undertaken by women.28 of appointments to public bod- high-profile So, having considered the rel- The two elections fought by ies, the party did not offer any ative strengths and weaknesses the Liberal–SDP Alliance, 1983 internal suggestions as to how to national pol- of Liberalism’s commitment and 1987, resulted in the devel- increase the numbers of women icy and wom- to feminist principles it is clear opment of specific monetary MPs on their own benches. that the party has attempted to policies of benefit to women. Rather, they focused on reform- en’s issues is engage with women’s issues on For example, in the 1983 mani- ing the facilities of the House a policy level in their manifes- festo, there was a pledge to of Commons to make it more both striking tos. Of course the debate on increase child benefit by £1.50 appealing to women.33 Whilst women’s representation is a key per week, with a supplemen- the 1992 and 1997 general elec- and a clear part of understanding the cur- tary benefit of £1.50 per week tion manifestos may have been change of rent relationship between femi- for one-parent families. It also disappointing, the party was nism and Liberal Democrats. pledged to enforce sex and aware of the importance of approach Despite the undeniable success race equality through positive women’s issues and women’s of the ‘zipping’ process adopted action in employment policies.29 votes, with specific leaflets and towards the for the 1999 European elections The 1987 manifesto provided press conferences designed to (alternating women and men a more in-depth considera- promote the party’s willingness established on the regional lists of candi- tion of women’s issues, rang- to be seen as a pro-women party. idea of wom- dates, which ensured that half ing from equal opportunities However it is the 2001 the Lib Dem MEPs elected were in education and training to a and 2005 elections that saw a en’s issues. women), it is the 2001 debate on

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 9 can liberalism ever be feminist?

AWS which best sums up the in favour of and those against domination’.39 For liberals the differing approaches to wom- introducing quotas.36 repositioning of the debate on en’s representation. Interviews discrimination against women undertaken with women who I was angry and upset when it as one of oppression would be were involved with the party at didn’t go through conference. I key to galvanising a greater sense the time of the 2001 conference felt like going up to them and of urgency towards tackling debate examined their recollec- saying if I was young, attrac- the inherent gendered assump- tions, their stance on the issue tive and in my 20s I’d be there tions and structures in society. and the roles of critical feminist with them with the T-shirt on, A key element of Liberalism is actors in the campaign for the but I’m in my 40s and I want the fight for equality in the face adoption of the mechanism. All to make a success of my career of injustices and oppression, so of those who had witnessed or in politics. They could wait by shifting the discourse sur- participated in the debate high- for ten elections, I could wait rounding women’s inequalities lighted the acrimonious nature for two. I haven’t got time. to the more pressing language of of the discussion: (Prospective Parliamentary oppression, a more determined Candidate) and strategic approach towards I’ve never seen anything like countering systemic sex bias the 2001 debate. There were a In that one decision they would perhaps come about. group of young women wear- ruled out a whole generation Whether or not Liberal- ing T-shirts saying ‘I’m not a of women. There are a few ism’s ideals and objectives can token female’, and I still think like me who managed to get ever be congruent with femi- there were interests in the party through the system, but I feel nism is a complicated question. who manipulated them. (MP) sad about all those women who From a contemporary perspec- worked so hard and never got tive, the underlying ideology It was a bloody affair in 2001 the chance to become members remains based upon the writ- and divided the women hugely. of Parliament. (MP) ings of a group of male writers We were all disgusted with the whose political philosophies, women in T-shirts. It was a real Those younger women who whilst dealing with issues of drive against all-women short- had campaigned against AWS equality and liberty, are not, lists by women themselves, argued that they were part of Liberal on the whole, concerned with and I think it was a great pity. a new generation of women women and achieving equality I think they thought they were who had not experienced any Democrat for women. As such, it would being assertive but they didn’t form of sex discrimination.37 manifestos be difficult to argue that a phi- realise what they were doing. This attitude rankled the older losophy based upon male values (Peer) women in the party who were do show a could ever truly be feminist. To all too aware of the continued be sure, Mill’s work is an impor- I think there was immense sad- existence of sex discrimina- degree of tant contribution to bringing ness on my part and the part of tion. Moreover, the debate on the condition of women’s lives a few others about the way in AWS came within the context commitment to a more mainstream audience; which people had conducted of an interim report highlight- to women’s however, from a contemporary themselves. (Peer) ing evidence of covert discrimi- feminist perspective there are nation within the party.38 Many issues, and elements of his work that are The vitriolic atmosphere of the older women in the party problematic. Feminism’s criti- described by the interviewees subsequently walked away from research cism of the liberal focus on the was in part due to the nature the issue of women’s representa- sanctity of the private sphere is of the debate, which struck tion. Again the issue of women’s has also driven by a belief that, by pro- at the heart of traditional lib- numerical representation has shown that tecting the home from state eral assumptions regarding caused feminists to view the intervention, this essentially approaches to any form of dis- Liberal Democrats with a cer- support for enforces the division between crimination. The use of tight tain degree of mistrust. public and private. This divi- fitting pink T-shirts as part of In his consideration of the the Liberal sion mirrors the gendered con- the campaign against AWS was limitations that liberalism pres- struction of society, which sees a particular sticking point for ents to feminist objectives, Democrats the public sphere as male and many of the women angry at Kymlicka argues for gendered is higher the private home as female – so the lack of awareness shown by inequalities to be recast and situ- protecting the private from leg- the young women as to how it ated within the traditional lib- amongst islation effectively cuts women would be perceived. As Rus- eral discourse of oppression: ‘We adrift from the legislative sell and Fieldhouse quite rightly need to reconceptualise sexual women than process. note, there was an evident gen- inequality as a problem, not of Liberal Democrat mani- erational divide between those arbitrary discrimination, but of men. festos do show a degree of

10 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 can liberalism ever be feminist? commitment to women’s issues, A failure to 10 See Sarah Childs, J. Lovenduski election manifesto. and research has also shown that & R. Campbell, Women at the Top 28 British Liberal Party: 1979 ‘The support for the Liberal Demo- secure the 2005: Changing Numbers, Changing Real Fight is for Britain’ election crats is higher amongst women election of Politics? (London: Hansard Soci- manifesto. than men.40 This clearly indi- ety, 2005); Drude Dahlreup (ed.), 29 Liberal–SDP Alliance: 1983 ‘Work- cates both a willingness and a more women Women, Quotas and Politics (Oxon; ing Together for Britain’ election need for the party to engage Routledge, 2006). manifesto. in women’s issues. However, MPs ensures 11 Judith Squires, The New Politics of 30 Liberal–SDP Alliance Party: 1987 a failure to secure the election Gender Equality (Basingstoke: Pal- ‘Britain United: The Time Has of more women MPs ensures that the grave Macmillan, 2007). Come’ election manifesto. that the party’s commitment party’s com- 12 Joni Lovenduski, Feminizing Politics 31 Interviews with leading SDP mem- to feminist objectives remains (Cambridge: Polity Press). bers undertaken for author’s PhD uncertain. mitment 13 Laura Shepherd-Robinson and J. research. Lovenduski, Women and Candidate 32 Liberal Democrats: 1992 ‘Chang- Elizabeth Evans has recently been to feminist Selection in British Political Parties ing Britain for Good’ election awarded a PhD at Goldsmiths, Uni- (London: Fawcett Society, 2002). manifesto. versity of London. Her thesis is an objectives 14 Elizabeth Evans, ‘A Question of 33 Liberal Democrats: 1997 ‘Make the exploration of women’s representa- remains Supply?’, ‘Woman and the Liberal Difference’ election manifesto tion and the Liberal Democrats and Democrats’ Conference paper given 34 Liberal Democrats: 2001 ‘Free- considers the response of the party to uncertain. at EPOP: Bristol, 2007. dom, Justice. Honesty’ election feminism and to feminist demands 15 Valerie Bryson, Feminist Debates manifesto; Liberal Democrats: 2001 for women’s increased descriptie pres- (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, ‘Liberal Democrat Manifesto for ence. She is the Guest Editor of this 1999). Women’; Liberal Democrats: 2005 special issue of the Journal. 16 J. S. Mill, The Subjection of Women ‘General Election 2005: Liberal (1869) (New York: Prometheus Democrat Manifesto for Women’ 1 Suzanne Brugger and Geoff Stokes, Books, 1986). available online, http://www.lib- ‘Feminism and Political Theory’, 17 John Rawls, A Theory of Justice dems.org.uk/media/documents/ Liberal Democratic Theory and its Crit- (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972) p. policies/manifestos/women.pdf ics, ed. Norman Wintrop (Becken- 60. 35 Sarah Childs, ‘Feminising Politics: ham: Croom Helm Ltd, 1983). 18 Ibid., p. 13. Sex and Gender in the Election’, 2 Maggie Humm, Modern Feminisms 19 See Matthew Taylor, ‘The Politics Britain Decides: The UK General (New York: Columbia University of Parenting: Confronting the F Election 2005, eds. A. Gamble and Press, 1992). Word’, Reinventing the State: Social J. Geddes. (Hampshire: Palgrave, 3 Joni Lovenduski and Vicky Ran- Liberalism for the 21st Century, pp. 2005) pp. 150–168. dall, Contemporary Feminist Politics 159–174; and also Steve Webb and 36 Andrew Russell and Ed Fieldhouse, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, Jo Holland ‘Children, the family Neither Left nor Right? The Liberal 1983). and the State: a liberal agenda’, The Democrats and the Electorate (Man- 4 Conrad Russell, An Intelligent Per- Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberalism, chester: Manchester University son’s Guide to Liberalism (London: pp. 235–275. Press, 2005). Duckworth, 1999). 20 Herbert Samuel, Liberalism: An 37 Lucy Ward, ‘Pink Politics’, The 5 Richard S. Grayson, ‘Social Lib- Attempt to State the Principles and Pro- Guardian, 1 October 2001, www. eralism’, The Political Thought of the posals of Contemporary Liberalism in guardian.co.uk/world/2001/ Liberals and Liberal Democrats since England (London: Grant Richards, oct/01/gender.uk, available online. 1945, ed. Kevin Hickson (Manches- 1902) p. 246. 38 Joni Lovenduski and Fawcett Soci- ter: Manchester University Press, 21 Ibid., p. 253. ety, Experiences of Liberal Democrat forthcoming). 22 Martin Pugh, Women and the Wom- Women in Parliamentary Selections 6 Paul Marshall and David Laws (eds.) en’s Movement in Britain 1914–1959 Interim Findings (Fawcett Society, The Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberal- (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001). ism (London: Profile Books, 2004). 1992). 39 Will Kymlicka, Contemporary Politi- 7 Ibid.; David Howarth, ‘What is 23 Ibid., p. 177. cal Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford Uni- Social Liberalism?’, Reinventing the 24 Jose Harris, William Beveridge: A versity Press, 2002). State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Cen- Biography (Oxford: Clarendon 40 Fawcett Society and Ipsos MORI, tury, eds. Duncan Brack, Richard S. Press, 1997). Fawcett/ Ipsos MORI briefing on Grayson and David Howarth (Lon- 25 British Liberal Party: 1964 ‘Think women’s votes (2006), http://www. don: Politico’s, 2007), pp. 1–16. for Yourself’ election manifesto. fawcettsociety.org.uk/documents/ 8 ‘Our Beliefs’ available online 26 British Liberal Party: 1966 ‘For all Fawcett-MORI%20Ipsos%20 http://www.libdems.org.uk/party/ the People: the Liberal Plan of 1966’ briefing%208-9-06.doc, available 9 Duncan Brack, ‘Equality Matters’, election manifesto. online. Reinventing the State: Social Liberal- 27 Liberal Party: February 1974 ism for the 21st Century, pp. 17–36. ‘Change the Face of Britain’

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 11 John Stuart Mill Liberal Father of Feminism

Liberalism and feminism meet powerfully in the life and work of John Stuart Mill. No liberal has been more consistent and forceful in their support for women’s rights. No feminist has founded their views so firmly on liberal grounds. The history of the relationship between the Liberal Party and the campaign for women’s rights – especially the suffrage movement – is a fairly inglorious one. Mill represents the only in Avignon a small Stuart Mill, Defenseur significant exception. plaque has been des Femmes’. Richard It is appropriate that added reading: ‘En Reeves analyses Mill’s next to Mill’s grave hommage de John views and their impact.

12 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 John Stuart Mill Liberal Father of Feminism

he attitude of Liber- no power or privilege on the liberal was de facto an anti-rac- als such as Gladstone one side, nor disability on the ist and a supporter of women’s and Asquith towards other.1 rights. This is not to say that the women’s move- Mill was apolitical: he knew ment can be described Mill’s support for women did that equality for women was a Tat best as one of scepticism. not end with the ballot. He minority view and cause, and Campbell-Bannerman was wanted women and men to be was careful in the timing of his supportive in theory, but non- treated completely equally in own interventions. But in the committal in practice. The Lib- all matters of law, employment, end the cause of liberty could eral administrations of all three education and sexual relations. not be separated from the cause failed to deliver for women; in He even campaigned to crimi- of gender equality. The road the end, it was a coalition gov- nalise marital rape, an advance from On Liberty led inevitably to ernment, under Lloyd George’s which it would take more than The Subjection of Women. leadership, that legislated to a century to achieve in the UK. For the political leadership of include women in the parlia- The difference between Mill the Liberal Party, women’s rights mentary electorate in 1918 – and the Liberal establishment were at best a distraction and although even then not on equal on the issue of women’s rights at worst a threat to the orderly, terms. is of historical importance in Whiggish progress which they Mill’s views were well in and of itself: had the Liberal often preferred. As late as 1892, advance of his time. In the Party been more ‘advanced’, to quarter of a century after Mill opening paragraph of his most use Mill’s preferred prefix, the moved his historic amendment sinewy polemic, The Subjection cause of women’s rights would to substitute the word ‘person’ of Women, published in 1869, he undoubtedly have been acceler- for ‘man’ in the 1867 Reform declared that his argument was, ated. Some measure of suffrage Act, Gladstone was describing simply: could have been achieved in the the argument for political equal- nineteenth century. But is also ity for women as a ‘novel’ one.2 That the principle which regu- throws some important light on The nineteenth-century Liber- lates the existing social rela- the foundations of their liberal- als were a sometimes uncom- tions between the two sexes ism. Mill’s radical brand of liber- fortable coalition between the – the legal subordination of alism was founded on the belief Whig and Radical wings. On one sex to the other – is wrong that all individuals should be women’s rights, the Whigs were in itself, and now one of the equally free to ‘work out their in the ascendancy. chief hindrances to human own destiny under their own To be fair, there were also a improvement; and that it ought moral responsibility’. For Mill, number of major nineteenth- to be replaced by a principle the sex or skin colour of an indi- John Stuart Mill century figures who would have of perfect equality, admitting vidual was irrelevant. A good (1806–73) described themselves as radical

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 13 john stuart mill: liberal father of feminism but were also blind to the case the amount of property, the Mill did not Mill did not deny that women for women’s equality, includ- unlawful taking of which was were currently different, and ing James Mill. In his influential … by the same judge, thought deny that in some ways inferior to men. Essay on Government, published worthy of the same amount of women were But he insisted that this was the in 1820, Mill senior argued that punishment. We should then result of their subjection rather women could be satisfactorily have an arithmetical estimate currently than a justification for it. Soci- represented by their husbands of the value set by a male leg- ety’s laws, customs and institu- or fathers – a view from which islature and male tribunals on different, tions were designed to make his eldest son even then violently the murder of a woman, often women less than they could be. dissented, describing it as ‘an by torture continued through and in some ‘What is now called the nature error as grievous as any against years, which, if there is any ways inferior of women is an eminently arti- which the essay is directed’.3 shame in us, would make us ficial thing – the result of forced The question of how far one hang our heads.5 to men. But repression in some directions, group in society could be repre- unnatural stimulation in others,’ sented in Parliament by another Mill also destroyed the argu- he insisted he wrote. ‘It may be asserted was one of the key dividing ment that women worked without scruple, that no other lines between John Stuart Mill’s through indirect influence, the that this was class of dependents have had position and the Liberal leaders. one still adumbrated by Asquith the result of their character so entirely dis- Asquith, whose claim to great- in the quote given above. In the torted from its natural propor- ness is diminished by his atti- parliamentary debate, he deliv- their subjec- tions by their relation with their tudes towards gender equality, ered a devastating analysis: masters.’ 9 declared in 1892 that ‘women tion rather It has to be said that Mill was operate by personal influence, I should like to carry this argu- cautious about revealing the full and not by associated or repre- ment a little further. Rich peo- than a justifi- extent of his feminism. Subjec- sentative action’.4 ple have a great deal of indirect cation for it. tion was published when he was This was a view of democracy influence. Is this a reason for sixty-three, and retired from strongly at variance with Mill’s. refusing them votes? Does any- both his administrative role at He insisted that every group in one propose a rating qualifica- the East India Company and society had to be represented in tion the wrong way, or bring in from parliamentary politics. In Parliament – this was in fact the a Reform Bill to disenfranchise his previous publications, the basis for his support for work- all who live in a £500 house, space devoted to the question ing-class suffrage. Women’s or pay £100 a year in direct of women’s suffrage expanded issues could not be represented taxes?’6 steadily, from a footnote in his by their menfolk. Women had to 1835 Rationale of Representation, be granted the vote so that they Another critical area of disa- through a paragraph in Thoughts could protect their own welfare. greement between the reformers on Parliamentary Reform in 1859 Their interests could not, as the and the refusers concerned the to a robust, three-page treat- anti-reformers insisted, be seen nature of women themselves. ment in his 1861 Representative as safe in their hands of their In particular, many of the liber- Government, in which he insisted fathers, husbands and brothers. als opposed to women’s rights that gender was ‘as entirely Dramatic demonstration of this argued that it would either dam- irrelevant to political rights, as was provided by the fact that age their feminine qualities or difference in height, or in the these men were themselves all that these qualities rendered colour of hair’ and predicted too often the brutal abusers of them less capable of democratic that within a generation, ‘the women, and were often lightly participation. Gladstone, in accident of sex, no more than punished. During the 1867 particular, was worried about the accident of skin’ would have debate Mill declared: delicacy. In 1892 he expressed ceased to be ‘sufficient justifica- his fear – in a private letter – tion for depriving its possessor I should like to have a return that involving women in poli- of the equal protection and just laid annually before the House tics would mean inviting ‘her privileges of a citizen.’10 of the number of women who (woman) unwittingly to trespass But when he did put all of are annually beaten to death, upon the delicacy, the purity, his cards on the table, both in kicked to death, or trampled the refinement, the elevation of the 1867 parliamentary debate to death by their male protec- her own nature, which are the and in Subjection, the impact was tors: and in an opposite col- present sources of its power.’7 huge. Subjection was a declara- umn, the amount of sentences Asquith similarly suggested of tion of Mill’s deepest convic- passed, in those cases in which women that ‘their natural sphere tions about gender equality, the the dastardly criminals did not is not the turmoil and dust of issue which, as his friend and get off altogether. I should also politics, but the circle of social protégé Alexander Bain judged, like to have, in a third column, and domestic life’.8 was the one ‘which of all others

14 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 john stuart mill: liberal father of feminism most engaged his feelings’. It was movement’ until the First World through the House of Com- also a distillation of the major War.14 Translations into French, mons, and then we might defy currents of Mill’s thinking: the Danish, German, Italian, Polish the Lords!’18 innate equality of all human and Russian followed almost When it looked as though beings; the corrosive power of immediately. The book found its Disraeli might throw his par- dependency; the triumph of rea- way into some unlikely hands. liamentary weight between the son over custom; the intrinsic Visiting a Russian aristocratic fight for women’s votes, Mill value of individual liberty; and household in the summer of was sufficiently excited to put the role of institutions and social 1869, two of Mill’s American aside party politics. He was in customs in shaping character. He friends were warmly received by any case disenchanted with did not pull his punches, declar- the four daughters of the house Gladstone, in whom he had ing, for example, that: ‘Mar- when they mentioned their asso- vested great hopes of radicalism, riage is the only actual bondage ciation with Mill. The young and declared: known to our law. There remain Russians declared that the Sub- no legal slaves, except the mis- jection was their bible. ‘Yes,’ said The time, moreover, is, I think tress of every house.’11 the eldest, ‘I sleep with that come when, at parliamentary Mill saw the relationship book under my pillow.’15 elections, a Conservative who between husband and wife as For Mill, of course, speeches will vote for women’s suffrage a space where oppression was and books were not enough. should be, in general, pre- articulated or liberation repre- He was a man of action. Mil- ferred to a professed Liberal sented. The marital relationship licent Fawcett described him who will not … the bare fact is at the heart of Mill’s analysis as the ‘principal originator’ of of supporting Mr Gladstone of power in Subjection. For him, the movement for women’s suf- in office … does not now give liberty for women, as well as frage, to which he gave ‘the best a man a claim to preference moral regeneration for men, powers of his mind, and the best over one who will vote for the would come not from a rejection years of his life’.16 Along with most important of all political of marriage, but its rejuvenation. his stepdaughter Helen Tay- improvements now under pub- As things stood, Mill believed, lor, Mill was deeply involved in lic discussion.’19 the marriage contract was little the practicalities of the suffrage better than the one between a campaign, raising money, gath- As it turned out, Dizzy did not Louisiana plantation-owner and ering petitions, giving speeches rally to the cause, and in fact his black slave. Indeed, because and using his position as one of 1870 represented the high-water of the social climate repressing the globe’s most sought-after mark of the campaign for wom- women, it was in some ways Fawcett correspondents to propagandise en’s votes. Nobody of Mill’s stat- worse: ‘I am far from pretend- for the cause. Half of the letters ure took up the cause following ing that wives are in general described from the last four years of his life his death in 1873, and Gladstone, no better treated than slaves’ he Mill as the related directly or indirectly to Campbell-Bannerman and wrote, ‘but no slave is a slave to women’s issues. Mill and Helen Asquith were far from progres- the same lengths, and in so full a ‘principal were the moving spirits behind sive on the issue. It would take sense of the word, as a wife is.’12 the establishment of the London Lloyd George, in this and many For Mill, marriage was ‘the origina- National Society for Women’s other spheres a true heir to Mill’s citadel of the enemy’ – the prin- Suffrage, a branch of the exist- liberalism, to make the first leap. cipal site of women’s subjec- tor’ of the ing organisation that had strong When women finally won par- tion, and an institution which movement sections in Manchester and ity with men, in 1928, the eld- repressed wives, disfigured the Birmingham. erly Millicent Garrett Fawcett, character of men and provided a for women’s In the late 1860s Mill became having witnessed the historic daily lesson in despotism to chil- convinced that the cause of vote from the Commons gallery, dren. To Mill, the personal was suffrage, women’s rights was on the brink led a delegation of women to the deeply political. The oppres- of serious political gains. ‘I am statue of John Stuart Mill on the sive potential of marriage lay to which he in great spirits about our pros- Embankment, where a wreath precisely in its intimate nature: gave ‘the pects, and think we are almost was laid in his memory. ‘Every one of the subjects lives within as many years of victory under the very eye, and almost, best powers as I formerly thought decades,’ Richard Reeves is the director of it may be said, in the hands, of wrote an excited Mill in 1870 Demos and author of John Stuart one of the masters’.13 of his mind, to his new friend, the radical Mill – Victorian Firebrand, pub- Unsurprisingly the book politician Charles Dilke.17 And lished by Atlantic Books. This arti- ‘burst like a time bomb into the and the best he predicted that ‘within nine cle draws on some of the material in sexual arena’ in the words of the years of his years, by a very simple process of Chapter 14. richard.reeves@demos. social historian Jose Harris, and arithmetic, we should have the co.uk. remained a ‘bible of the women’s life’. measure passed by unanimity For endnotes, see p.55

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 15 The Liberal party and Women’s Suffrage, 1866 – 1918

16 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 The Liberal party and Women’s Suffrage, 1866 – 1918

It is no exaggeration to mong the leaders Liberal Federation executive in of the early wom- 1892 – something usually over- say that the Victorian en’s movement looked in her later, anti-Liberal women’s movement were Barbara Leigh phase. grew out of the Smith, daughter Against this background, it Aof Benjamin Leigh Smith, the is not surprising that the parlia- ideas and campaigns free trader, Unitarian and Lib- mentary launch of the women’s eral MP, Millicent Fawcett, the suffrage campaign in 1866 was of early-to-mid wife of Henry Fawcett, the Lib- largely a Liberal affair. In June nineteenth century eral member for Brighton and Mill presented a petition to the Gladstone’s Postmaster-General, Commons prior to introduc- Radical Liberalism: and Josephine Butler, an inspi- ing a women’s amendment to temperance, anti- rational Liberal feminist who Gladstone’s Reform Bill. This campaigned for the repeal of was good timing, for although slavery, peace and the the Contagious Diseases Acts.1 the 1866 bill failed and the Lib- repeal of the Corn The movement also enjoyed eral government resigned, a the active support of many male bill introduced by the minor- Laws. Martin Pugh Liberals including John Stuart ity Conservative administration traces the relationship Mill, philosopher and briefly in 1867 was heavily amended MP for Westminster (1865–68), by Liberal backbenchers, and between the Liberal Jacob Bright, who was elected enacted as the Second Reform for Manchester at an 1867 by- Act. This extended the elec- Party and the various election when a woman, Lily torate from 1.3 million to 2.4 campaigners for Maxwell, found her name acci- million, representing one in dentally on the register and three adult males, and in the women’s suffrage from voted for him, and Dr Richard fluid parliamentary situation the 1860s until women WSPU leader Pankhurst, who tried to become the inclusion of women was Emmeline Liberal member in Manchester not impossible. In the event, finally won the right to Pankhurst at an 1883 by-election and whose Mill’s amendment was defeated vote in 1918. arrested in wife, Emmeline, attempted by 196 votes to 73 – of which London, 1914 to get elected to the Women’s 62 were Liberal. But at a stroke

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 17 the liberal party and women’s suffrage, 1866–1918 he had given credibility to the Extending enthusiasm for a public, political because late-Victorian society cause and put the issue firmly role. was subject to the fear that the on the agenda, although some the vote was birth rate was falling, thereby Liberals had supported it more part of the undermining Britain’s role as out of respect for Mill than Married or single women? a great industrial and imperial from enthusiasm for women’s wider Victo- In view of this happy beginning, power in the face of new rivals suffrage. it is necessary to ask: what went such as Germany. In any case, rian Liberal wrong? How are we to explain giving single women a vote the paradox that a quintessen- looked like punishing other Liberal suffragism purpose – tially Liberal cause was thwarted women for getting married. In As Henry Fawcett argued, the opening all up to 1914 by opposition from addition, throughout the period opposition to enfranchising prominent Liberals, including up to 1914 many Liberal and women was ‘based on the fallacy institutions Gladstone and Asquith? Despite Labour MPs suspected that bills that man possessed a superior the suffragists’ early reliance to enfranchise a small number kind of wisdom which enabled to individual on Liberal support, tactics dic- of unmarried women were cal- him to decide what was best tated that the campaign should culated to give the Conserva- for the other half of the human talent, lift- be a non-party one. Several tives an advantage by adding to race.’2 Extending the vote was ing people’s of the early suffragists, such as the votes for property-owners, part of the wider Victorian Emily Davis and Frances Power and, as a result, Dilke, Richard Liberal purpose – opening all horizons, Cobbe, were Conservatives, Haldane, Walter MacLaren and institutions to individual talent, and getting legislation through W. H. Dickinson were among lifting people’s horizons, and and making the House of Lords indicated the Liberals who introduced making government subject to that Conservative support was bills designed to include wives. the influence of informed citi- government increasingly necessary. In any However, this made for a much zens. However, this was quali- subject to case, neither party had a for- larger number of new vot- fied by the belief that voting mal policy on votes for women. ers, and was unpopular among should reflect personal fitness; the influence Consequently all the bills to Conservatives. hence neither Mill nor Glad- enfranchise women were intro- The problem was further stone proposed to enfranchise of informed duced by backbenchers seeking complicated by a distinct wan- all men or women at one fell support from both sides of the ing of the reform impulse later in swoop. In this spirit two Liber- citizens. House. the century as Liberals became a als, Sir Charles Dilke and Jacob Yet although this approach little disillusioned by the popu- Bright, managed to add an sounded very rational, it was lar revival of Conservatism amendment to the Gladstone not realistic to expect to draft which had enjoyed considerable government’s 1869 Municipal a bill capable of satisfying both success in mobilising women Franchise Bill to include female Liberals and Tories. As only a through the Primrose League ratepayers without provok- minority of women were to be founded in 1883. As questions of ing controversy. Liberals liked given a vote initially, the ques- principle became increasingly to argue that participation by tion was one of what terms or entangled with considerations of women in local government qualifications to use that would party advantage, some Liberals was a continuation of an English not be seen as giving an advan- began to examine more closely tradition going back to Anglo- tage to one party or the other. the arguments used for female Saxon times, and, in any case, Most of the Bills introduced in enfranchisement in the 1860s. the duties handled locally, such this period enfranchised women Although Radicals had tradi- as health and education, could ‘on the same terms as men’, but tionally believed that payment be seen as a natural extension of this was far less radical than it of taxation implied the right women’s domestic interests and sounded because it effectively to representation, the argu- thus not as a challenge to con- meant women who were heads ment appeared to be working ventional ideas about gender. of households, that is, single rather too well. Conservative In fact, however, the municipal women and widows, who num- suffragists like Cobbe claimed franchise had a wider signifi- bered about 300,000–400,000 in that the most important rea- cance. Dilke considered that it the 1870s. Suffragists argued that son for enfranchising women was ‘only the first step towards single women had an unanswer- was the recognition it would adult suffrage’, for women’s able case because they paid rates give to property ownership; at a suffrage would come by instal- and in many cases had no male time when Parliament was giv- ments just as men’s did.3 Also, as relative to give them virtual ing the vote to comparatively voters and candidates in munici- representation.4 poor, unpropertied men, as in pal politics, women undermined However, politicians in all 1867 and 1884, it was tempting Victorian male notions by dem- parties were hostile towards to regard the inclusion of some onstrating their skills and their unmarried women partly women as a balancing factor

18 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the liberal party and women’s suffrage, 1866–1918 that would help the Conserva- his mind on the issue, as he had sign of the long-term growth of tives. In this way Liberals began done over votes for men earlier support within the party in the to suspect that a limited reform in his career. He tolerated pro- country. More generally, home for women would be detrimen- suffragists such as Dilke, James rule had the effect of keeping tal to their own party, some Stansfeld and Henry Fawcett the Liberals largely out of office claiming that ‘every woman was as ministers even when they for twenty years, and it led some a Tory at heart’. As four out of voted against the Liberal whip prominent Liberal women, every ten men were still not on on women’s questions. Having including Millicent Fawcett, to the electoral register, even after argued that the disorder, drunk- move to the right out of a gen- 1885, some Liberals felt reluctant enness and violence attending eral disillusionment with Glad- to start enfranchising women elections made it inappropri- stonian Liberalism. It also led to before men had achieved adult ate for women to participate, a strengthening of Conservative suffrage. As a result, by the 1880s he removed the objection by support for the enfranchisement Liberal support for the cause had introducing the secret ballot in of women, many of whom had reached a plateau and on several 1872. ‘Now the voting is as sol- campaigned to save the union occasions more Liberals voted emn as a funeral and as quiet as a with Ireland under the auspices against suffrage bills than for Quaker meeting’, as one Liberal of the Primrose League. them.5 put it with a little exaggeration.7 Gladstone also conceded that the grant of a municipal franchise to The Women’s Liberal Gladstone and home rule women established ‘a presump- Federation and the changing Relations between the party tive case’ for the parliamentary agenda and women’s suffrage would vote; he agreed that Parliament Despite these complications, the have been far easier had Glad- had failed to treat women fairly traditional view that the suffrage stone adopted a more construc- over a number of issues such as movement went into a decline tive attitude. But he started from divorce reform in 1857; and he during the later 1880s and 1890s the conventional religious view recognised that some women, at now seems mistaken. Especially that women had been designed least, had clearly demonstrated among Liberals the cause was by God for different roles and their political abilities. All this making significant progress, but endowed with different quali- kept suffragists expecting Glad- more by indirect means than ties from men; to force a woman stone to come out in favour of through formal changes in the into politics would be to ‘trespass the cause, but their hopes were party’s position. Many suffra- upon the delicacy, the purity, always dashed. The explanation gists, and this was especially the refinement, the elevation of is that beneath his high-princi- true of those who were Liberals, her own nature’.6 In 1884, when pled approach, Gladstone also diverted their activity into pro- Gladstone was introducing the made narrow calculations about moting women’s entry into local Third Reform Bill, a Liberal party interest and shared the res- Many suf- government. The late-Victorian backbencher, William Woodall, ervations of his colleagues about period offered growing oppor- introduced an amendment to the electoral consequences. fragists, tunities in this area because in include women which won a After 1886, Gladstone’s last addition to a role as poor law majority. Gladstone disapproved great campaign for Irish home and this was guardians, women became eligi- on the amendment on its merits, rule also complicated relations ble as voters and as candidates in but he relied primarily on the between the party and women’s especially several new elective authorities tactical argument that its inclu- suffrage. On the one hand, it true of those including School Boards (1870), sion would provoke the Lords weakened Gladstone’s control County Councils (1889), and into rejecting the whole meas- and elevated the status of the who were Parish, Rural District and Urban ure; he thus killed Woodall’s National Liberal Federation. It District Councils (1894). James amendment by threatening to also helped the cause by leading Liberals, Stansfeld and Walter MacLaren abandon the whole bill unless it to the withdrawal of the Liberal amended the 1894 Act to include was dropped. The passage of the Unionists, whose parliamentary diverted married women as voters, Third Reform Act was a setback record shows them to have been their activity though they could not be reg- for the women’s cause because the most hostile to women’s istered for the same property as there were no more government suffrage.8 On the other hand, into promot- their husbands. By the late 1890s bills until the abortive one of women had not been promi- women comprised 729,000, or 1912; angry suffragists saw Glad- nent in the party organisation, ing women’s 13.7 per cent of the municipal stone’s action as a great betrayal and the NLF adopted a series of electorate. and several were alienated from proposals for electoral reform entry The only setback was in the party as a result. dealing simply with men. How- into local county councils. In 1889 two Despite this Gladstone repeat- ever, in 1897 and 1899 the NLF women, Jane Cobden and Lady edly showed signs of changing did adopt women’s suffrage, a government. Margaret Sandhurst, were

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 19 the liberal party and women’s suffrage, 1866–1918 elected as Liberals on the new By 1892 the WLF claimed it agreed to a tougher policy of London County Council, and 367 branches and 51,000 mem- withholding assistance from Emma Cons was appointed as bers, and by 1895 there were Liberal candidates who opposed an Alderman. However, the 448 branches and 82,000 mem- women’s suffrage. defeated Tories challenged the bers. As a result candidates right of women to sit on county became increasingly dependent councils in court and won on women’s voluntary work in Edwardian militancy their case; subsequently Liber- canvassing, checking on remov- This growing assertiveness by als in both houses of Parliament als of voters and even writing the WLF was symptomatic repeatedly introduced bills to election addresses and deliver- of a feeling that the cause was give them this right, until in ing speeches on behalf of male advancing by the turn of the 1907 the Liberal government relatives. Even John Morley, century. In 1897 a backbench corrected the anomaly. By the previously an anti-suffragist, bill received 230 votes against Edwardian period three women conceded that in the light of 159, with Liberal, Conservative were serving as mayors, the most their election work ‘it is absurd and Irish members all giving it important example being Sarah … to pretend either that women a majority, although it did not Lees, a member of Oldham’s are incapable of political interest proceed for lack of parliamen- leading Liberal family.9 Their and capacity, or that the power tary time. This proved to be work in local government led of voting on their own account a turning point, in that up to Liberal women to become some must be injurious to their 1914 the House of Commons of the pioneers of social reforms womanhood.’11 included a consistent majority such as free school meals, which Meanwhile, a struggle was for women’s suffrage, enhanced contributed to the wider agenda being waged within the WLF by the elections of 1900, when of the New Liberalism and were for the promotion of votes for the newly elected members to be adopted nationally by the women as a formal party objec- favoured the suffrage by seven post-1906 Liberal government. tive. Hoping to exercise some to one, and 1906, when 200 new Another tactic for Liberal suf- control, Gladstone had initially Liberal and 29 Labour members fragists lay in the formation of introduced his wife, Catherine, were returned. The National the Women’s Liberal Federation as its President, but by 1892 this Liberal Federation voted over- in 1887. Local initiatives had had failed; in that year the WLF All by- whelmingly for women’s suf- already been taken to organise adopted Lady Carlisle’s pro- frage in 1905, 1907 and 1908. women Liberals, for example at posal to promote women’s suf- election The rising expectations thus Bristol by Anna Maria Priest- frage within the party, though engendered help to explain man, but after 1886 the success of it stopped short of making it a candidates the adoption of militant tactics the Conservatives in threatening test case for Liberal candidates. during the Edwardian years. the party’s traditional advantage In 1893 it was agreed that ‘the during the Although militancy is conven- in local organisation made the time has now come when the Edwardian tionally associated with the for- case for an equivalent Liberal extension of the Parliamentary mation of the Women’s Social body unanswerable. However, Franchise to women should be period were and Political Union (WSPU) by from the outset the WLF was a included in the programme of Emmeline Pankhurst in 1903, it Trojan Horse, designed ostensi- the Liberal Party’.12 As a result subjected to is worth noting that her organi- bly to help the party by mobilis- Mrs Gladstone resigned and sation did not adopt militancy ing volunteers, but also intended was replaced as President by scrutiny of until 1905. But before then, the as a means of promoting wom- Lady Aberdeen, who was very their views WLF had embarked on this path en’s causes from within the party. loyal to the party but also com- as a result of its decision in 1902. Thus the WLF sponsored an pletely determined to promote on votes for All by-election candidates dur- overtly feminist programme, female suffrage. Gladstone then ing the Edwardian period were including equal pay, equal appointed Lord Aberdeen as women and subjected to scrutiny of their divorce law, women police and Governor-General of Canada, views on votes for women and repeal of the protective legisla- which was a neat way of remov- on the state on the state regulation of vice, tion that excluded women from ing the troublesome Aberdeens, regulation with the result that some were certain types of employment. but this backfired because the found wanting.13 During 1904– The Scottish Women’s Liberal next President was Lady Carlisle, of vice, with 05, for example, only thirteen Federation’s objects were ‘to who was much more militant. out of twenty candidates were secure just and equal legislation As a result a minority withdrew the result endorsed as worthy of support, and representation for women from the WLF to form a loyalist sometimes after the extraction of especially with reference to the organisation for Liberal women. that some written pledges.14 Even so, some Parliamentary Franchise and the However, this left the WLF itself were found candidates proved to be slippery, removal of legal disabilities on even more committed to the such as Winston Churchill who account of sex.’10 cause, so much so that in 1902 wanting. managed to win endorsement

20 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the liberal party and women’s suffrage, 1866–1918 when standing at Dundee in This friction elderly Liberal, George Cooper, gained in the1906 landslide were 1908 despite being a very way- the member for Bermondsey, lost by Liberals. Although there ward suffragist. within the recalled the protests and heck- is little evidence that these losses This friction within the party party helps ling used by Radicals in 1867: were due to voters’ support for helps to explain why many Lib- ‘I own it is a rough weapon, but women’s suffrage, from the par- eral politicians reacted so angrily to explain cabinet ministers do not rec- ty’s point of view the Pankhursts towards the Pankhursts when ognise antagonists using any appeared to be another pro-Tory they subsequently adopted mili- why many other.’15 But in July 1909, mili- pressure group trying to exploit tant methods. For their part the tancy entered a second phase the government’s difficulties. Pankhursts insisted that as back- Liberal politi- when Marion Wallace Dunlop The two general elections of bench legislation was a waste cians reacted went on hunger strike. After 37 1910 exacerbated these con- of time, they intended to make prisoners had been released the cerns because, although Asquith life intolerable until the govern- so angrily authorities resorted to forcible retained office, the competition ment introduced its own bill for feeding. This culminated in the between the parties had become women’s suffrage. The new Lib- towards the passage of the notorious Prison- much tighter, with the defeated eral Prime Minister, Sir Henry ers’ Temporary Discharge Act Conservatives polling over Campbell-Bannerman, was pro- Pankhursts of April 1913, known as the ’Cat 46 per cent of the vote. To the suffrage and told a deputation when they and Mouse Act’, which allowed party organisers this meant that led by Charles McLaren that the release of suffragettes from Liberals could not afford to risk women had made out an irrefu- subsequently prison for specified periods, an electoral reform that might table case. However, women’s usually a week or fortnight, to give their opponents any fur- suffrage was not a priority for a adopted recover their health before being ther advantage. Consequently party that had been out of power re-arrested to continue serving when the Commons voted 255 for a long time and was focusing militant their terms. By this time mili- to 88 for a women’s suffrage bill on other issues. In any case, Lib- methods. tancy had entered its third and in 1911 ministers looked very erals argued that the legislation climactic phase, involving win- hard at its likely consequences. was unlikely to get through the dow-breaking, arson and other The party’s regional agents were House of Lords. Relations dete- attacks on property. Moreover, consulted and gave it the thumbs riorated after 1908 when Camp- during 1912–14 the Home Sec- down, while Lloyd George, bell-Bannerman was replaced retary, McKenna, was effec- though a suffragist, insisted it as Prime Minister by Asquith, tively suppressing the WSPU would ‘on balance add hun- who was easily influenced by altogether by raiding its head- dreds of thousands of votes to the prejudices of London soci- quarters, opening its post, cut- the strength of the Tory Party.’16 ety, showed little sympathy with ting its telephones and seizing Eventually the cabinet decided female aspirations, and regarded copies of The Suffragette from the to sink the bill by introducing his female friends such as Vene- printers. By 1914 he had amassed its own reform bill and allow- tia Stanley as sympathetic com- information – which can be ing Parliament to add an amend- panions rather than thinking seen today in the huge files at ment to enfranchise women, people. Although his cabinet the Public Record Office – on in the belief that the Liberal– now contained a majority of suf- the suffragettes’ biggest donors, Labour majority would make fragists, led by Lloyd George and and he was ready to prosecute it democratic enough to avoid Sir Edward Grey, Asquith and them for the costs of suffragette helping the Tories. However, as the minority of antis, includ- actions. the original bill did not include ing Reginald McKenna, Lewis Although such illiberal meth- women’s suffrage the Speaker Harcourt, J. A. Pease, Herbert ods appalled and demoralised unexpectedly ruled amendments Samuel and Sir Charles Hob- many Liberals of both sexes, the out of order and the whole thing house, thwarted the cause by government felt justified partly was abandoned. denying parliamentary time for because it was clear that by This fiasco brought Liberal a women’s bill. 1912 public opinion had turned dissatisfaction with Asquith’s The mild militancy of 1905– against militancy. Since 1906 handling of the issue to a climax. 08 involved heckling cabinet Christabel Pankhurst had aban- The WLF warned the govern- ministers, which led to coun- doned the original alliance with ment of a complete breakdown ter-measures such as issuing the Labour Party and devoted in relations if it attempted to tickets to approved women for much of her effort to interven- introduce a reform bill that Liberal meetings and a refusal tions at by-elections designed excluded women. ‘I think the to answer anything but written to secure the defeat of Liberal conviction has been grow- questions. These tactics caused candidates. These tactics offered ing’, wrote Catherine Marshall, resentment among many Lib- huge scope, as dozens of by- ‘that there is nothing to hope erals who thought that minis- elections were fought each year, for from the Liberal Party’.17 ters were over-reacting. One and as a result many of the seats Between 1911 and 1914, 105

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 21 the liberal party and women’s suffrage, 1866–1918

WLF branches lapsed, and the This was the voters. This might not have mat- 1 The Contagious Diseases Acts organisation lost 18,000 mem- tered as Parliament repeatedly allowed the military authorities to bers, as activists looked else- desperate passed legislation to postpone its maintain brothels for their men and where to achieve their aims. situation life and avoid the election due in to confine any women suffering One opportunity appeared in 1915. However, as the Conserva- from venereal disease. 1912 when the non-militant to which tives refused to extend Parlia- 2 Hansard, House of Commons National Union of Women’s ment’s life for the whole war, an Debates, clxxvi, 20 May 1867, c. Suffrage Societies, led by Mil- Asquith’s election was always a possibility. 835. licent Fawcett, abandoned its Consequently something had 3 Dilke Papers: British Library Add. non-party stance in favour of stubborn- to be done to put voters back on Mss. 43931, fols. 33–5. an electoral alliance with the ness had the register and this effectively 4 It was widely believed that even Labour Party, operating initially reopened the whole franchise among men it was not necessary for through by-elections. Although reduced the issue for both men and women. all to vote personally because others no Labour candidates won in As a result Dickinson’s proposal gave them ‘virtual’ representation – these by-elections, the intro- party by the to enfranchise women who landowners voted for agricultural duction of Labour candidates were local government voters, labourers, or employers for factory had the effect of splitting the outbreak or wives of local government workers, for example. non-Conservative vote and in of war in voters, subject to an age limit of 5 Martin Pugh, The March of the several cases allowed Conserva- thirty, was included in the gov- Women: A Revisionist Analysis of the tives to be elected. If repeated August 1914. ernment’s Representation of the Campaign for Women’s Suffrage, 1866– at a general election this would People Bill introduced in 1917. 1914 (Oxford: Oxford University have destroyed the Asquith The clause dealing with women Press, 2000), pp. 123–7. government. The collaboration was backed by 184 Liberals and 6 W. E. Gladstone to Samuel Smith, certainly presaged a wider with- opposed by a diehard rump 11 April 1892, Female Suffrage: A drawal of middle-class women of just twelve. As a result no Letter from the Rt. Hon. W. E. Glad- from Liberalism to Labour dur- fewer than 8.4 million women stone to Samuel Smith (1892). ing and after the First World received a vote, representing 7 Hansard, House of Commons War. almost 40 per cent of the new Debates, xccxxiii, 7 April 1875, c. This was the desperate situ- electorate in 1918. 425. ation to which Asquith’s stub- This was such a democratic 8 Brian Harrison, Separate Spheres: bornness had reduced the party franchise that the Liberal mem- The Opposition To Women’s Suffrage by the outbreak of war in August bers felt it was unlikely to give in Britain (1978), p. 28–9. 1914. Yet the way out of the an advantage to the propertied 9 See Lees Papers, Oldham Local deadlock had become perfectly classes. Herbert Samuel, repent- Studies Library, DLEES/152. clear by this time. In 1912 Sir ing his anti-suffragist phase, 10 Scottish WLF minutes, Edinburgh Edward Grey and other Liber- introduced a proposal to grant University Library, 5 May 1891, 21 als had prepared amendments women the right to stand as April 1892, 5 December 1893, 29 to the expected government parliamentary candidates, and March 1895. reform bill to extend the vote although only seventeen did so 11 ‘The Rt. Hon. John Morley on to wives. In 1913 a backbencher, in 1918, the way was now open Women’s Suffrage’, NUWSS pam- Willoughby Dickinson, intro- – the parties permitting – to full phlet 1905. duced a bill along these lines participation in politics. The 12 Annual Report, WLF 1893, p. 10–11. which would have enfranchised first Liberal woman to become 13 WLF News, November 1902, April six million women, but it was an MP was Margaret Wintring- 1904; WLF executive minutes 30 defeated owing to Conserva- ham, who won a by-election at June 1911, 31 October 1911. tive opposition and Liberal Louth in 1921. 14 WLF News, 3, 1905. antagonism towards the suf- 15 Votes for Women, December 1907, fragettes. However, the idea Martin Pugh was professor of Mod- p.30. was incorporated in the pro- ern British History at Newcastle 16 Memorandum by Renwick Seager, posals of the Speaker’s Con- University until 1999 and is now a 16 November 1911, PRO CAB ference in 1916–17. This body freelance historian. His most recent 37/108/148; Liberal Agents’ Journal had been appointed by Asquith books include: The Pankhursts Nos. 51, 52, 56; Lloyd George to to get the Coalition Govern- (Allen Lane, 2001, new Vintage the Master of Elibank, 5 Septem- ment out of an impasse over the paperback edition 2008); ‘Hur- ber 1911, Elibank Papers: National electoral register, which had rah for the Blackshirts!’: Fascists Library of Scotland 8803. become hopelessly out of date and Fascism in Britain between 17 Annual Report, WLF, 1912, p. 55; because many existing electors the Wars (Cape, 2005); and ‘We Catherine Marshall to F. D. Acland, had moved during the war and Danced All Night’: A Social 4 November 1913, Marshall Papers: thus lost the twelve-month resi- History of Britain between the Cumbria Record Office. dence requirement as household Wars ( The Bodley Head, 2008).

22 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 Shirley Williams was one of Britain’s best-known female politicians in the 1970s and ’80s. She helped found the SDP and then the Liberal Democrats. Elizabeth Evans interviewed her for the Journal of Liberal History. Balancing Family and Politics

ecause the women’s politicians of all parties and Concerned at the growing revolution and the numerous academics have been influence of the far left, Shirley ‘Bself-confidence among both inspired by and indebted Williams left the Labour Party women that it engendered are of to her. and was one of the Gang of relatively recent date, the high- Shirley Williams was born Four who founded the Social est positions of leadership in the in 1930 in London, daughter Democratic Party in 1981. In professions and public life are of political scientist Sir George November of that year she still largely held by men. Given Catlin and novelist Vera Brit- became the first SDP member the double responsibilities that tain. She read PPE at Somer- to be elected to Parliament, women with families bear, it is ville College, Oxford and went winning the Crosby by-elec- likely to remain so until there is to Columbia University, New tion. She served as President of a much more radical redistribu- York, as a Fulbright Scholar. the SDP from 1982 until 1988, tion of family responsibilities After working as a journal- when, with her support, the between the sexes.’1 ist between 1960 and 1964 she party merged with the Liberals. Shirley Williams has for was elected Labour MP for Her publications include Politics many decades offered a substan- Hitchin in 1964 and served in is for People (1981) and God and tial input to British politics. As the Labour government under Caesar (2003).2 Shirley Williams a Labour minister and founder Prime Minister Harold Wilson. re-entered Parliament as a life member of the SDP and Liberal During her time in the Labour peer in 1993,and in 2001 was Democrats, and for many years Party she held several senior elected Leader of the Liberal subsequently, she has made a Cabinet roles until the 1979 Democrats in the House of remarkable, positive contribu- election, in which she lost her Lords, a position which she held tion to political debate. Many seat. until September 2004.

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 23 balancing family and politics: Shirley Williams interviewed

Did you have any role models when What one piece of advice would You have to Campaigning for any election is you first started out in politics? you give to a woman starting out in hard work. Can you envisage a situ- Yes, Edith Summerskill was politics? have a team ation whereby flexi-campaigning very impressive, a very striking Young women need to surround of people would be possible to help women and handsome-looking lady, themselves with a group of very with caring responsibilities? very tailored, she was a friend frank friends who they can test supporting It’s very hard. When I moved of my parents. Another one out ideas on, give speeches to a motion for a certain amount was Eleanor Rathbone, who and test out questions on. They you, not just of positive discrimination in brought in family allowances, should be committed to that favour of women, it was in rec- my mother knew her well. One person and not just rivals. a team who ognition that having children of my role models was Herbert will go out makes all the difference in the Morrison; he adopted me and How did you manage to combine world. Those that campaigned was my mentor, he spent a lot campaigning with raising a family? canvassing or against it had a completely of time talking to me about I was able to be a politician unrealistic view of what life politics. despite having a small child leafleting. was going to be like. So as we because I bought a big house couldn’t have all-women short- People frequently identify you as a with friends and between us we lists we need to think of other role model, how do you respond to raised the kids together. That strategies. that? meant that one person was You have to have a team of They’re all very sweet, but I’m always there in the house when people supporting you, not just not overcome with conceit – school got out and that person, a team who will go out canvass- there weren’t very many of whoever that was, looked after ing or leafleting. If you’re a man my generation! Barbara Castle all the children. If one had a or a woman standing, you’ve wasn’t really a role model, she scratch then there was someone got to have two or three older was very far left and anti- to look after them. Now you members of the party who are Europe but she was always very can imagine candidates, maybe willing to help with childcare nice and supportive of me. two or three, sharing a house? – it’s so expensive that you can’t It made all the difference in the afford it unless you’re very rich. Did you consider the women MPs world: our kids were secure, You need someone close to you to be particularly supportive of each they knew they had a mother round the clock really. There other? and a father, and they played isn’t any easy answer. We do Partly because of women’s lib in with one another. There was already have crèches at confer- the 1960s, people accepted that always someone there, they ence but you need to extend women could be friends. Now weren’t latchkey kids. It works that to cover women standing this would seem strange to peo- well if you have friends who as candidates. If a child is very ple today but in the generation you get on well with to share a small then they’re not so hard above mine, certainly in my house. to farm out, but it gets harder mother’s generation, there was a One of the things we could when they get older. To cost feeling that women couldn’t be do in the Liberal Democrats in an older relative can be an friends. They spent their whole would be to look at some areas important part of the answer. life fighting each other for a and suggest that people share man, partly because of the war houses. We’re all so nuclear, In your book God and Caesar you and the fact there were fewer which doesn’t help. But it really wrote that you thought that the con- men around, and that fed into makes a hell of a lot of differ- cept of common humanity had been that image of women as com- ence if you’re in a neighbour- lost due to the focus on gender. Can petitors. Almost all the old film hood, like I was [as a child] in you elaborate on that? plots were about women fight- Newcastle [under Lyme], where By common humanity I ing for a man, an evil scheming everyone in the terraces looked mean that you sometimes get woman and a Doris Day char- after the kids – they all played women’s lib groups which are acter, and eventually the good in the alleyways. We need to anti-men and can really be girl wins but the fundamental look at the ways in which we’re quite antipathetic towards men. assumption of this was that going to build new houses; if Common humanity really is women couldn’t be friends. people are willing to share, the notion that 90 per cent of My mother was furious about you get a lot more people into our chromosomes are common. this and wrote a book about it.3 houses. It would have to be as You mustn’t forget the common It’s changed tremendously now, part of a change in the social humanity, the things we share, though. culture, because this is a very it’s a large part of the whole, and private country. I think that is sometimes lost sight of.

24 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 balancing family and politics: Shirley Williams interviewed

Can you give me an example to firms, for example, get a young they would have to play. If you illustrate that? woman to be there from 8am to don’t understand the needs of I think one of the groups that 6pm or 10am to 9pm, with no young children then you don’t has suffered from the advance- recognition of outside respon- understand the impact they will ment of women’s liberation is sibilities – I’m talking here all have. Some children come from children, because as women the time about the responsibili- larger families, which helps rightly claim their place in the ties of both genders. You have them understand, but others public or professional scene this culture of long hours under have very little experience of men have not adapted their which you judge someone as helping with younger children. lifestyles to take on more car- to whether they are going to ing responsibilities, although it be successful or not. You are Would you consider yourself to be a is a slow process. The people in in fact a company which is feminist? the family who suffer most are family-destructive. I’ve known I suppose the answer is … Well, the very young and very old, a lot of very promising young actually, it depends what it and the people in the middle people who couldn’t manage, means. I suppose I’m an equal- are struggling for the energy to so they opted out and decided ist. I’m very keen that women find time to look after everyone. that law wasn’t for them. The should have the same oppor- Not finding enough, they then civil service, by contrast, does tunities as men, but because I cut back on their responsibility allow its lawyers to work from don’t see it as women getting for the young or the old, leav- home and to have flexible hours. more and more powerful, the ing them stressed and miserable. I think the government is push- way forward has to be for men We’ve got to change the expec- ing a bit too far towards forcing to be family animals and not tations of boys to take in their I suppose I’m everybody back to work as early just career animals. Women are roles as fathers and carers too, as possible. I would prefer to both already, but that shift will really, under which to be a man an equalist. see them opting for part-time help women. Take an example, is in part recognising you have work for husband and wife, or [as Secretary of State for Educa- caring responsibilities in the I’m very keen ideally both, so that when chil- tion] I tried to bring parenting way that women are brought dren are very small one parent is classes in to schools. This was up to believe. That’s what has that women there most of the time. Ideally it thought by Conservatives to be to change, otherwise you end should have should be shared between them. officious and to reduce boys to up where we are now, where Flexible working for men as wimps. If you wish to be a par- people are very stressed out and the same well is crucial – look at Scandi- ent you have to take substantial neglect each other, so there navia where they have flexible responsibility – whether you’re is always a struggle between opportuni- working for men and women male or female you can’t just opt man and woman over who is and a recognition that both out. We recently heard in the responsible for caring. In the ties as men, parents are important to the first reading of the Embryology case of women, because they but because upbringing of the child. Bill that 800,000 children have have changed they resentfully The second big societal no identified father. That’s a pick up the responsibilities, but I don’t see change is to teach children at tragedy because however hard often with a very strong sense school about parenthood, cer- you work, as a single women it’s of injustice – ‘why has it always it as women tainly in secondary schools. too much to ask you to do, and got to be me?’ Particularly for What we have is lessons about you see the effects on these kids women who have full-time jobs getting more sex, but nothing about the with no roots and no sense of – it’s sometimes impossible to and more consequences of sex – which identity. I think a male parent carry the strain. is a bit silly. Parental responsi- is critical for the well-being of powerful, bilities should be emphasised as children So really it’s a wider societal change part of the conversation about that needs to take place? the way for- sex. That should include, for Elizabeth Evans is the Guest Editor Yes, that’s right. That societal example, children having some of this special edition of the Journal change has to be in two ways. ward has to time in the school year where of Liberal History. One which has already hap- be for men they spend time looking after pened is the move towards children. In a lot of cases you 1 Shirley Williams, God and Caesar flexible working which the to be fam- could get fifth formers to help (London: Continuum, 2003), p. 61. government has already under- inter-school for two hours 2 Shirley Williams, Politics is for the taken, and I applaud the way it ily animals per week so they get to know People (Middlesex: Penguin Books is getting employers to recog- and not how demanding young chil- Ltd, 1981). nise the benefits and necessity dren are. Children take up a 3 Vera Brittain, Testament of Friend- of flexible working. The civil just career colossal amount of time, and ship (London, Virago Press Ltd, service is actually a very good grasping that would be a key 1992). employer, but commercial law animals. part of accepting the key roles

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 25 The Yellow Glass Ceiling the mystery of the disappearing Liberal women MPs

After women became he 1950 Liberal mani- in promoting women into Par- festo boasted proudly liament and government, the eligible to stand for that ‘the part played Liberal Party managed to do election to Parliament by women in the so again only two years before in 1918, the first councils of the Liberal its own disappearance in the TParty is shown by our unani- merger of 1988. The reasons woman Liberal MP mous adoption of a programme for this striking famine are in for women drawn up by women some ways a familiar story from was elected in 1921. Yet Liberals.’1 Certainly, the two the experience of other parties; only six women ever main parties at that time gave a but there is a dimension to the lower profile to women’s status causes which is distinctively Lib- sat as Liberal MPs, and as an issue, and Liberal policy eral, and which persists today. half of them won only demanding equal pay entitled the party to regard its propos- one election, half were als as, in one reviewer’s assess- Women Liberal MPs elected at by-elections, ment, ‘more Radical than the Only six women ever sat as Lib- Labour Party’s.’2 These pro- eral MPs, and they had an unu- and all but one were posals were, as the manifesto sual profile: half of them won directly related acknowledged, in part the only one election, half were result of the efforts of an almost elected at by-elections, and all to Liberal leaders. unbroken line of female repre- but one were directly related to sentation on the Liberal benches established Liberal leaders. Between 1951 and 1986 in the Commons for three dec- The 1920s saw a relative glut there were no Liberal ades at that point. Despite the of women Liberal MPs: Marga- dramatic decline in the MPs’ ret Wintringham won Louth at women MPs at all. overall numbers, the group had a by-election in September 1921 Matt Cole considers included a woman in every Par- caused by the death of her hus- liament since 1918. band Tom,3 and was joined at the record, and Yet within eighteen months the 1923 election by Lady Vera examines the factors of the 1950 election there were Terrington, wife of a Liberal no women Liberal MPs; nor peer, who won Wycombe. Both which made it so were there to be for another ten were defeated in the rout of difficult to get women general elections and thirty- 1924, but later in that Parliament five years. Whilst the two main the St Ives by-election was won Liberals elected. parties made faltering progress by Hilda Runciman, who held

26 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 The Yellow Glass Ceiling the mystery of the disappearing Liberal women MPs

the seat from 1928–29, when her It was not until May 1986 that broadcast with Jeremy Thorpe, husband Walter took it over. At another woman joined the Lib- fought Finchley, Falmouth and that election, the daughter of eral benches, when local coun- three times at Ipswich, includ- the party leader, Megan Lloyd cillor Elizabeth Shields won the ing a by-election, but came George, became the sole Liberal Ryedale by-election. She lost third every time. Better results woman in the Commons, which the seat in 1987, but Ray Michie came for Heather Harvey, she remained, holding Anglesey, won Argyll & Bute to become who fought five contests in the until 1951. the last woman to win a parlia- 1950s, securing an impressive Women in all the parties at mentary election on a Liberal second place at the Southend this time often fulfilled the ticket. Michie was the daugh- West by-election of 1959, which role of ‘keeping seats warm’ for ter of Lord John Bannerman, she retained at the general elec- husbands, or ‘inheriting’ them candidate at five parliamentary tion of the same year. Closest of upon the latter’s death or eleva- elections and near-victor of the all was Claire Brooks’s bid for tion to the Lords.4 At any rate, Inverness by-election of 1954, Skipton, which she contested Liberal women reaching the and as a young woman she had three times in the 1970s, losing Commons required not only been the ‘warm-up’ speaker by only 590 votes in October the usual determination and at public meetings during his 1974. skill of a parliamentary aspir- campaigns.6 These were isolated excep- ant, but also powerful political During the locust years of tions, however. Their very rar- contacts: both of Megan Lloyd female representation, there ity throws into sharp relief the George’s parents were active in were of course Liberal hopefuls failure of the party to integrate her support during the fierce who struggled hard and even women into its upper ranks as nomination contest for Angle- came close: Violet Bonham early as might have been wished. sey, her mother addressing Carter missed Colne Valley in Even when the party had some public meetings, and her father 1951 by over 2,000 votes despite Only six women MPs, very few oth- going as far as to tell some of the a straight fight with Labour and women ever ers were missing election by supporters of her rival Ellis W. a personal endorsement from small margins, and so women’s Roberts that ‘if E.W.R. behaves Churchill; Nancy Seear fought sat as Liberal places on the Liberal benches decently I will do my best to six contests between 1951 and had always been vulnerable. The help him to find a constitu- 1970, including Truro and MPs, and reasons for this can be assessed in ency to fight.’5 As the success of Rochdale, but never secured three broad ways: structural and Liberals of both sexes waned in as much as a fifth of the vote; they had organisational factors, the proc- subsequent years, such contacts and in the same two decades an unusual ess of candidate selection, and became no guarantee of promo- Manuela Sykes, who appeared issues particular to the Liberal tion to the Commons. in a 1955 party political profile. Party.

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 27 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps

Structural factors and since outright victory was Such evi- student wings of the party could Some accounts of women’s not a realistic prospect in most bring an aspirant to the attention under-representation focus upon constituencies, the threat to it dence as of the leadership, and Tommy the impact of political organi- must have been commensurately there is sug- Nudds, Secretary of the Liberal sations, and their tendency to peripheral as a consideration. Central Association, certainly favour male progress towards During the 1980s, increas- gests that regarded university Liberal Parliament. Liberal commenta- ing attention was drawn to the societies as a nursery for candi- tors in particular bemoan the role of internal party organisa- selection dates.13 The Liberals regularly effect of the first-past-the-post tions and sub-groups such as fielded more candidates in their electoral system in encourag- trade unions, clubs and youth commit- twenties than the main par- ing local associations to seek a and councillors’ wings, as well tees were ties, and in the general elections ‘safe’, unexceptional candidate as basic local party branches. of the 1950s, between 5 and 15 to fight a single-member con- It was through these, it was increasingly per cent of Liberal candidates stituency, so as to avoid the risk argued, that men developed net- were former or current officers of provoking doubt in the minds works of contacts allowing them aware of the of the party’s youth and student of any number of the elector- to hear of upcoming nomina- wings. At least six of the thirteen ate. This was the explanation in tions, establish a reputation and potential for MPs in the 1974–79 Parliament the Women’s Liberal Federation credibility with activists in the a female can- were former national Young Annual Report of 1983 for the selection process, and build up Liberal Executive Members or disappointing absence of women a CV likely to impress selection didate to add Presidents of their respective from the enlarged parliamentary meetings. ‘Women cannot rely’, university Liberal Clubs, and party, and PR was seen as the wrote Karen Hunt, ‘on the ‘old to the base others such as Malcolm Bruce solution in a joint Alliance policy school tie’ or brotherly sponsor- and Michael Meadowcroft later proposal of 1986.7 In 1987, Eliza- ship in the way that men now Liberal vote, rose in the same way. Any dif- beth Sidney, a former Women’s take for granted.’10 rather than ficulties women experienced Liberal Federation President This also seems less likely to joining or rising in these organi- who had fought the election, act as an explanation for Liberal jeopardise it. sations – by being a minority of argued afterwards that the sys- women’s under-representation undergraduates at the time, for tem ‘is unfair to smaller parties than for that of other parties, example – would have made and to ‘unusual’ candidates (such simply because these organi- future candidature for the Liber- as women) … so to get into Par- sations for most of this period als less likely. liament as an Alliance woman were too patchy and weak to This, however, must be set candidate was an achievement function as a career ladder for against the fact that one of the indeed.’ She went on to ask: future MPs. Between the end strongest organisations within ‘given the handicaps presented of the Second World War and the Liberal Party during its by our electoral system, is it the Orpington by-election, darker days was the Women’s especially risky for the Alliance when the networks of future Liberal Federation. By the 1950s, to field women?’ Though she candidates were being woven, there was a WLF organisation in answered ‘no’, because there was the number of divisional Asso- every Federation, and in most no evidence that women candi- ciations affiliating to the LPO Associations – indeed, it was a dates deterred voters, Sidney felt fell as low as 71, and never rose feature of weak and restarting that selection meetings might above 420, or just over two- Associations during this period not always be so sanguine.8 This thirds of parliamentary constit- that they turned very quickly to tendency is recognised outside uencies. The average number their WLF for support. Nation- Liberal circles, too, and Eliza- of affiliated Associations during ally, the WLF held an annual beth Vallance’s study of women’s 1945–62 is, at 338, a little over Council hundreds strong, and under-representation recognised half of the total possible.11 Some maintained links with Liberals the electoral system as a bar- of those paying an affiliation fee in Parliament by co-opting to rier to women’s selection, if not led a largely nominal existence, its Executive the wives of new election.9 and fewer than fifty fought MPs whenever possible. The If this factor contributed to every general election through- WLF submitted resolutions to women’s exclusion, it cannot out this period. As for other Assembly and maintained ex- have been to any greater degree ‘recognised units’ of the party, officio positions on dozens of than was the case in other par- the number of councillors was bodies within and outside the ties. Such evidence as there is at an all-time low, and affiliates party. Unlike other elements of suggests that selection commit- to the National Union of Lib- the party, the WLF remained tees were increasingly aware of eral Clubs halved in number, in good financial health, and the potential for a female can- many closing altogether.12 employed staff, throughout this didate to add to the base Liberal There is more evidence that period. This should, in fact, have vote, rather than jeopardise it, involvement in the youth and been a promising networking

28 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps ladder for aspirant female can- in the 1950s for individual public recruitment, and on fundrais- didates. Its weakness was not speaking, as well as the estab- ing for all types of party work. organisational, but strategic. lishment between 1945 and 1950 The WLF Executive only dis- The WLF undoubtedly saw of ‘commando’ teams to canvass cussed the number of female promoting female candidates women in shopping queues and candidates at election time – and as one of its functions, and at outside schools. Doreen Gorsky, then as a retrospective report each general election it offered WLF President from 1951–52, rather than a systematic analysis resources in the form of train- had fought four parliamentary or plan of action. When decid- ing, leaflets or cash donations elections in the previous six ing to give financial support to Liberal women fighting years, and claimed that ‘the rea- to women candidates in 1955, seats. Lady Denman gave £400 son I did not lose my deposits the Executive had no firm idea to support women candidates was the daytime support I had how many there would be only in rural constituencies in 1945, from WLA members so that I weeks before polling day. In and in 1955 the WLF Executive could campaign to maximum 1979, the WLF President even offered a three-figure sum to effect the whole day as well as in felt obliged to write to women be divided up amongst women the evenings.’15 candidates encouraging them to candidates. In later elections this But these were sporadic and participate in the organisation.18 support came in kind: literature second-order activities. Pol- When Elizabeth Shields finally in 1966, 1979 and 1987, and a icy-making and campaigning arrived in Parliament seven years candidates’ briefing in October were not the chief priorities of later, the by-election campaign 1974. Women candidates were the WLF: publication sales, for had been her first contact with always listed in Annual Reports, example, raised only £22 of the WLF.19 The WLF wanted and good performances such as the organisation’s near-£2,000 women Liberal MPs, but like Heather Harvey’s ‘fine achieve- income in 1952–53.16 It was rec- women’s sections in the main ment’ of January 1959 noted.14 ognised in the announcement parties, it was more of an aspi- There was also an ongoing pro- of its winner in 1957 that ‘there ration – and at times a forlorn, gramme of preparation for cam- are always fewer entries for the even cursory one – than a strate- paigning, including the annual cup for political work than for gic objective. award of the Baerlein Cup for the others’17 (and it was won Structural factors, then, gave branches’ political work such as more than once by the same women no more difficulty in the holding public meetings, and WLF branch). The WLF’s main search to be Liberal MPs than to the Mary Philpott Cup endowed focus was on voter, not elite, be a woman MP of any party.

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 29 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps

Candidate selection more than in other parties. of explicit prejudice against The next way of explaining low Elizabeth Sidney, despite being women prior to the Second proportions of women MPs is to Deputy Chair of the candidates’ World War, which meant that examine the number put up for committee, was unable to say women Liberals seeking elec- election (see Figure 1). If a party which had been Liberal target tion or nomination faced pres- is reluctant to field women can- seats in 1987.21 Moreover, the sures and expectations unknown didates, it cannot be surprised if total numbers of Liberal can- to their male rivals. Vera Ter- few reach Parliament. didates, let alone MPs, during rington sued the Daily Express No party gave women any- this period are so restricted that unsuccessfully for a 1923 article thing like an equal statistical any apparent patterns amongst focusing on her glamorous life- chance of reaching the Com- the data must be treated with style, and entitled ‘Aim if elected mons to their male counter- greater caution than might be – furs and pearls’;24 Megan Lloyd parts, but the Liberals did better the case with similar statistics George’s campaign for nomi- than the others most of the about the main parties. nation in Anglesey was almost time. Both Elizabeth Vallance Nonetheless, we can say that derailed by another Express arti- and Nesta Wyn Ellis were pre- of the 66 Liberal runners-up in cle alleging scandalously that she pared to accept that a ‘supply’ seats contested at general elec- had taken part in a ‘pyjama bot- problem – the limited number tions in the 1950s, only three tle party’. This time the Express of women coming forward for were women, and only one of withdrew its claims, but at the nomination – was part of the these – Violet Bonham Carter Anglesey selection meeting, one explanation, and as in other par- in the unusual circumstances of of Lloyd George’s rivals warned ties overall female participation the Colne Valley pact of 1951 – the Association that ‘the first was low.20 However, though it came close to victory, losing by farmer in the world had tenure never reached as many as one in 4.4 per cent (the others lost by conditionally, and when the six candidates, the proportion margins of 24 per cent and 25 condition was violated, he was of Liberal candidates who were per cent). From 1964 to 1987, an turned out of the Garden of women was larger than that of analysis of the 82 seats in which Eden. It was owing to a woman. all candidates at every general Liberals had come second by Let me tell you she was a young election from 1945 to 1979, and 10 per cent or less of the vote woman too.’25 the proportion of Conservative at the previous contest shows Frances Josephy, who fought candidates who were women that only four – under 5 per all six general elections from never matched that of the Liber- cent – were fought by women. 1929 to 1951, lost the chance to als or their successors. Labour, A fifth female candidate, Laura fight the 1934 Basingstoke by- too, put up fewer female candi- Grimond, fought the Liberal- election, though she had been dates than the Liberals until the held seat of Aberdeenshire West the candidate in 1931, because 1980s. Being 8.5 per cent of can- when sitting Member James of unsubstantiated rumours of didates at general elections after Davidson retired in 1970; but ‘loose morals’ and her role in the loss of Megan Lloyd George she was unfortunate to fight the divorce proceedings of the in 1951, women should propor- Of the 66 Lib- a popular opponent – a high- local Association Chairman. tionately have enjoyed nine or profile Colonel in the Argyll Exploited by the Conservatives, ten of the 111 Liberal victories at eral runners- & Sutherland Highlanders – the rumours continued until those elections: but in fact they at a time of weakness for the a retraction was forced – but won only one. up in seats party.22 The inverse relationship only after the 1935 election, at The reason for this lies in the contested at of electoral prospects to female which Josephy fought Devizes. nature of the seats contested by candidature can be seen as a Josephy complained in her pri- women, and this can be tested general elec- general pattern over time, too: vate correspondence of the dif- by examination of candidate the female proportion of Lib- ficulty women found in securing composition in the seats which tions in the eral candidates was at its height nominations, and though she offered the more attractive during the party’s electoral had stood for Cambridge City prospects – the ‘winnables’. 1950s, only nadir in the mid-1950s, whereas in 1950 and 1951, was rejected It is, admittedly, difficult to three were Vallance noted that as Liberal by Cambridge County Associa- establish an undisputable list of hopes of gaining seats rose in tion in 1959 even though their ‘winnable’ Liberal target seats, women, and the mid-1970s, the number of only other possible nominee had partly because of understand- women selected and approved joined the Conservatives. In the able party secrecy, and partly only one of for selection as candidates actu- end, Cambridge County Liber- because of the idiosyncratic ally fell.23 als ‘regretfully’ did not fight the circumstances in which Liberal these came Why were the Liber- 1959 election at all.26 victories came about, related to close to als less willing to put forward Some other activists hinted local conditions and personali- female candidates in winnable that conscious opposition to ties rather than national swings victory. seats? There is some evidence female candidature persisted

30 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps after 1945: Lesley Abdela thought public school educated, and had The particu- fought by Liberals during this it likely that it was stronger at often earned a local reputation period. The Liberal strike rate at regional level than in any other by long service to voluntary lar shortage by-elections was thus better than party, but Elizabeth Shields bodies outside the party. Most on the Lib- one in twelve; at general elec- denied any experience of hostil- importantly, they relied perhaps tions it was worse than one in ity to women in selection pro- more than candidates in other eral benches 160. Ironically, in other parties, cesses, and recent research has parties upon sacrifices made by women had been by-election suggested that the Liberal Dem- their families, willingness to from the candidates, and winning ones, ocrats have a relatively strong fight (apparently) unwinnable more often than at general elec- culture of opposition to overt contests, and sometimes on sub- start of the tions.31 Yet women were only 12 discrimination.27 More signifi- stantial personal resources. 1950s to the of the 183 Liberal by-election cant is the inhibiting impact These were characteristics it candidates of this period. At 6.5 upon women aspirants’ hopes would be more difficult for most end of the per cent, this proportion was of the unspoken stereotype of women to acquire than their below that of almost every gen- an ideal candidate in the minds male rivals, and in the Liberal ’80s was eral election of the period (only of selectors. In all parties, the Party the doubtful nature of a 1966, at 6.4 per cent, fell below). search for a candidate with the parliamentary career made them exacerbated At the point where Liberals were ‘right’ characteristics can often doubly necessary. For the full by a com- most likely to be elected, they lead away, unnecessarily, from explanation of the disappearance were least likely to be female. the selection of women. In the of Liberal women MPs, how- bination of As if to prove the point, the first Conservatives this meant prefer- ever, we must look elsewhere. woman Liberal MP for 35 years ence for public school products two factors: was one of those few by-election with high-flying professional candidates. or business careers; in Labour, Distinctive Liberal factors the role of The reasons for this pattern trade union activism or experi- All of the factors mentioned by-election are in part observable in the ence in local government. Even above played some part in process of by-election candidate those women possessed of these restricting of the number of selection selections and campaigns. These characteristics could then fall women in all parties becoming often involved hasty recruit- foul of the suspicion that they MPs. But the particular short- processes, ment of a candidate expected to were not attentive enough to age on the Liberal benches from be the subject of intense media their traditional role: one quaint the start of the 1950s to the end and the interest. On the most promis- reflection of this dilemma was of the ’80s was exacerbated by a resistance of ing occasions, this caused party the approach of Jean Henderson, combination of two factors not leaders to intervene, sometimes Liberal candidate for Barnet in so significant – at any rate, not in the party to parachuting in a well-known, 1945 who was a rising barrister. combination – in the two main even ‘celebrity’ candidate: hence Her leaflet appealing to women parties. These are the role of more robust former MP Frank Owen fought to ‘vote for one of yourselves! by-election selection processes, Hereford in 1955 and Mark Bon- Vote for the woman candidate!’ and the resistance of the party to methods of ham Carter won Torrington was nonetheless addressed ‘Fel- more robust methods of positive positive dis- in 1958; Grimond persuaded low housewives’.28 discrimination. Ludovic Kennedy and William The ‘ideal’ type of Liberal It is significant that whilst crimination. Douglas-Home, brother of the selections is difficult to ascer- Liberals were relatively unlikely future Prime Minister, to take tain, partly because the compe- to put up women for their more on Rochdale and Edinburgh tition to be a candidate was less winnable seats at general elec- South the same year; former intense. However, in 1950, 475 tions, these contests were not the Chief Whip Frank Byers con- candidates were put into the true ‘plums’ of aspirant Liberal tested Bolton East in 1961; and in field, in one Liberal candidate’s MPs; for it was at by-elections the early 1970s Thorpe encour- assessment ‘often without enqui- that Liberal candidates had the aged the candidatures of Cyril ries, interviews, or selection best hope of success – and at Smith and Clement Freud.32 procedure of any kind; many these contests, women were Even where no favoured son were quite unsuitable on any similarly unlikely to be selected. of the leadership was in the run- view and a few were positively Of the 39 Liberal MPs elected ning, it was tempting to choose bizarre.’29 This led to concern in from the defeat of Megan Lloyd an experienced or at least confi- the party over candidate qual- George to the merger of the dent candidate who could make ity, and limited length of serv- Alliance parties, 16 first entered maximum use of the oppor- ice to the party became by the Parliament at a by-election. 41 tunities for publicity which a 1960s one reason for Headquar- per cent of Liberal MPs owed by-election contest brings: this ters withholding endorsement.30 their success to a by-election, is reflected in the campaigns of Those successful at general elec- though by-elections were only Eric Lubbock at Orpington, tions were disproportionately 4.7 per cent of all the contests David Steel, and Wallace Lawler

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 31 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps Women Liberal MPs 1921–88

married Terrington was quoted October 1974 when her husband as boasting that, if elected, ‘I fought Clackmannan and she shall put on my ospreys and my was encouraged to seek the fur coat and my pearls. Everyone nomination in an adjoining here knows I live in a large house seat. She put the idea aside until and keep men servants, and can after the election, but became afford a motor-car and a fur coat. a councillor in 1980, whilst Every woman would do the same working as a schoolteacher in if she could. It is sheer hypocrisy Yorkshire. She fought Howden to pretend in public life that you in 1979, Ryedale in 1983, and have no nice things.’ She sued the was the successful candidate in Express for presenting her as ‘vain, the Ryedale by-election of 1986, frivolous, and extravagant’ but the when at the height of Thatcherism court ruled that Terrington had and against an unpopular Margaret Wintringham not suffered ‘a farthing’s worth Megan Lloyd George Conservative candidate, she (1879–1955) of damage.’ The episode did not (1902–66) achieved a swing of 19 per cent prevent her capturing Wycombe against the Tories in a high- was educated at Keighley the daughter of Party Leader on a swing of over 10 per cent to profile contest. A year later, the Girls’ Grammar school and and former Prime Minister the Liberals, but after losing the Conservatives changed their Bedford College. She went on to David Lloyd George, fought following year, she abandoned candidate and retrieved the seat. become a member of Grimsby a tough nomination contest politics, and shortly afterwards Shields continues to serve as a Education Committee and one before winning Anglesey in divorced Lord Terrington. After councillor in Yorkshire, but looks of the country’s first women 1929, becoming the first female the Second World War she married upon her time in Parliament as magistrates. When her husband MP in Wales. Her 22 years in the again, to South African Max ‘the best year of my life.’ Tom, Liberal MP for Louth, died Commons amount to more than Lensveld. in 1921, she won the subsequent three times the experience of all by-election for the seat, thereby the other women Liberal MPs becoming the second woman in together prior to the merger of the Commons, as well as winning 1988. She was President of the the general elections of 1922 Women’s Liberal Federation, and 1923. Wintringham was an founding President of the activist for the National Union Parliament for Wales campaign, of Women’s Suffrage Societies, and in 1948 became Deputy and in Parliament campaigned Chairman of the Parliamentary for the equalisation of the age of Party. However, she had always enfranchisement, and for women’s been close to Labour, and when right to enter the Lords. She was their candidate defeated her in defeated in 1924, but came within 1951, she stood down as Liberal 500 votes of recapturing the seat candidate for Anglesey, and in 1929. Her last parliamentary left the party in 1955. Two years contest was as Liberal candidate later, she took the Liberal seat for Aylesbury in 1935. of Carmarthen for Labour, and Ray Michie (1934–2008) Hilda Runciman (1869– remained a Labour MP until her was the daughter of Lord John 1956) death. Bannerman, a mainstay of the was the daughter of James post-war Scottish Liberal Party Stevenson MP and the wife of at whose election rallies she Walter Runciman MP. Educated spoke as a teenager. Before she at Girton College, Cambridge, won Argyll & Bute in 1987, she her political apprenticeship was served as Chairman of the local undertaken on Northumberland Association, Vice-Chairman of the Education Committee; she also Scottish Liberal Party, a member became a JP. She won the Tory– of the Alliance Commission on Liberal marginal of St Ives in the Constitutional Reform, and had by-election of 1928, but at the fought the seat three times, following year’s general election moving from fourth to first place. her husband took the Liberal She retained the seat until 2001, nomination there whilst Hilda went when she became Baroness to be defeated by only 152 votes Michie of Gallanach. On her death Lady Vera Terrington at Tavistock. Out of favour with the last year, tributes to her came from (1889–c.1956) Lloyd George leadership, she went across the political spectrum; fought Wycombe in 1922, 1923 with her husband into cooperation Elizabeth Shields (1928–) Charles Kennedy said ‘We have all lost a true friend of principle and and 1924 and won only the second with the Conservatives via the joined the Liberal Party in 1964 of people.’ of these contests, but her career National Liberals, and became and was first invited to fight was colourful. In an interview a Viscountess when he was a parliamentary election in with the Daily Express, the twice- ennobled in 1937.

32 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps in Birmingham Ladywood. She even remarked that she state of affairs we need to have Elizabeth Shields felt it was sig- would rather be a member of more women candidates and nificant that she was one of the an all-male than an all-female to see some of them selected to few by-election candidates who club because of the better atmos- fight seats that they may have a had already been confirmed as phere.35 Her successor as the chance of winning.38 PPC for the coming general highest-profile Liberal woman, election, so that no opportunity Nancy Seear, researched wom- Nesta Wyn Ellis, a candidate at existed for leadership interven- en’s disadvantage in the labour both by-elections and general tion at Ryedale. She also valued market, and supported the intro- elections, also approved specific the support she received in the duction of the Sex Discrimina- provisions to include women campaign from Cyril Smith, tion Act, but was also critical on shortlists, and believed this and noted the favourable press of feminism, and was quoted as was being encouraged by the coverage which his intervention saying ‘I’m very cross when I am leadership in the 1970s.39 A joint brought to it.33 Liberal by-elec- typecast with “women”.’36 Alliance report of 1986 recom- tion candidates were expected The resistance of some Lib- mended equivalence in the crea- by party leaders, journalists and erals to feminism rather than tion of male and female peers, activists to be like the general female candidates was con- and setting targets for equal election ‘safe’ stereotype writ firmed by Lesley Abdela, a can- appointments to public bodies, large, and this made selection of didate in 1979: she quoted Linda and the same year’s Assembly women even less likely. Siegle, candidate for Devizes called for a minimum of one The quickest solution to the in 1987, who had been given man and one woman on every shortage of women MPs, then, 0 out of 10 for content in an parliamentary shortlist.40 would have been to ensure that ‘amazingly feminist’ selection These measures were not more women candidates repre- speech, and was told by a West implemented, however, and sented the party at by-elections. Country regional agent that ‘I Abdela found little enthusi- The strategy of using all-women shouldn’t display my feminist asm for them even within the shortlists for winnable seats – views.’ Siegle argued that ‘David WLF. In 1986, the WLF Politi- known as providing ‘equality Steel could never understand cal Action Committee met with guarantees’ by advocates such what we women were on about. Councillor Claire Jackson, a as Joni Lovenduski34 – was the Attitudes of the old Liberal training officer from party HQ Labour Party’s route to its dra- leadership have been very det- who stated that ‘her top priority matic increase in women MPs rimental to the advancement of was to train women to be PPCs, during the 1990s. Guarantees of women.’37 Abdela herself, who and therefore get more women minimum numbers of women later went on to form the all- MPs.’ Jackson was challenged on shortlists had been adopted party 300 Group to press for a Any sug- as to why she envisaged women in the constitution of the SDP larger number of women candi- gestion needed special training, and had in 1981: amongst Liberals, how- dates, had already lobbied from to explain that ‘women were at a ever, these approaches met within the WLF for a higher of ‘special disadvantage in a predominantly objections to any interference profile for women at Assembly male environment, and the fact with the liberal democratic prin- and in party broadcasts, for the treatment’ that the party has only one, ciples of free choice and meri- training of party officials and a recently elected, woman MP tocracy, as well as the traditional formal monitoring process to for women speaks for itself.’ Jackson coun- attachment to the autonomy of eliminate discrimination, and has run tered by asking what proportion local Associations. for a Leader’s letter to Associa- of the party’s female members Any suggestion of ‘special tions ‘asking them to search for against the were in the WLF.41 treatment’ for women has run at least one woman in their con- A particularly robust expres- against the grain of certain ele- stituency party who would be grain of sion of this scepticism about ments of the party, not least a suitable future candidate and separate treatment for women some of its leading female mem- encourage her to apply to get on certain ele- was given by Sir Cyril Smith bers. Violet Bonham Carter the party list of approved candi- ments of the in 1989. When asked on the set the tone, declaring herself dates.’ She set the problem out BBC’s Question Time what he ‘anti-feminist’, and explaining in clear terms in the party’s First party, not thought of Mrs Thatcher’s fail- that women’s representation was Report on the Status of Women in ure to promote women such as so poor because ‘no woman of July 1984: least some Lynda Chalker to the Cabinet, alpha quality has so far appeared of its lead- and Labour’s contrasting deci- on the political scene … I have The fact is that there has not sion that all ballot papers for the never seen a woman who could been a [Liberal] woman mem- ing female Shadow Cabinet not including at be PM, Foreign Secretary or ber of Parliament for over 30 least four votes for female candi- Chancellor of the Exchequer.’ years. In order to improve this members. dates would be declared invalid,

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 33 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps he conceded that Chalker was There is a Gender Balance) carrying on the party, and remains so. There is a ‘a very able lass’, but expressed sort of monitoring Lesley Abdela point at which a choice has to be exasperation at the calls for the point at was calling for twenty years ago. made between swift improve- automatic representation of which a ‘Yet’, Childs notes, ‘while there ment in numbers of women in women: is clear support for positive dis- Parliament, and the principle choice has crimination among some of the of uniform, open procedure of It makes me sick, actually … women in the party, especially selection. It is in itself neither I mean, where are we drag- to be made the older women, and the party a recommendation nor a criti- ging party politics to when we leadership, this is countered, cism that, even under difficult get to this sort of level of rub- between particularly by young women.’44 circumstances, the party was not bish? Presumably the reason swift In this, those young women prepared to sacrifice the latter to that there’s no women in Mrs reflect an established tradition achieve the former. It is, how- Thatcher’s Cabinet is that she’s improve- within Liberalism which has ever, an explanation of that low of the opinion that there were dismissed the quick route to number, and a reflection of the no women who ought to be ment in increased women’s representa- party’s approach – an approach promoted to the Cabinet over tion for generations. that will continue to provoke and above the men that she’s numbers debate. promoted. of women Conclusion Matt Cole lectures at the London Smith dismissed the women in Parlia- The record of the Liberal Demo- School of Economics for the Hansard joining the Kinnock front bench crats in getting women into Par- Society. He is currently writing the following Labour’s rule change ment, and liament has changed since 1987, biography of Richard Wainwright, – including Margaret Beckett, with ten female MPs, including formerly Liberal MP for Colne Val- Ann Clwyd and Clare Short the principle two first elected at by-elections. ley. The author is grateful for the – saying: ‘let’s have it clear: of uniform, Yet even after the doubling of comments of Dr Sarah Childs on a they’ve gone to the front bench the parliamentary party in 1997, draft of this article. because the party’s changed the open proce- Colin Pilkington could write rules and insisted that women of candidate selection that ‘the 1 ‘Our policy for women’, No Easy be elected. … In other words, dure of selec- Liberal Democrats have always Way: Britain’s problems and the Liberal they’re not there because Mr been more favourably inclined answers, Liberal manifesto, 1950. Kinnock wanted them there. tion … the towards women, although it is 2 Jones, M., A Radical Life: the biogra- They’re there because the rules party was not necessarily an attitude that phy of Megan Lloyd George (London: have been changed.’42 has borne fruit.’45 The under- Hutchinson, 1991), p. 207. Both Paddy Ashdown and not prepared representation of women in 3 See Iles, L., and Ingham, R., ‘The Charles Kennedy expressed the Commons is a feature of all First Woman Liberal MP’, Journal of approval of more effective pro- to sacrifice parties, and for largely the same Liberal History 36 (2002), pp. 19–21. cedures to guarantee female combination of reasons: a short- 4 On this, see Phillips, M., The participation in selection, but the latter to age of supply of candidates for Divided House: Women at Westmin- proposals to bring in quotas achieve the reasons of women’s social role ster (London: Sidgwick & Jack- were rejected at the 2001 Lib- and identity; and resistance to son, 1980), pp. 44–45; Vallance, E., eral Democrat conference after former. selecting women either for con- Women in the House: a study of women a debate in which an organised scious prejudice or unwilling- Members of Parliament (London: party of young women opposed ness to modify presumptions Athlone Press, 1979), p. 29, though to the measures came to the about the profile of a ‘good’ Vallance stresses that this should podium in turn wearing pink candidate. not be taken as an indication of the T-shirts bearing the slogan ‘I am The Liberal Party’s record weak quality of such MPs. Hilda not a token woman’. was particularly unrepresenta- Runciman, for example, was one As a recent Hansard Society tive during the period from the of the first female magistrates and a report by Lovenduski, Sarah 1950s to the 1980s because of fea- Cambridge history graduate. Childs and Rosie Campbell tures distinctive to it: it had very 5 Morgan, K.O. (ed.), Lloyd George concludes, ‘the issue of equal- few MPs at all, and in by-elec- Family Letters 1885–1936 (Cardiff and ity guarantees publicly divides tions, their best opportunities London: University of Wales and the party.’43 Selection rules now to add women to that number, OUP, 1973), pp. 207–9. require a minimum of each they were most unlikely to put 6 Sanderson-Nash, E., ‘Ray Michie sex within shortlists of a given female candidates forward. The MP’ in Brack, D. (ed.), Dictionary size – assuming the appropriate mechanism which might have of Liberal Biography (London: Polit- number of each sex have applied reversed this trend – some form ico’s, 1998), pp. 259–60. – and there is a Gender Balance of positive discrimination – was 7 Freedom and Choice for Women Task Force (now Campaign for unacceptable to parts of the (Hebden Bridge: Hebden Royd

34 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the yellow glass ceiling: the mystery of the disappearing liberal mps

Publications, 1986), p. 26. Wintringham Shield (mem- male. May 1968, 3 June 1948 and 28 8 Sidney, E., ‘Invisible Woman’, bership increase), Pearce Cup 30 Ellis, N. W., op. cit., p. 39. August 1949 respectively. In New Democrat, Vol. V, No. 3 (increase in a new branch) and 31 Norris, P., British By-elections June 1948 Bonham Carter had (London: Letterhurst Press, the Silver Tea Pot (for social (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), p. written an article for the Sun- 1987), pp. 30–31. The idea that functions). 174. The SNP used by-elec- day Times expanding on these women candidates are a liabil- 18 WLF Executive minutes, tions to elect women in 1967 views. ity was being dismissed out of April 1955 and Special General (Hamilton) and 1973 (Glasgow 36 Quoted in Seear’s obituary in hand by the 1960s (see Pulzer, Meeting minutes, 9 May 1979. Govan). The Independent, April 1997; see P., Political Representation and 19 Interview with E. Shields, 9 Jan 32 On by-election procedures, also Egan, M., ‘Nancy Seear’, Elections in Britain (London: 2008. see: Kennedy, L., On My Way in Brack, D. (ed.), Dictionary of George Allen & Unwin, 20 Vallance, E., op. cit. p. 46; Ellis, to the Club: An Autobiography Liberal Biography, pp. 324–325. 1967), p. 121) but the contin- N. W., Dear Elector: the truth (London: Collins, 1989), p. 245; 37 Quoted in Abdela, L., Women ued attachment of selection about MPs (Coronet, 1974), p. Home, W. Douglas, Mr Home with X Appeal (Optima, 1989), committees to this myth was 47. pronounced Hume (London: Col- pp. 133–37. comprehensively exposed in 21 Sidney, E., op. cit. lins, 1979), p. 98; Smith, C., Big 38 Abdela (1984), op. cit. Rasmussen, J. S., ‘Women’s 22 Grimond, J., Memoirs (Hein- Cyril: the Autobiography of Cyril 39 Ellis, N. W., op. cit., p. 48. Role in Contemporary British emann, 1979), p. 229. Smith (London: W.H. Allen, 40 Freedom and Choice for Women, Politics: Impediments to Par- 23 Vallance, op. cit., p. 33. 1977), p. 116; Freud, C., Freud op. cit.; on the Assembly, see liamentary Candidature’, Par- 24 The interview was with Char- Ego (London: BBC, 2001), p. Carter, A., The Politics of Wom- liamentary Affairs, Vol. 36, No. 3 lotte Haldane. Details of the 199. Thorpe did warn Freud en’s Rights (London: Longman, (1983). case are at http://www.sparta- that any explicit endorsement 1988), p. 129. 9 Vallance, E., op. cit. pp. 59–60. cus.schoolnet.co.uk/Wter- of the latter by the former in a 41 WLF Political Action Com- 10 Hunt, K., ‘Women and Politics’ rington.htm nomination contest was likely mittee minutes, 3 September in Jones, B. (ed.), Political Issues 25 Jones, M., op.cit., p. 75. to be counter-productive. 1986. in Britain Today (Manchester: 26 Josephy papers, archivist’s 33 Shields, E., interview op. 42 Smith, C., Question Time (BBC MUP, 1987), p. 187. summary and correspond- cit. and A Year to Remember TV), 16 November 1989. 11 These figures were com- ence concerning 1935 election, (Dorchester: Liberal Democrat 43 Childs et al., op. cit., pp. 34–36. piled from Annual Reports notably W. W. Young and Sons Publications, 1995), p. 21 and 44 Childs, S., New Labour’s Women to Assembly, 1945–62. They & Ward, solicitors, to F. Jose- first plate. MPs: Women Representing include both recently lapsed phy, reporting the apology by 34 See for example Childs, S., Women (London: Routledge, and recently affiliated Asso- Mr Wentworth-Shields, 11 Lovenduski, J., and Campbell, 2004), pp. 210–11. ciations, and so should be January 1936. At the time of R., Women at the Top 2005: 45 Pilkington, C., Issues in Brit- regarded as erring on the side of examination, the collection Changing Numbers, Changing ish Politics (Basingstoke: Mac- generosity. was temporarily catalogued Politics (London: Hansard Soci- millan, 1998), p. 236. A more 12 Correspondence from Bernard (temporary additional file 8), ety, 2005). recent study of Liberal Demo- Simpson, NULC Secretary, 18 Cambridge County Liberal 35 Pottle, M., (ed.), Daring to crat selection policy is: Evans, August 2004. Association minutes 28 Feb Hope: the Diaries and Letters of Elizabeth, ‘Supply or Demand? 13 Egan, M., ‘Basil Wigoder’ in 1959 and Cambridgeshire Daily Violet Bonham Carter 1946–69 Women Candidates in the Lib- Brack, D., (ed.), Dictionary of News 16 Sept 1959. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicol- eral Democrats’, British Journal Liberal Biography, p. 379. 27 Abdela, L., in First Report on the son, 2000), pp. 346, 352 and of Politics and International Rela- 14 WLF Annual Reports 1945–87 Status of Women (London: Lib- 367. The entries are for 23 tions Vol 10 No 4 (Nov 2008). and Executive minutes April eral Party, 1984), p. 27; Shields, 1955, 21 April 1966, 17 October E., interview op. cit. Analy- 1974. sis of recent Liberal Democrat 15 WLF Centenary leaflet, 1987. selections involving women Email mailing list A copy is in the Henderson can be seen in Shepherd- At the end of 2008 we changed the mailing system through which we collection. Robinson, L. and Loveduski, send out email notices of History Group meetings, latest publications, 16 WLF Annual Report 1953 J., Women and Candidate Selec- special book offers forJournal members, etc. (Henderson papers Box 6/1). tion in British Political Parties If you have already signed up to the mailing list, you should have been 17 Liberal News 24 May 1957. The (Fawcett Society, 2002), pp. automatically transferred to the new system. However, we have been WLF Executive heard on 7 33–40. experiencing problems recently, and it is possible that you may not be. December 1961 that the ‘low- 28 Henderson papers, 1945 elec- est ever’ number of entries tion (Box 2/2). If you have already received emails from us this year, advertising our for the Mary Philpott Cup 29 Skelsy, P., ‘The Selection of meetings on the People’s Budget in January, and on Europe in March, had been received. The other Parliamentary Candidates: then you are on the list, and no further action is needed. awards were the Gladstone the Liberal Party’, The Political If you did not, then you are not on the list. To join the list, send a blank Cup (for money-raising), the Quarterly, Vol. 30 (1959), p. 223– email to [email protected]. You will be Wintringham Cup (liaison 226. Skelsy’s language assumes asked to confirm your email address, to avoid spam. Our apologies for any inconvenience. between a branch and HQ), the throughout that candidates are

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 35 Selecting women candidates a critical evaluation

It is clear that the major considers the attitudes he under-rep - within the party resentation o f political parties in women in virtually Britain consider the towards mechanisms all political institu- under-representation for encouraging tions in the UK has Tbecome an issue of increasing of women in numerical and assisting academic research. Much has women candidates. been said of the Labour Party’s terms a challenge to use of women-only shortlists be addressed. Dr Lisa It is important to (WOSLs), the reintroduction of which at the 2005 general elec- Harrison presents acknowledge that tion proved important. In con- (i) a brief overview of underpinning trast, the Conservative Party is frequently portrayed as failing existing debates on some of the rather to make even token attempts the ‘state’ of women’s more crude debates to increase its female presence in key political bodies, and the representation; (ii) based on numerical introduction of the ‘A’ list – a aggregate data about representation alone quota-based selection process to increase the number of female the numbers of elected are more nuanced and ethnic minority candidates arguments surrounding – was not without internal crit- women Liberal ics. The responsibility for this Democrats; (iii) a focus effective representation. cross-institution inequality is The factors influencing furthermore perceived to be on the structure of the attributable to an organisational, party, considering how the decision to stand for rather than societal, bias: election are subject to a this may aid or hinder There is no evidence to show the selection of more range of potential issues that voters discriminate against female candidates; it women candidates; – of which securing is primarily the lack of equal and (iv) a review representation may not opportunity in party selection procedures which accounts for of quantitative and be the most important. the gender imbalances in UK qualitative data which legislatures.1

36 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 Selecting women candidates a critical evaluation

Whilst there is a growing (but This said, positive discrimi- successful in local and regional by no means complete) consen- nation is rarely seen as an ideal elections and, to a lesser sus that more female elected rep- approach, but rather a necessary extent, European elections. resentatives is desirable, there are means to an end, which is why However, parity had a much strong divisions on how best this the Sex Discrimination (Elec- weaker impact at the national should be achieved. For some tion Candidates) Act (2002) has level, with poor performances time there has been consider- a sunset clause (a proviso which in the Senatorial elections able debate concerning ‘supply was supported in the House of being eclipsed by the unmiti- and demand’ factors.2 For exam- Lords by Liberal Democrat Bar- gated failure of parity in the ple, there may be ‘legitimate’ oness Thomas of Walliswood). 2002 legislative elections …’. reasons for party activists not The antipathy towards what may French political parties have not wanting to stand for particular be labelled as ‘special measures’ treated the parity laws with the types of representation (often is particularly notable among same level of ‘respect’ and as a justified in terms of geographic Liberal women – as will be evi- result, major parties such as the proximity of institutions and denced later. Certainly, forcing Union for a Popular Movement existing priorities and com- political parties to achieve some (UMP) have faced substantial mitments). On the ‘demand’ level of parity does not necessar- fines for non-compliance.5 side, criticism is often made of ily work if a supporting culture Central to this article is a candidate selection processes within the party is absent: consideration of what actions which are looking for a type of are deemed as desirable and candidate – often determined … positive discrimination effective. We can distinguish by previous political experience, strategies can produce a sharp between ‘facilitating’ steps (e.g. formal qualifications and per- increase in women’s represen- training, financial and lifestyle sonal characteristics. Central to tation under certain condi- support, and changing the proc- Yet the presence of women in this article is tions, namely where parties ess of politics) and ‘parity’ steps elected office is deemed as being combine a political culture (e.g. WOSLs, reserved seats and more important than merely a considera- sympathetic to these policies quotas). Indeed, a recent report balancing the scales of repre- with a bureaucratic organisa- published by the Hansard Soci- sentation, and recent research tion of what tional structure which imple- ety drew particular attention suggests that it can positively ments formal party rules.4 to the Labour Party’s use of affect women’s political activ- actions are WOSLs and the Liberal Demo- ism.3 As such, the opportunity to Murray demonstrates that the crats’ preference for utilising vote for female candidates may deemed as implementation of parity laws quotas at the shortlisting stage.6 have interesting implications desirable and in French elections has met By considering evidence from for the future health of British variable success. For exam- party documents and the atti- democracy. effective. ple: ‘Where applied, it proved tudes of candidates we can see

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 37 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation patterns of support for particu- female Liberal MP in 1945 and and five were able to get there lar mechanisms which serve to 1950, then nothing until 1987, by winning seats from other encourage women candidates. when two women were elected parties (notably Labour in the for the party (repeated in 1992). case of Falmouth & Camborne, In 1997, the Liberal Demo- Hornsey & Wood Green, Car- The Liberal Democrats’ crats fielded 142 women (22.2 diff Central and Dunbarton- recent record of electing per cent of their candidates), shire East, and Solihull, which women candidates yet only four in winnable seats it took from the Conservatives). It is well documented that the (Argyll & Bute, Richmond An important consideration process of attaining ‘gender bal- Park, Rochdale, Taunton) when reviewing representa- ance’ within the main politi- three of whom were elected. tion in well-established institu- cal bodies has been slow and After the 2001 election the tions (particularly those such uneven. Table 1 shows the per- number of women MPs actually as Westminster which are not centage of female candidates and declined to 118, yet the Liberal subject to fixed terms of office) MPs in general elections in the Democrats was the only one of is the degree to which retir- post-war period. the three main parties to get ing male MPs are succeeded by In terms of candidates the Lib- more women into Parliament. male candidates. Unless a politi- eral Democrats and their pred- Women made up 21.9 per cent cal party takes the step of WOSL ecessors have a slightly better of Liberal Democrat candidates for vacated yet safe seats then track record than parties over- in 2001, and 10.9 per cent of the balance between male and all, yet whilst the percentage of the party’s MPs (a total of five, female MPs will be a slow one candidates who are female has which increased to six with the to achieve. grown, they have generally not election of Sarah Teather in the The picture in other bod- been placed in the most ‘win- Brent East by-election). ies is mixed. Women are often nable’ seats. As Russell et al.7 In 2005, women made up better represented as a result of observe, women candidates in 23.2 per cent of Liberal Demo- second-order elections, and we general elections have tended to crat candidates, and the number may expect to see more women be more successful in English, of women Liberal Democrat in the European Parliament rather than Scottish or Welsh, MPs increased from five to nine (particularly since 1999), the constituencies (the exceptions (briefly ten). Six Liberal Demo- Scottish Parliament and Welsh being Ray Michie in Argyll & crat MPs retired in 2005, includ- Assembly, and local authori- Bute, Jo Swinson in East Dun- ing Jenny Tonge in Richmond ties with multi-member dis- bartonshire and Jenny Willott in Park, yet the Liberal Democrats tricts. There are two reasons Cardiff Central). ventured only a single woman put forward as to why women It is not that the Liberal in these vacated seats – Rich- may be better represented in Democrats (and the party’s mond Park once again has a political institutions other than various predecessors) have been woman MP. Indeed, six of the the House of Commons. One reluctant to field women, but nine Liberal Democrat women relates to the electoral system, as the post-war MP record was returned to the House of Com- first past the post may encour- generally a poor one – only one mons in 2005 were new faces, age parties to ‘play safe’ and

Table 1a – Female candidates and MPs since 1945 1945 1950 1951 1955 1959 1964 1966 1970 1974(f) Per cent candidates 4.9 6.7 5.7 6.6 5.5 4.9 4.4 5.2 6.2 Per cent MPs 3.8 3.4 2.7 3.8 4.0 4.6 4.1 4.1 3.6 1974(o) 1979 1983 1987 1992 1997 2001 2005 Per cent candidates 7.0 7.4 10.4 12.9 18.3 19.0 19.4 20.7 Per cent MPs 4.3 3.0 3.5 6.3 9.2 18.4 18.0 19.8

Table 1b – Female Liberal/SDP/ Liberal Democrat candidates since 1945 1945 1950 1951 1955 1959 1964 1966 1970 1974(f) No. candidates 20 45 11 14 16 24 20 23 40 Per cent of candidates 6.5 9.5 10.1 12.7 7.4 6.6 6.4 6.9 7.7 1974(o) 1979 1983 1987 1992 1997 2001 2005 No. candidates 49 52 76 105 143 142 140 145 Per cent of candidates 7.9 9.0 12.0 16.6 22.6 22.2 21.9 23.2

38 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation put forward ‘traditional’ candi- Table 2 – Female Representation in Scotland and Wales dates (following the demand side Female MSPs LD Female MSPs Female AMs LD Female AMs model), whilst multi-member seats allow parties to field dif- 1999 48 2 25 3 ferent types of candidates. A 2003 51 2 30 3 second reason is that women 2007 43 2 28 3 are more prominent when less power is as stake.8 Recognis- ing the disadvantages of being female candidates on their party Democrats achieved much of a ‘third party’ in a two-party lists, but this was a one-off meas- the same with the three AMs system may mean that the Lib- ure. As of the 2004 European from the first term being re- eral Democrats view local gov- elections, women again make elected (two were from the 13 ernment and devolved bodies up 24 per cent of British MEPs constituency candidates and one as offering better opportunities (although a drop in real figures from a party list). Women repre- for their candidates, including from 21 to 18 as the number of sented 39 per cent of MSPs. The women. total seats had been reduced). In number of female Liberal Dem- Intrinsically linked to the 1999, women made up 49 per ocrat constituency candidates in electoral system effect and cent of the Liberal Democrat Scotland rose to 21, whilst those thirst for power is the possibil- candidates, but only 43 per cent who were successful numbered ity that women are more likely in 2004. This said, the 50:50 bal- just two of the 17 Liberal Dem- to stand as ‘paper candidates’ – ance of MEPs achieved in 1999 ocrat MSPs (and indeed were that is, they are prepared to fill was replicated in 2004 (and the the same constituency MSPs as up the party slate but only in party increased its total presence elected in 1999). seats where the chance of elec- from 10 to 12 MEPs). It could be In 2007, the number of tion is slim to non-existent. If argued, therefore, that one-off women declined in both insti- this is the case, then we might measures such as zipping are an tutions (to 33 per cent of MSPs expect to see a clear distinc- acceptable alternative to posi- and 46 per cent of AMs). The tion between candidacy and tive discrimination in general. three female AMs are those first elected rates. In the 2001 gen- A review of the candidate lists elected in 1999, and the number eral election, the Labour Party for 2009 in the English regions of women fighting in constitu- saw 64 per cent of its female alone shows that women con- ency seats declined to 11. In candidates elected, whilst the stitute almost 34 per cent of the Scotland there were again two corresponding figure for the lists in total, and are in first or Liberal Democrat MSPs but Conservative Party was 15 per second place on all but one list with a small change in person- cent, but only 3.6 per cent for (this being the East Midlands). nel – whilst Margaret Smith the Liberal Democrats. In 2005, In 1999, female MSPs consti- retained the Edinburgh West these figures changed to 59 per tuted 37 per cent of the total in seat she first took in 1999, Nora cent, 13.8 per cent and 6.2 per the Scottish Parliament, whilst Radcliffe lost the Gordon seat cent respectively. The motiva- female AMs accounted for 42 to the Scottish National Party’s tion for MPs of any party to per cent of all elected repre- Alex Salmond (22 women had ‘retire gracefully’ is influenced sentatives in the Welsh Assem- stood as Liberal Democrat con- by various factors, age being bly (see Table 2). The Liberal stituency candidates). However, just one, but there are clearly Democrats’ strategy was more the party’s overall female repre- less opportunities for the Lib- successful in Wales than in Scot- sentation remained intact as the eral Democrats to use vacated land. Perhaps this is not surpris- Liberal Democrats took a list safe seats as a means of increas- ing when we appreciate that in seat in North East Scotland. ing female representation than Wales, women represented 13 of Two issues are worth not- is the case for Labour and the the 40 constituency candidates ing. First, the potential impact Conservatives. (two of who were elected) and of being a federal party is that Simply changing the electoral topped two of the five regional the strategies employed to help system to one which incorpo- lists (one of which was elected). women get elected can differ rates party lists does not auto- In Scotland women represented across similar electoral system matically ensure that more 19 of the 55 constituency can- types. Second, the frequent women will be elected. The didates, but tended to be low observation that electoral sys- total number of female MEPs down on the party lists.9 tems other than simple plurality increased in 1999 to 24 per cent, In 2003, the number of female facilitate the selection of women partly due to the use of party AMs increased to 50 per cent of candidates has not to date been lists. In this election the Liberal the Assembly and women made beneficial to the Liberal Demo- Democrats ‘zipped’ their can- up four out of nine Cabinet crats in the Scottish and Welsh didates, alternating male and members, although the Liberal elections, as in constituencies

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 39 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation where the party wins or comes in the number of women coun- party slates may be frustrated close to winning: cillors overall (a net loss of six). when dealing with incumbency. However, while previously the Therefore, being selected by … the party’s constituency difference between the propor- a party to stand for election is vote often far outstrips its list tion of female candidates and one thing, being elected is quite vote. It seems that, far from female councillors had been another. suffering from first past the post high, this was not the case in The development of debates in Scotland and Wales, at least 2007: ‘in 2007 women were surrounding the issue of why the party’s fortunes are heavily elected at more or less the same women candidates may or may reliant on the ability of indi- rate as men, once they had been not be successful needs also to vidual candidates in particular selected.’17 However, the Liberal take into account the struc- constituencies to win support Democrats were left with fewer ture of the party, as well as the on the basis of a personal vote, a women councillors – both in contribution made by women- trick that the party is unable to actual numbers and as a propor- focused internal groups. Unlike repeat on any party list vote.10 tion (52 – down 7, and 31.3 per the Labour and Conservative cent compared to 33.9 per cent) parties, the Liberal Democrats Unless this trend in support – although this does compare are a federal party, making changes, it is important that the favourably with others; only them, in Webb’s words, ‘com- Liberal Democrats place women 17.5 per cent of Labour’s Scottish paratively democratic’ as indi- in winnable constituency seats in councillors are women, and the vidual members have ‘clear Scotland and Wales if increased equivalent figure is 23.8 per cent incentives to participate’.18 The gender parity is an ambition. for the Conservatives. federal system provides four According to the Fawcett In certain cases there may be tiers of organisational structure, Society’s website approximately evidence to suggest that there is which allows for competing 30 per cent of all councillors something flawed about a party- views about which strategies for are women. A national survey defined model of a ‘good candi- promoting women candidates of councillors in British local date’, and that the more involved should be adopted, and it is feasi- government in the early 1990s the central party organisation ble that discrepancies can occur estimated that 75 per cent were becomes in selecting candidates, over policy preference. Indeed, male,11 indicating that slow the less this has to offer women. survey responses (see below) progress has been made in the Yet local election candidacy is show some differentials between last decade. Meadowcroft refers a good example where there is respondents in Scotland and to the Liberal Democrats as the no central party interference in Wales. Russell and Fieldhouse ‘undisputed second party of who is selected for the Liberal identify ‘the dual identities’ of local government between 1995 Democrats. the Liberal Democrats – that is and 1998’,12 yet perhaps disap- a difference between the grass- pointing is the fact that their roots members and the leader- councillors ‘match the narrow The Liberal Democrats’ ship elite.19 socioeconomic profile of repre- strategy on gender and The Liberal In addition, the party sentatives found in all modern representation includes the Women Liberal democracies’.13 Borisyuk et al14 When facing any election, polit- Democrats Democrats (WLD), a Specified point out that the Liberal Dem- ical parties have to take strate- Associated Organisation (SAO), ocrats have been proportion- gic decisions about what their have been alongside the more recently ally more successful at electing priorities should be. Indeed, it proportion- formed Campaign for Gender women councillors than either could be argued that adopting Balance (a 2006 rebranding of Labour or the Conservatives, radical strategies to promote ally more the Gender Balance Task Force) particularly so until the early particular groups and interests which reports to the party’s Fed- 1990s, and indeed 34 per cent is more difficult for established successful eral Executive. The latter aims of Liberal Democrat councillors parties. Whilst new institutions to reach a target of 40 per cent in 1997 were women.15 How- and new parties provide the best at elect- of women in elected bodies, ever, Bochel and Bochel16 claim opportunity for radically dif- ing women aided by the encouragement of that ‘the increasing involvement ferent approaches to promoting 150 extra approved candidates. of parties in local government particular types of candidates, councillors Assessing the ‘effectiveness’ elections has, in general, had a it is important to bear in mind of WLD and the GBTF is not benign influence upon the elec- that established parties may be than either included here, though anecdotal tion of women …’. somewhat reluctant to neglect evidence suggests the latter has The introduction of the sin- the interests of those who have Labour or the been more prominent in assist- gle transferable vote (STV) in an established track record as Conserva- ing women seeking candidacy. Scottish local elections in 2007 elected representatives. As such, So how have the Liberal actually led to a small decline strategies for providing balanced tives. Democrats dealt with positive

40 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation

Discrimination (Election Can- Might this emphasis on ‘local- didates) Act 2002), the party ism’ help to encourage women proved somewhat cautious. Lov- to become both activists and enduski25 claims that there was candidates, when they may oth- an absence of experience of overt erwise be ‘put off’ by centralised discrimination in the selection agendas? processes for the 2001 general Perhaps worthy of note is the election, but that the rules on party’s approach to Westminster gender-balancing shortlists led Parliamentary by-elections. The to feelings of ‘tokenism’, as the gender balance of candidates in norm was to select a PPC who winnable contests has been very fitted the traditional male model striking, which suggests some- – the empirical evidence then thing about party elite motiva- suggests that attempts to assure tion and strategies. Whilst the equalities of opportunity are fre- party put forward a male can- quently frustrated. didate in Cheadle in July 2005, The proposed imposition of Brent East was secured by Sarah quotas for women was rejected Teather in 2003, and significant at the 2001 party conference, vote gains were made by female discrimination? Between 1983 The Campaign which instead favoured a 40 per candidates in Ipswich in 2001, and 1987 the SDP applied a for Gender cent target of female candidates and Birmingham Hodge Hill gender quota for shortlisting Balance was in winnable seats – a decision and Hartlepool in 2004. PPCs.20 In 1995 the Scottish formed (as the which subsequently led to some Liberal Democrats signed the Gender Balance women refusing to participate Electoral Agreement with the Task Force) in in photo-calls. However, the Attitudes within the party to 2001 to provide Labour Party, committing them mechanisms for achieving such the promotion of women support, training to balanced candidate numbers and mentoring a target fuelled internal party As well as the opportunities for the Scottish Parliament, for women disagreement. A proposal that which exist within the selec- which was further endorsed at candidates. all currently held seats where tion process, as outlined above, the 1996 and 1997 state party the sitting MP stands down we can look to the party’s ideol- conferences, although the out- should appoint woman candi- ogy. A political strategy which come did not match the inten- dates was rejected in favour of has been consistent since 1970 tion.21 In 1997, the Liberal focusing specifically on train- is community politics. Electing Democrats offered themselves ing and support for candidates. more women (and more gener- as ‘the party for women’, uti- The challenge was epitomised ally candidates which reflect lising strong spokeswomen to by Evan Harris’s comment, ‘we the broad make-up of society), promote policies and organising still have not got full agreement is just one aspect of community two press conferences focusing on the best way forward’. As politics, which requires broad specifically on women’s issues such, it may be more appropriate representation in as many dis- and perspectives.22 At the 1997 to discuss strategies, as opposed cussion and decision-making autumn conference the Welsh to a ‘one-technique-fits-all’ forums as possible. This said, Liberal Democrats rejected the approach. The data below dem- policies of positive discrimina- federal party’s endorsement of onstrates that there is no par- tion are problematic ‘with many positive action on gender bal- ticular consensus about what in the party believing that such ance for future candidate lists exactly the party should do to mechanisms were fundamen- (despite the policy also being promote women. tally “illiberal”.’27 backed by Richard Livsey, the A second strategy – appli- In terms of attitudes towards Welsh leader23), again indicat- cable specifically to winning promoting women we can ing that federalism can pro- seats, rather than to participa- engage with three sources of duce an inconsistency between tory democracy – is the ‘local- data. First, we have access to organisations within the same ism’ approach to building up some party documents and party. a bedrock of support, crucial debates; second, we can draw 1998, according to Mead- in a two-party plurality elec- on comparative data from the owcroft,24 marked a turnaround toral system. MacAllister et al. British Representation Stud- in Liberal Democrat willingness suggest that evidence of this ies28 (BRS); and third, we have to accept positive discrimination approach can be traced back to the findings of a survey of within selection procedures. 1955 in the Liberal Party, and it female Scottish and Welsh Lib- However, faced with the real has been widely accredited for eral Democrat candidates in opportunity to impose posi- the successes achieved in gen- the 2003 elections.29 Response tive discrimination (via the Sex eral elections since the 1990s.26 rates for the latter source were

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 41 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation good considering that this was female). It was suggested by one the respondents (83 per cent) felt a self-completion question- respondent that there appeared that gender imbalance within naire, although the relatively to be a particular culture in parts political institutions is an issue small numbers means we should of Wales where male local can- – and this was more strongly felt generalise with caution. In addi- didates were preferred, although in Scotland (93 per cent). This tion, we cannot make any claims this obstacle is not only faced by could of course reflect purely about the similarity or otherwise Liberal Democrat women – as, personal attitudes, or the fact of the non-respondents. How- in reference to the Labour Party, that male/female equity was ever, several respondents did there is ‘traditional thinking achieved in Wales in the 2003 take the opportunity to supply about gender roles, most preva- election. However, in Wales 86 additional (and detailed) infor- lent in the South Wales val- per cent felt that political parties mation, reflecting the fact that leys, which has been an obstacle do not do enough to encourage this was an issue of significance to the recruitment of women women to stand for election. to them. candidates’.30 The BRS study of male and In the survey of Scottish and female candidates in 1997 found The road to selection Welsh candidates, respondents the following pattern of support In the survey of Scottish and were asked if they had thought for policy options (see Table 3). Welsh candidates, respondents about standing as a candidate, Clearly, Liberal Democrat were asked if they had previ- but been discouraged in some candidates at this point were ously put themselves forward way. This did not appear to strongly in favour of facilitating but not been selected. The affect the Welsh respondents rather than parity steps. Further- responses indicated a notable (who had not been party mem- more, it was not the case that difference in experience; in bers for as long as their Scottish men and women candidates held Wales all claimed they had never counterparts), but had affected notably distinct views. The 2001 been unsuccessful. This could five of the Scottish candidates. BRS asked questions about sup- tell us two things – first, the All these women stated that port for women-only shortlists Liberal Democrats place gen- existing commitments were – 69 Liberal Democrat women der balance high on their selec- the main reason, though one candidates responded, with 10 tion priority list, or second, any also stated that she ‘did not feel per cent strongly approving, 13 candidate was preferable to the ready’. Optimistically, no one per cent approving, 58 per cent party not being able to contest appeared to be dissuaded by disapproving and 19 per cent a seat. In addition, it may indi- the selection process or the slim strongly disapproving. Clearly, cate a stronger support for the chance of success, although one there is a common rejection promotion of women in Wales Scottish respondent in her thir- of this strategy by female can- despite indicators otherwise at ties claimed: didates across the party. The state conference, although this opportunity to utilise positive difference may also reflect the If I decide not to stand this time quotas or affirmative action fact that the Welsh women had for Westminster 2005 it will be received the same number not been active in the party for because of the cost (money and of responses with 25 per cent as long as the Scottish respond- emotion and time) of the selec- strongly approving, 45 per cent ents. These candidates also had tion campaign. approving, 25 per cent disap- plenty of experience of standing proving and 4 per cent strongly in unwinnable seats, though of disapproving. course we should treat such fig- Strategies to increase the number of In the survey of Scottish and ures with caution as we do not elected women Welsh candidates, respondents know how typical this pattern In the survey of Scottish and in both countries were clearly is for all candidates (male and Welsh candidates, a majority of against women-only shortlists (83 per cent), and this was felt irrespective of candidate age. Table 3 – candidate support for ‘women-friendly’ policy, 1997 These women also felt that candidates selected in such LD Lab Con a way would be perceived Party training for women 98 98 69 as ‘weaker candidates’ (70 Better childcare in Parliament 98 98 66 per cent) – possibly a legacy Changing parliamentary hours 97 91 57 learnt from the experience of Financial support for candidates 90 56 3 many of the Labour Party’s Positive quotas/ affirmative action 47 74 2 1997 new intake who were labelled by the media as ‘Blair Reserved seats for women 3 22 0 Babes’, akin to the Stepford Source: Norris, 2001 Wives. In contrast, techniques

42 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation

Table 4 – party provisions to help women candidates and learning from role models. However, one Welsh respond- GBTF WLD Training Twinning/ zipping ent (in her thirties) claimed that Scotland 7 5 7 2 ‘other women are sometimes Wales 2 2 2 1 not as supportive as they could be. I have come across a lot of “Queen Bee” syndrome.’ such as pairing and zipping Some Scottish/ Welsh There was also support for were viewed more favourably respondents noted multiple what was already being done; (though not overwhelmingly forms of assistance, which is just more of it was needed. so – 52 per cent) and may not reflected in Table 5, as is the Three respondents supported foster the same notion of ‘weak- somewhat differential experi- a continuation of twinning or ness’. Again, age appears to have ence. For Welsh candidates there zipping. Others felt the party no bearing on this opinion. As had been little formal assistance, needed to place more women in such, it is unlikely that a con- except for the candidate who high-profile positions and over- sensus can be reached within the benefited from the Nancy Seear come stereotypes, and atten- different state parties that special Trust. For the women in Scot- tion was drawn to the example measures are desirable, let alone land, there was no apparent age of Fife, where there was a clus- appropriate. effect to the types of assistance tering of female local represen- encountered, although in Wales tation – ‘this must make it all Existing party provisions it tended to be the younger can- look “possible” to other women Respondents in Scotland and didates who had benefited (the considering standing for elec- Wales were asked if they were eldest being only 32). It was also tion’. Another member in Scot- aware of any specific steps taken notable that in Scotland three land (in her twenties) pointed by their party to encourage women had received help from out that many branches of the women to stand for election, both the GBTF and WLD, sug- party that she was involved and whether they had benefited gesting that from the candidate with were female-dominated. personally. perspective at least having two Interestingly, two respondents Candidates were clearly women-centred organisations (both in Wales) felt that ‘nothing aware of the two main organisa- within the party is not necessar- was needed’, whilst a Scottish tions aimed at women (Women ily problematic. Party documen- respondent (mid-fifties) claimed Liberal Democrats and the then- tation provides a broader picture that ‘I am optimistic that named Gender Balance Task of the activities of the GBTF, younger women will enter poli- Force), and the training that with a report by Baroness Har- tics in increasing numbers and these and the party provided ris of Richmond claiming that that will change the institutions.’ – although the issue was raised at least 70 per cent of the 2005 Looking at the broader pic- that the latter was not unprob- women candidates had received ture, there was also support for lematic, as it was encouraging training.33 changing political institutions: women to ‘play a man’s game’.31 In addition, incidental mention Future strategies? Curiously, we have lots of was made of mentoring and one- When the Scottish and Welsh women at all other levels in the to-one advice and of the Nancy respondents were asked what party – councillors, council Seear Trust.32 In the 2001 BRS, the party could do in future to group leaders, chairs of local respondents were asked about help female candidates, a range parties, members of executive the level of influence that wom- of alternatives were offered, fol- committees etc. Parliament en’s groups or organisations had lowing no particular country is the big stumbling block. over the selection process. Of trend. Some focused on the very (Welsh respondent, fifties) the 41 female Liberal Democrat practical – such as one-to-one candidates who responded, 12 assistance, a realistic understand- Twelve respondents (nine in per cent felt there was far too lit- ing of the commitments which Scotland) wanted to see more tle, 27 per cent felt there was too needed to be met, better work- family-friendly environments to little, 58 per cent felt it was about ing conditions, financial support encourage more women to stand right and 2 per cent claimed it was far too great. A sizable Table 5 – personally benefited? minority clearly felt that these GBTF WLD Training Encouragement/ groups had more to contribute, mentoring and a more detailed analysis of Scotland 3 4 6 3 these intra-party organisations is long overdue. Wales – – 1 1

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 43 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation as candidates, and one respond- Indeed, the very interesting Whilst some Race and Class in the British Parlia- ent suggested penalising those challenge is that Liberal Demo- ment (Cambridge University Press: bodies which had a poor gender crat women themselves do not of the evi- Cambridge). balance record. Several sug- appear to want special meas- dence pre- 3 Electoral Commission (2004), Gen- gested making local government ures – a point worthy of future der and Political Participation (Lon- more attractive in terms of both comparison with women in sented here don: The Electoral Commission). status and payment. Interest- other parties. Clearly, there is a 4 Norris, P. (2001), ‘Breaking the ingly, a post-election report by perceived ‘problem’ in terms of suggests that Barriers: Positive Discrimination Baroness Harris of Richmond suitable women securing seats, Policies for Women’, in J. Klausen highlighted the fact that assist- but the solution is not simply generational and C. S. Maier (eds.) Has Liberalism ance was given to female can- one of quotas, but about a per- shifts are Failed Women? Assuring Equal Rep- didates in providing more foot sonalised approach to support.35 resentation in Europe and the United soldiers, telephone canvassers Further research is now occurring, States (Houndmills: Palgrave), p. 91. and financial assistance,34 and required to examine: (i) the 5 Murray, R. (2007), ‘How Parties it would be interesting to see if extent to which women repre- gender bal- Evaluate Compulsory Quotas: A candidates felt that other forms sentatives ‘cluster’ (at all levels of Study of the Implementation of the of assistance would have been an election); (ii) even if women do ance among ‘Parity’ Law in France’, Parliamen- asset. The Campaign for Gender start out as ‘paper candidates’ it elected tary Affairs, 60 (4): pp. 568–584. Balance aims to be more proac- may be the case that their com- 6 Childs, S., Lovenduski, J. and tive in encouraging all female mitment and motives are altered representa- Campbell, R. (2005), Women at the members to consider standing by experience, and so an exami- Top 2005: Changing numbers, changing for election and by targeting nation of what the term ‘paper tives does politics? (London: Hansard Society), interest at the regional level, but candidate’ actually means is p. 7. also to continue with training worth investigating; (iii) the not appear 7 Russell, M., Mackay F. and McAl- and one-to-one work. ‘route’ along which women to be a likely lister , L. (2002), ‘Women’s Repre- enter politics is worthy of exam- sentation in the Scottish Parliament ination (it has been suggested by short-term and National Assembly for Wales: Conclusion one elected representative that Party Dynamics for Achieving The data present some inter- this is different for men); (iv) do outcome. Critical Mass’, The Journal of Legisla- esting findings, both specific political parties look for differ- tive Studies 8(2): pp. 49–76. to the Liberal Democrats and ent qualities in their candidates 8 Although it is important that the applicable to political parties for different levels of elections? idea of ‘power’ should not be simply more generally. In the short Whilst the party continues equated with ‘success’. Candidates term, the Liberal Democrats to reject WOSL, substantial choose to stand for different elec- still have to deal with self-made changes in the balance of male tions for a range of reasons. claims that the party is ‘women- MPs to female MPs will rely on 9 Russell et al., op. cit., p. 64. friendly’, and in doing so may significant shifts in the party’s 10 Curtice, J. (2007), ‘Elections 2007’, face challenges due to: (i) a fed- internal culture. Whilst some Journal of Liberal History, 56: p. 19. eral structure in which different of the evidence presented here 11 Young and Rao, quoted in Mead- organisations may support or suggests that generational shifts owcroft, J. (2001a), ‘Political oppose specific measures; and are occurring, gender balance Recruitment and Local Represen- (ii) two women-oriented groups among elected representatives tation: the Case of Liberal Demo- which may (or may not) be does not appear to be a likely crat Councillors’, Local Government endorsing common strategies. short-term outcome. Studies, 27:1, pp. 19–36. Yet the respondents did not 12 Meadowcroft, J. (2001b), ‘Commu- present a wholly pessimistic out- Dr Lisa Harrison is Principal Lec- nity Politics, Representation and look of their own role and the turer in Politics at the University of the Limits of Deliberative Democ- opportunities for other women the West of England, Bristol. She racy’, Local Government Studies, 27:3, within the Liberal Democrats. has published a range of academic p. 26. Indeed, they presented a more articles on women’s representation, 13 Meadowcroft, op.cit., 2001a, p. 19. positive outlook than some of and the relationship between gender 14 Borisyuk, G., Rallings, C. and the views expressed within and and citizenship. Thrasher, M. (2007), ‘Women in about other political parties. English local government 1973– Paper candidacy is not uncom- 1 Edwards, J. and Chapman, C. 2003’, Contemporary Politics, 13:2, pp. mon (among both men and (2003), ‘Women’s political represen- 181–199. women) and it is important to tation in the National Assembly for 15 The Electoral Commission, op.cit. distinguish between candi- Wales’, Contemporary Politics, 9(4): p. 16 Bochel, C. and Bochel, H. M. dates genuinely seeking office 404. (2004), ‘Modernisation or Back- and those who stand for elec- 2 Norris, P. and Lovenduski, J. ward Step? Women Councillors and tion clearly hoping not to win. (1995), Political Recruitment: Gender, New Decision-Making Structures

44 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 selecting women candidates: a critical evaluation

in Local Government’, Local in Britain’, European Journal of Liberal Democrat candidates. held numerous party and wider Government Studies, 30:1, p. 38. Marketing, 35: 9/10, p. 973. 29 The response rates were 47 per political positions. The Trust 17 L. Baston (2007), Local Author- 23 Deacon, R. (1998) ‘The Hid- cent in Scotland and 62 per provides support to female Lib- ity Elections in Scotland (The den Federal Party: The Policy cent in Wales and reflected a eral Democrat candidates. Electoral Reform Society, Process of the Welsh Liberal range of age groups. The Welsh 33 Liberal Democrats Conference London). Democrats’, Regional Studies: respondents reflected a ‘newer’ Agenda, F11 Report on the Gen- 18 Webb, op.cit., p. 209. the Journal of the Regional Studies membership, whilst many can- der Balance Task Force. (http:// 19 Russell, A. and Fieldhouse, E. Association, 32:5, p. 476. didates in Scotland had a solid www.libdems.org.uk/confer- (2005) Neither Left nor Right? 24 Meadowcroft, op.cit., 2001a, p. track record in terms of mem- ence/agenda.html?id=575&nav The Liberal Democrats and the 34. bership. The two main reasons Page=conferenceagenda.html: Electorate (Manchester: Man- 25 Lovenduski, J. (2005), Feminiz- were principles (15 mentions) accessed 20/10/05) chester University Press), p. 53. ing Politics (Cambridge: Polity). and belief in proportional rep- 34 Liberal Democrats Conference 20 Perrigo, S. (1996), ‘Women and 26 MacAllister, I., Fieldhouse, E. resentation (4 mentions) in Agenda, F3 Report of the Gen- Change in the Labour Party and Russell, A. (2002) ‘Yellow both countries – no respondent der Balance Task Force), (http:// 1979–1995’, in J. Lovenduski fever? The political geography specifically mentioned oppor- www.libdems.org.uk/confer- and P. Norris (eds.) Women in of Liberal voting in Great Brit- tunities for women as a reason. ence/agenda.html?id=483&nav Politics (Oxford: Oxford Uni- ain’, Political Geography, 21, pp. 30 Edwards and Chapman, 2003, Page=conferenceagenda.html: versity Press), p. 125. 421–447. op.cit., p. 398. accessed 21/12/05). 21 Russell et al., 2002, op.cit., p. 27 Russell et al., 2002, op.cit., p. 31 Personal interview, 4 Novem- 35 Echoed in personal interview, 63. 63. ber 2003. 4 November 2003. 22 Hayes, B.C. and McAllister, I. 28 The data from the 2001 Brit- 32 Seear had been an unsuccess- (2001), ‘Women, electoral vola- ish Representation Study ful Westminster candidate tility and political outcomes relates specifically to 71 women between 1950 and 1970 and

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65). Knowledge of the whereabouts The Lib-Lab Pact. The period of political co-operation which took of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, autograph collections, place in Britain between 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a complete edition of University. Jonny Kirkup, 29 Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 his letters. (For further details of the Cobden Letters Project, please see 3EY; [email protected]. www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an ‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004. understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew Liberal Unionists. A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete Francis; [email protected]. political entity. Help with identifying party records before 1903 The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002. PhD thesis. particularly welcome. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 Birmingham; [email protected]. 10 09 72 46; [email protected]. The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper . Strutt was Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew Gardner, 17 Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and Nottingham; in Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; [email protected]. 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a friend of Jeremy Bentham The Liberal Party in the West Midlands from December 1916 to and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office the 1923 general election. Focusing on the fortunes of the party in as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Commissioner of Railways. Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore Any information, location of papers or references welcome. Brian Smith; the effects of the party split at local level. Also looking to uncover the [email protected]. steps towards temporary reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; neil.fisher81@ntlworld. com.

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 45 Women have always fought for a political voice, and many continue to do so today. But for those women living during the late 1880s their inability to be heard convinced From WLF to WLD one group of Liberal women that they Liberal Women’s Grassroots Campaigning should shout together – and loud. The Women’s Liberal Federation (WLF) was founded in 1886 by a group of women determined to campaign for and achieve ‘women’s emancipation’, university education for women, married women’s property rights and the protection of women and children’.1 The women established a group within the Liberal Party to campaign for the rights of women and the acknowledgment of women’s growing desire to be more than ‘second-class citizens’.2 Hollie Voyce examines the history of the WLF and its modern counterpart, the WLD.

46 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 From WLF to WLD Liberal Women’s Grassroots Campaigning

he WLF were not across the country. The Wom- Liberal groups put forward intimidated by the en’s Liberal Associations were motions at their Annual Meet- opinions of male the real heroes – or heroines – of ings in support of women’s suf- members and MPs the grassroots Liberal women’s frage and that these remained and campaigned on campaign. For fifteen years, subsequently ignored by Liberal Tissues which mattered to them between 1894 and 1915, the leaders; such frustration also as women, and to women across Countess of Carlisle was presi- led to the establishment of the the United Kingdom. Records dent of the WLF, and succeeded ‘Liberal Men’s National Asso- show that the organisation often in expanding the organisation ciation for Women’s Suffrage disagreed with the Liberal Party3 enormously; she is described by (Northern Division)’ by Wil- as a whole, for example on the David Morgan in his book Suf- liam Barton, MP for Oldham. campaign against legalised fragists and Liberals: the Politics His intention was to create a prostitution.4 Despite friction of Woman Suffrage in Britain, as national network of these asso- between the Women’s Liberal being ‘responsible for making ciations, much like the WLF, Federation and the party, how- the Women’s Liberal Federation but the outbreak of war in 1914 ever, it is clear that the WLF a power on Suffrage.’6 Despite hampered progress.9 received a great deal of support the enthusiasm and drive of the By 1912, the WLF patience’s from men,5 and it has remained Countess of Carlisle in trying with the Liberal leadership had true that the women’s Liberal to persuade the Liberal MPs of been exhausted, and on 4 June organisation has often found the need for suffrage, the parlia- the Federation passed three support with male members, mentary party remained split for resolutions. The first noted regardless of how they are many years; and when in 1910 the Prime Minister’s pledge viewed by the party execu- the Liberal Government lost that he would not propose any tive. In 1892 the Women’s Lib- its overall majority it became Reform Bill which could not eral Federation adopted their clear that any campaign for suf- be amended to allow women’s most famous policy, ‘Votes for frage would require cross-party suffrage; the second expressed Women’, in opposition to the support.7 gratitude to the Labour Party for wishes of William Gladstone Many of the women who its support of the campaign for and the Liberal Party execu- were frustrated by the Lib- women’s suffrage; and the third tive. It was felt that the impor- eral approach to suffrage and threatened to end the relation- tance of women’s rights and the the opposition posed by Glad- ship between the WLF and the demand for the suffrage negated stone and other leaders even- Liberal Party if a Reform Bill any opposition the women faced tually decided to join the passed without the inclusion of from inside the party. Labour Party; the Pankhursts, women’s suffrage.10 The Women’s Liberal Federa- for example, joined the Inde- Interestingly, the Social tion was the national campaign pendent Labour Party during Democratic Federation at the for Liberal women looking for the 1890s, where they became time were not principally in empowerment and equal rights, central to the campaign for suf- favour of women’s suffrage and they used the power of local frage.8 Constance Rover notes either; they believed that women and community organisation to in her book, Women’s Suffrage should be dedicated to the prin- enthuse and maintain momen- and Party Politics in Britain, 1866– Liberal election ciples of socialism and feared tum, and to campaign actively 1914, that across the country poster, 1929 that by granting women the vote

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 47 from wlf to wld: liberal women’s grassroots campaigning they might use it unwisely. In Women’s Liberal Federation as for women’s rights. It also meant 1905 Robert Blatchford wrote a way in which to motivate and that the organisation did not in the foreword to Some Words to connect women from all over become Westminster-centric or Socialist Women: the country, using the local to exclusive to those in a particu- form a national movement. lar geographical area, something Votes are only valuable in According to a guide published which became inevitable fol- politics as guns are valuable in by the WLF during the 1970s, lowing the decline of member- war. If women use their votes each WLA paid the Federation ship and the disappearance of against Socialism they will an annual subscription in Janu- local and regional branches. be using their guns against ary each year of £2 minimum WLAs were initially set up their own emancipation; only for affiliation of up to 50 mem- as a more practical and conven- through Socialism can woman bers; for each member after this ient alternative to constituency win her place by men’s side.11 an additional 3d was paid.14 This involvement for women, as it subscription entitled the WLA was thought that local constitu- And so it seems that women to monthly literature from the encies did not ‘meet the politi- from across the political spec- WLF headquarters in Lon- cal needs of all women’, with trum found difficulty with their don, advice and support from ‘constituency meetings usu- party’s view of suffrage. Even the WLF, representation by the ally held in the evenings’ when the Labour Party had initial WLF to the Council of the Lib- many women, especially those problems with male members eral Party Organisation (upon with children, were unable to ‘hostile from the selfish dis- which fifteen representatives attend.18 This is still an issue like of sharing with women the of the WLF sat), representation for many women who wish to privileges they had won them- to the Liberal Party Execu- be involved politically today, selves.’12 For Liberal women the tive, and submission to the Lib- especially for those in full-time problem became increasingly eral Parliamentary Party, when employment and those with difficult in the 1910s, yet mem- appropriate.15 The role of the children. bership of the Women’s Liberal WLA, as explained by the leaf- Each WLA had specific Federation grew steadily during let produced by the Women’s responsibilities set by the WLF: the campaign for the suffrage. Liberal Federation, was clear to hold regular meetings – at The campaign for women’s and fixed, with responsibilities least once a month – to organ- rights, and most notably wom- divided between campaigning ise discussions featuring out- en’s suffrage, attracted many for women’s rights and encour- side speakers, with suggested Liberal women to the WLF. In aging women’s involvement topics such as ‘opportunities in 1887 the Women’s Liberation in constituency activities. The education, the National Health Federation comprised fifteen WLF worked in much the same Service (in general), Hospitals individual branches, and nearly way as the National League of – pre-natal and post-natal care, 6,000 members.13 Under the Young Liberals, each within a children in care, and women presidency of the Countess of distinct hierarchy of power and and the law’19 – all subjects Carlisle membership increased regionalism. Women’s which are still relevant today, dramatically to more than 1,600 The WLF was supported and which the Women Liberal local groups – Women’s Liberal by the Women’s Area Federa- Liberal Asso- Democrats still discuss and raise Associations (WLAs) – and tens tions, which acted as regional within the Liberal Democrats. of thousands of individual mem- headquarters for the more local ciations were The Women’s Liberal Asso- bers. The local organisations WLAs (see Figure 1). Each the bedrock ciations sought to engage local and communities formed by the Women’s Area Federation acted women in politics and to invite WLA were arguably the most as the ‘middle link’ between of the WLF them to learn about and debate successful and active aspect of the local, constituency branch political issues with confidence, the campaign for women’s rights of the WLA and the national and existed with the WLA insisting that within the Liberal Party, both headquarters of the WLF. The women with ‘knowledge of in terms of their accessibility to Women’s Liberal Federation as grassroots local and national affairs should women all over the country, but specified the role of the Wom- factions for be encouraged to come forward also in their contribution to the en’s Area Federation as uniting as Liberal candidates’.20 Again party and their attractiveness to local WLAs, arranging local women’s this is something which women women voters. conferences and helping to form within the Liberal Demo- Women’s Liberal Associations new WLA branches.17 The strict campaign- crats are still seeking to do: the were the bedrock of the WLF hierarchical structure of the establishment of the Gender and existed as grassroots fac- women’s organisation meant ing within a Balance Task Force – later the tions for women’s campaigning that women throughout the much larger Campaign for Gender Balance within a much larger organisa- party felt they were contribut- (CGB) – in 2001 sought to sup- tion. WLAs were used by the ing in some way to the campaign organisation. port and mentor women keen

48 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 from wlf to wld: liberal women’s grassroots campaigning

to stand as prospective parlia- Figure 1: the right to stand anywhere, still exists today, with the WLD mentary candidates (PPCs) in organisational and to become mayors.21 executive (of no more than opposition to all-women short- chart from twelve) being elected by the lists and other forms of positive ‘Organisation for As well as encouraging women organisation’s membership. discrimination. Women’s Liberal to stand for public positions, As Figure 1 shows, the execu- The WLAs were the original Associations’ members of the WLA were also tive of the Women’s Liberal Fed- (undated, 1970s) GBTF; they encouraged women encouraged to become active eration was directly elected from to become organised in political within their WLA branch, the overall membership, but was campaigning and helped them whether as a representative usually made up of nominees to gain skills and knowledge on the executive, a volunteer from each Women’s Area Fed- in public speaking and policy organiser or a cake-baker for eration.23 The Women Liberal areas. The 1907 Qualification WLA garden parties. The guide Democrats today do not ben- of Women Act gave women to the organisation and func- efit from the local and regional the right to be elected to local tions of the WLA written by groups that the WLF relied upon Borough and County Coun- Joan De Robeck (circa 1950) and have far fewer members in cils; many of the women who states clearly that ‘it should be comparison to the WLF’s hey- campaigned for women’s rights made clear to members that they day in the early 1900s, yet the were not only members of Lib- are expected to be active and appeal of local connections and eral women’s organisations but jobs should be allocated’.22 This networks for women is still as also of an umbrella organisation, expectancy probably reflects the strong as ever. In their 2008 the Women’s Local Government societal status of women at the funding bid to the party, WLD Society, which had sought the time as much as the importance proposed to re-establish the local formalisation of women’s rights placed on women’s campaigns. and regional networks of the to be elected locally. According During the 1950s women’s lives WLAs, and now have regional to the Society’s website: were certainly far different from contacts in thirteen areas across those today; it was expected that the United Kingdom. Although women had been most women would have time As well as a focus on wom- able to be elected to various ad- to be directly involved with en’s issues and political engage- hoc boards since the 1870s, and their local branch, with twelve ment in women’s concerns, could be members on the new members being sought to cre- it was important to the WLF urban and rural district coun- ate the organisation’s executive that a successful relationship cils from 1894, 1907 gave them committee. This convention between the WLA and the local

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 49 from wlf to wld: liberal women’s grassroots campaigning constituency was established. After achiev- still campaign and an argument example the WLF called for a In the guide for WLAs written which has been proved to work removal of purchase tax on qual- by Joan De Robeck, she notes ing women’s in other elections, such as those ity goods as it was felt that the that ‘there should be close and suffrage, the for the Welsh Assembly and tax system at the time encour- complete cooperation with the European Parliament. aged the consumer to buy Liberal Association … it is both political rep- One activity in which the ‘shoddy goods’.27 foolish and wasteful to carry Liberal women’s organisation A 1949 WLF Committee on a vendetta’,24 which suggests resentation has always been involved is Report, The Great Partnership, that tension between the WLAs attracting female voters; during saw the organisation examine and local parties had been a of women elections WLF and WLD pub- in greater detail the conflict problem in some areas. A good became lished manifestos for women, between the roles of women relationship between the WLA detailing those party policies as individuals and as obedi- and the local party meant that important to which were most appealing and ent wives. The report aimed to women were more likely to be which had the greatest benefit understand the role that women encouraged to put themselves the Women’s to women. During the 2001 played in the community and forward as potential candi- election, WLD produced mini- to what extent this could be dates, with the full knowledge Liberal manifestos which each candi- expanded to achieve greater par- that they had local support, and Federation. date could hand out to women, ity between the sexes. Again, a good knowledge of the local often outside the school gate or it is clear that the WLF looked area. at the supermarket – sadly, places beyond the needs of women After achieving women’s where women are still mostly within the Liberal Party to what suffrage, the political represen- likely to be found. Liberal women could do to ben- tation of women became impor- The Women’s Liberal Federa- efit the whole community. The tant to the Women’s Liberal tion produced leaflets for WLAs report’s introduction referred Federation. Today this is still to distribute amongst women, to the achievements of indi- proving to be a major concern and to help attract female vot- vidual women despite the soci- for both WLD and the CGB, as ers to the Liberal constituency etal climate, and drew attention women remain hugely under- candidate. The Challenge of Citi- to the work of the independent represented, both as MPs and zenship: The choice of the woman Member of Parliament, Eleanor as PPCs selected for winnable voter gave brief summaries of Rathbone, who ‘justified the seats. Before the creation of the the Liberal policies that were enfranchisement of women by CGB, WLD provided a vital most relevant to the female elec- her interest in social problems support for women hoping to be torate of the time. The leaflet and effective influence in their elected to Westminster. A leaflet sought to reconcile the role that solutions’.28 The overall aim of produced by the Women Lib- women played within the home the report was to draw atten- eral Democrats entitled ‘Focus with that which they could tion to the social disadvantages on Women’ in 1991 aimed to play within the political world, that women faced at the time, helped female PPCs understand encouraging them ‘to bring to but also to act as reference guide more about Liberal Democrat the service of the community for women to campaign for policies, and reinforced the view the qualities which they bring to improvements to their situa- that framing the political debate the service of the family’.26 Even tions. The report was subdivided around ‘women’s issues’ did not then the WLF were campaign- into six sections: ‘Women in offer a solution to the inequality ing against government waste, the home’; ‘Women and educa- that women experience in soci- and the unfair distribution of tion’; ‘Women and the Health ety. The leaflet’s foreword was food subsidies and housing ben- Services’; ‘Women at work out- written by Ray Michie, the MP efit to the rich and poor alike. side the home’; ‘Women and for Argyll & Bute at the time; in The WLF sought to persuade the National Insurance Act of it she argued that ‘the tendency women, both within the Liberal 1946’; and ‘The legal position of to confuse women’s politics Party and outside, that their role women’.29 with women in politics’25 only was vital to the success of society A similar document enti- hampered the debate on equal- and their skills, no matter how tled Freedom and Choice for ity and women’s rights, and that domestic, were necessary and Women was later produced by the only way to achieve par- beneficial to achieving a mean- the SDP–Liberal Alliance in ity was to look for equality of ingful understanding of citi- 1986. Both pamphlets exam- opportunity in all policies. Ulti- zenship. Sub-headings such as ined women’s positions in soci- mately however, she argued that ‘Women as producers’, ‘Women ety and the inequalities which electoral reform was the key to in Marriage’ and ‘Women in existed and proposed policies greater representation of women the National Economy’ detailed to improve women’s situations. in politics; again, an issue upon the need for a women’s touch By 1986, the subject of women which the Liberal Democrats in areas of national policy; for within marriage, and relief for

50 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 from wlf to wld: liberal women’s grassroots campaigning the housewife was not featured, existence of a women’s organisa- manifestos for the next general instead being replaced by an tion was written in to the Liberal election, as well as reviving their examination of women’s status Democrat constitution. WLD ‘Women in Target Seats’ cam- in the workplace30 – an obvious acts both as a support network paign, which encourages WLD reference to the changing nature for women and as a campaigning members actively to support of women’s employment rights organisation, with a strong iden- female candidates in some way.34 and the increasing number of tity in attempting to influence Today the role of the Women women choosing not to stay at party policy and opinion. Over Liberal Democrats as a cam- home. recent years WLD has used its paigning organisation for wom- Interestingly, however, the position as an specified associ- en’s rights works in tandem majority of the themes and find- ated organisation of the party with its involvement in party ings from each publication are to submit a number of policy campaigning during election the same. For example, WLF’s motions to the Liberal Democrat times. Looking again at the report considers the supply of conference, on subjects such as foundations upon which the teachers to schools and the need women in prison, sexual health WLF was established, four key to encourage a greater number and rape convictions. Much in changes were sought: women’s of women to return to teaching. the same way that WLF often emancipation, university edu- It finds ‘that women teachers fought against the party execu- cation for women, married have fewer opportunities of pro- tive – and won, in the case of women’s property rights and motion to the highest grades of women’s suffrage – WLD is not the protection of women and the profession’, and that for those afraid to argue for better condi- children.35 One hundred and who do manage to advance their tions for women, both inside twenty years later it is possi- careers, ‘they are paid only 80 and outside the party, despite ble to consider just how much per cent of men’s rates’.31 Almost any opposition. the grassroots campaigning of forty years later the Alliance One of the greatest problems Liberal women has achieved. policy paper noted that ‘there are which women’s organisations Considering women’s eman- still too few women as models have faced throughout history, One of the cipation, it is fair to say that of success for girl pupils. While and despite their political or women are now free to make women make up 77 per cent of social functions, has been the greatest choices based on their own con- teachers … only 43.4 per cent of lack of awareness about how problems victions; women are accepted in head teachers … are women’32, policies affect each gender dif- society as fundamentally equal also noting that ‘women’s aver- ferently. The publications of the which wom- to men, able to live, work and age weekly earnings are less WLF, SDP–Liberal Alliance and be independent. Secondly, uni- than 70 per cent of men’s.’33 This WLD during the 1940s, 1980s en’s organi- versity education for women: single example shows the real and 2000s respectively, all show women are now free to attend lack of progress in pay equal- that political effect in terms of sations university, to study as and when ity and equality of opportunity gender is always an afterthought. have faced they choose and in most sub- for women – both issues which The existence of so many differ- jects are now achieving results the Women Liberal Democrats ent policy papers detailing the throughout above the levels of their male continue to campaign on to this position of women in the com- counterparts. Women, too, day. A comparison between The munity and the need for greater history, and have the same property rights Great Partnership and Freedom action to achieve equality only as men and the same rights to and Choice for Women highlights seeks to underline the necessity despite their their children and to divorce as many more areas in which insuf- for women still to discuss gen- political or men. And finally, the protec- ficient progress has been made der inequality and what more tion of women and children: it since the establishment of the needs to be done. Despite the social func- is this subject which highlights WLF: maternity services, child- creation of the Gender Balance so emphatically the impor- care provision, and women’s Task Force in 2001, the major- tions, has tance of context. Women have pensions, to name but a few. ity of the functions carried out greater rights in today’s society One hundred and twenty years by WLD remain vital to the Lib- been the lack and are undoubtedly protected later, these are still issues which eral Democrats. During election of aware- by law far more than in 1887, affect women and for which real times WLD helps to encourage yet domestic violence is still a solutions are still being sought. women candidates; for exam- ness about dangerous reality for hundreds The Women Liberal Demo- ple, extra fundraising in 2001 of thousands of women in the crats (WLD) was formed fol- helped to provide office sup- how poli- United Kingdom. It is esti- lowing the merger of the SDP plies to female PPCs who des- mated that today one in four and Liberal Party in 1988, aim- perately needed fax machines cies affect women experience some form ing to build upon the work of for their campaigns. The 2008 each gender of domestic violence. This, the women’s organisations in business plan for WLD shows together with low rape convic- both predecessor parties; the its intention to create women’s differently. tion rates and honour killings,

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 51 from wlf to wld: liberal women’s grassroots campaigning all draw attention to the fact Women are and Party Politics in Britain, 1866–1914 23 Women’s Liberal Federation, that women and children are (London: Routledge and Kegan Organisation for Women’s Liberal still second-class citizens today, still under- Paul, 1967), p. 129. Associations, p. 2. only in a different context. represented 9 Ibid., p. 140. 24 Joan De Robeck, op. cit., p. 6. The campaign for equal- 10 Ibid., p. 142. 25 Women Liberal Democrats, Focus ity today obviously focuses on politically, 11 Ibid., p. 160. on Women, 1991. different aspects of the dispar- 12 Ibid., p. 147. 26 Women’s Liberal Federation, The ity between the sexes, and to both in terms 13 Women’s Liberal Federation, Wom- Challenge of Citizenship: The choice of some extent the battles that en’s Liberal Federation Centenary: A the woman voter. WLF fought are no longer rel- of their valued link with our past (Women’s 27 Ibid. evant, but it is equally impor- presence Liberal Federation, 1987). 28 Women’s Liberal Federation, The tant to remember that the debate 14 Women’s Liberal Federation, Great Partnership (London, 1949), p. has not disappeared, it has just in political Organisation for Women’s Liberal 5. moved on. Women are still Associations, p. 5. 29 Ibid., p. 6. under-represented politically, institutions 15 Ibid., p. 6. 30 Liberal–SDP Alliance, Freedom & both in terms of their presence 16 Women’s Liberal Federation, Choice for Women (West Yorkshire, in political institutions such as such as Organisation for Women’s Liberal 1986). Parliament, but perhaps more Parliament, Associations, p. 2. 31 Women’s Liberal Federation, The importantly in the fact that the 17 Ibid., p. 6. Great Partnership, (London, 1949), p. effect that policies and deci- but perhaps 18 Ibid., p. 3. 17. sions have on women is absent 19 Ibid., p. 4. 32 Liberal–SDP Alliance, Freedom & from the discussions. It may well more impor- 20 Ibid., p. 12. Choice for Women (West Yorkshire, be that these changes are both 21 Women’s Local Government 1986), p. 12. the cause and effect, but with- tantly in the Society, http://www.womenin- 33 Ibid., p. 5. out organisations such as the fact that localgovernment.org.uk/index. 34 Women Liberal Democrats Fund- Women Liberal Democrats, and php?action=background ing Bid 2008. the Women’s Liberal Federation the effect 22 Joan De Robeck, Organisation and 35 Women’s Liberal Federation, Past, in its day, women’s voices will Functions of a Women’s Liberal Asso- Present and Future: Membership not be heard, and politics will that policies ciation (London: Women’s Liberal form. only ever be half as pertinent as Federation, circa. 1950) it could be. and deci- sions have Hollie Voyce previously worked for the Women Liberal Democrats on women as their Head of Office, and before that was a Women and Equalities is absent intern for Lorely Burt MP. Hol- lie has had a long-held interest in from the Reviews women and politics and studied how discussions. the European Union affected wom- en’s citizenship in Britain while at Women and Lloyd George university. Ffion Hague,The Pain and the Privilege: the Women in Lloyd 1 Women’s Liberal Federation, Past, Present and Future: Membership George’s Life (Harper Press, 2008) form. Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones 2 Ibid. 3 Barbara Banks, Women’s Liberal Federation Centenary: 100 years of his is a positively bril- cover, certain to keep the reader advancing women – Congratulations liant book: the ultimate enthralled throughout. It reads (Women’s Liberal Federation, Tdefinitive study of Lloyd like a historical novel and yet (as 1987). George’s relationships with is apparent from the bibliogra- 4 David Morgan, Suffragists and Liber- the various women in his life. phy and the endnote references) als: the Politics of Woman Suffrage in Originally a simple biogra- is firmly grounded in a rich Britain (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, phy of Dame Margaret Lloyd array of both primary source 1975), p. 14. George, it soon developed into materials and extremely wide 5 Barbara Banks, op. cit. a full analysis of her husband’s secondary reading. Mrs Hague 6 David Morgan, op. cit., p. 17. relationship with many other always writes in a lively, per- 7 Ibid., p. 16. women. The book is a highly sonal style certain to captivate 8 Constance Rover, Women’s Suffrage compelling read from cover to the reader.

52 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 reviews

The volume is underpinned undoubtedly have unearthed by an immense amount of back- much additional relevant mate- ground reading which enables rial to enrich the story. Also, the author to paint on a very although there are occasional wide canvas throughout the references to material in the text. Perhaps the most outstand- extensive William George ing example of this is the open- archive purchased by the NLW ing section of Chapter 9 (‘Mair’) in 1989, it would seem that this (pp. 161 ff.) where Mrs Hague might have been used more presents a marvellously suc- fully during the course of the cinct pen-portrait of Edwardian research. Britain before proceeding to a The amount of fascinating discussion of the fortunes of the detail packed into the book is Lloyd George family at a cru- awesomely impressive. This cial time, and the sudden death is especially true when Mrs of their adored eldest daughter Hague discusses the complexi- Mair Eluned on 30 November ties of the relationship between 1908. A similar structure is Dame Margaret, usually based adopted at many points in the at Criccieth, and Lloyd George, narrative. compelled by the demands of Mrs Hague’s intimate his political career to spend acquaintance with the primary much of his time at Westminster source materials enables her to and Whitehall (see the percep- flesh out the conventional wis- tive, revealing comments on dom of Lloyd George’s life and p. 118). In this connection (p. relationships and to add impor- 128), she tells us that the wily tant, sometimes revisionist, LG made ‘full use of the pre- detail to the story already avail- vailing silence of the press in able in the published volumes of such matters’, raising the issue rest of her days. Subsequently, correspondence and diaries. For of why the press at that time Maggie had no items of green example, on pages 287–93 she (in such striking contrast to the clothing in her wardrobe, and makes splendid use of Frances newspapers of recent decades) no member of the Lloyd George Stevenson’s full, unpublished felt obliged to play ball in this family was allowed to possess a diary and her correspondence way. Later in the text (p. 225), green car. with Lloyd George to give the the author discusses the large Mrs Hague’s masterly under- full story of her brief engage- number of extra-marital rela- standing of the complexities of ment to Captain Billy Owen in tionships among prominent twentieth century British and 1915 – a previously untold story politicians in the early twentieth Welsh politics is breathtaking. and unknown to many. century, commenting: ‘To the This is especially apparent when Throughout the book the modern reader, the wonder is she deals with such involved author has made good use of not that so many distinguished issues as the detail of Lloyd the extensive Lloyd George men behaved in this way, but George’s famous ‘People’s Bud- archives at the National Library that they were not exposed and get’ of 1909 and the Marconi of Wales (NLW) and both the disgraced. The reasons for this affair a few years later. She also Lloyd George and the Frances went beyond social convention writes sensitively and tactfully Stevenson Papers at the Parlia- and the sanctity of the institu- about such complicated issues as mentary Archive at the House tion of marriage, important Jennifer Longford’s paternity, of Lords. In the case of the though those factors were. the alleged relationship between letters from Lloyd George to Those in the public eye could Lloyd George and his daughter- Dame Margaret, however, she also rely on the complicity in-law Roberta (the first wife does tend to rely overmuch on of the media.’ One wonders of his eldest son Dick), the affair the published correspondence so why this was so, and what has between Frances Stevenson readily available in Kenneth O. changed since. and Colonel T. F. Tweed (LG’s Morgan, Lloyd George: Family We are even told (p. 186) chief-of-staff at Liberal Party Letters, 1885–1936 (Oxford Uni- that, in the most painful after- headquarters), and the long rela- versity Press and University of math of Mair Eluned’s death, tionship between Megan Lloyd Wales Press, 1973). Quarrying her mother took against the George and her lover Philip through the original manuscript colour green (her deceased Noel-Baker. In each case she letters and Lloyd George’s early daughter’s favourite colour), an presents the available evidence diaries in greater depth would aversion which persisted for the (carefully culled from various

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 53 reviews sources) fairly and squarely and The Story of Lloyd George and choice to the kitchen sink at presents eminently sensible and Frances Stevenson (Jonathan Brynawelon, Criccieth has been scrupulously fair assessments. Cape, 2006) to which it is an dispelled once and for all. Might The reader is allowed to come admirable companion volume. one suggest that a full biogra- to his own conclusions. One hopes that Mrs Hague will phy of this remarkable lady (for The accuracy of the factual now continue her pioneering which the sources certainly material is very high indeed. researches. With the publication exist) might now be a most But the premature death from of the present volume (together worthy second project for this cancer of Lloyd George’s only with some other publications), talented researcher and author? sister Mrs Mary Ellen Davies in one feels that Dame Margaret 1909 is rather glossed over (p. Lloyd George has been given Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior 187) without a full exegesis of the recognition and prominence Archivist and Head of the Welsh the nature of the relationship she genuinely deserves. The Political Archive at the National between brother and elder sister, traditional image of the dumpy, Library of Wales, Aberystwyth although the source materials dowdy Welsh woman tied by do exist. LG’s prostate operation actually took place in August 1931, not 1932 (p. 253). There are occasional references to a ‘Welsh Liberal Party’ (see, for Women and Gladstone example, p. 541), but such an entity did not exist officially Anne Isba, Gladstone and Women (Hambledon Continuum, until March 1967, by which 2006) time Lady Megan Lloyd George was in her grave. Reviewed by Gillian Sutherland The volume has a large number of highly evocative t is difficult to be certain as reached adulthood, he had no photographs, some fresh and With the to the audience for whom idea how to behave naturally never published before, some Ithis book is intended. It is set towards young women of his familiar, well-worn and pub- publication up as a series of linked essays, own class and age and narrowly lished many times previously. A each dealing with a stage in escaped several unfortunate striking, highly contemporary of the pres- Gladstone’s relationships with and ill-assorted alliances. It was note is struck with the inclu- a woman or group of women. sheer good fortune that brought sion of a photograph of the ent volume With footnotes all at the end, him into extended contact with statue of Lloyd George in Par- perhaps it is meant to appeal to Catherine Glynne in Italy and liament Square unveiled only (together that mythical beast, the general led to an exceptionally strong last autumn – a bridge between with some reader. Yet the readers who will and happy marriage. In this ver- the past and the present. There get most out of it are social and sion of Amours de Voyage, Claude is a helpful bibliography of other pub- political historians. They will and Mary Trevellyn did get source materials and useful (if have the background to supply married. somewhat selective) endnote lications), the full resonances to the stories The whole family’s treatment references. (There are some that are told and can use them as of Gladstone’s sister Helen, who occasions where the curious one feels case studies to illuminate larger took to opium and the Roman reader is left craving to know that Dame themes. (Although it should be Catholic Church, is a shabby the source of the informa- added that all audiences would episode. Undoubtedly she was tion presented.) The index is Margaret have benefited from more care- difficult, starved of affection and extremely detailed, and in many ful proofreading of the text.) resorted to self-dramatisation instances Mrs Hague provides Lloyd George The account of Gladstone’s to compensate. At least part of her readership with most helpful childhood and education shows the problem was that she had pieces of additional (or paral- has been the often crippling effects on energies and a mind which were lel) information in asterisked given the young men of the middle and woefully under-used; and a footnotes. These are a great asset upper classes in early nine- less affluent family might have to readers less familiar with the recognition teenth century England of a found relief for themselves and complex, often frenzied, course largely homosocial world. In for her in encouraging her to of events in Lloyd George’s per- and promi- Gladstone’s case these were make an economic contribu- sonal and political life. dramatised and enhanced by tion to the household through This book deserves to be nence she the chronic ill health of his teaching or nursing. Her most read alongside John Camp- genuinely mother and elder sister and their tranquil and effective period bell’s equally informative and powerful Evangelical beliefs. was when she cared for her fail- revealing If Love Were All … deserves. The result was that when he ing father. Otherwise, she was

54 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 reviews simply expected to be – an For the political histo- example of how crippling rian the meat in this book the Victorian doctrine of is the discussion of Glad- separate spheres could be stone’s relationship with for middle and upper-class Queen Victoria. It shows women. just how wayward and dif- That part of the book ficult a monarch she was which might be thought to and how far she attempted pull in the ‘general reader’ is to push the royal preroga- the chapter, ‘Fallen Women’, tive, for example trying but on Gladstone’s efforts to consistently failing to make rescue prostitutes. Paradoxi- Gladstone give the Prince of cally this is one of the less Wales a minor government effective chapters. Since the post. Comparison of Victo- publication of his Diaries ria’s treatment of Gladstone we have known that Glad- after 1880 with that before stone engaged in this; and 1874 also makes it clear how that, finding some part of it outrageously Disraeli flat- sexually exciting, would on tered her. Plainly this made occasion scourge himself. it easier for him to manage What is desperately needed his sovereign. But did he is context. We need to know also realise how difficult far more about rescue work he would make life for the engaged in by other men of premiers who followed him? his age and class, and with Perhaps he did – and didn’t comparable religious beliefs. care. The proliferation of refuges The reader already well for fallen women suggests versed in the history of that Gladstone wasn’t wholly nineteenth-century England alone in his concern. What will find the material for we need to know was not some interesting case stud- that he engaged in rescue ies in this book. The lack work but to what extent he of such a background may Studies in History, Newnham is among those teaching a final- was exceptional in roam- make the going harder for College, Cambridge. Her most year paper called ‘The Politics ing the streets personally, in anyone else. recent book is Faith, Duty and of Gender: Great Britain and testing his faith, his moral the Power of Mind: The Ireland 1790–1990’. sense and self-control in Dr Gillian Sutherland is Fel- Cloughs and their Circle these ways. low, Lecturer and Director of 1820–1960 (CUP 2006). She

John Stuart Mill: Liberal Father of Feminism (concluded from p. 15)

1 John Stuart Mill, The Subjec- 1866–1914 (London: Routledge, Party Politics in Britain, 1866– Autobiography (Boston and New tion of Women (London: Long- 1967), p. 119. 1914 (London: Routledge, York: Houghton, Mifflin & mans, 1869). Collected Works of 3 Autobiography, CW I, p. 107. 1967), p. 120. Co., 2 vols, 1904), vol. 2, p. 165. John Stuart Mill, University of 4 Parl. Deb. 4 S. vol 3, c.1513 8 Parl. Deb. 4 S. vol. 3, c.1513 16 Millicent Fawcett in H. R. Fox Toronto Press, 33 vols., Vol. quoted in Rover p.123. quoted in Rover p. 123. Bourne, John Stuart Mill: Notices XXI, p. 261. Hereafter all ref- 5 ‘The Admission of Women to 9 Subjection, CW, XXI, p. 276. of his Life and Works, London: erences to the Collected Works the Electoral Franchise’, CW, 10 Representative Government. CW, Dallow, 1873, pp. 60–61. will appear as CW. XXVIII, pp. 158–9. XIX p. 479. 17 Letter to Charles Dilke, 28 2 Female Suffrage. A letter from the 6 Ibid., p. 157. 11 Subjection, CW, XXI, p. 323. May 1870, CW, XVII p. 1728. Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., 7 Female Suffrage. A letter from the 12 Ibid. p. 323 18 Letter to Charles Kingsley, 9 to Samuel Smith, M.P. Pamphlet Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., 13 Ibid, p. 325. July 1870, CW, XVII, p. 1744. (pub. John Murray, London, to Samuel Smith, M.P. Pamphlet 14 Jose Harris, Private Lives, Public 19 Letter to George Croom Rob- 1892). Quoted in Constance (pub. John Murray, London, Spirit: Britain 1870-1914. Lon- ertson, 5 November 1872, Rover, Women’s Suf frage 1892). Quoted in Constance don: Penguin, 1993, p. 28. Charles Kingsley, 9 July 1870, and Party Politics in Britain, Rover, Women’s Suffrage and 15 M o n c u r e C o n w a y , CW, XVII p. 1917.

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 55 SDP activist Celia Goodhart remembers her role, and that of SDP and Liberal women, in the merger between the two parties in 1987–88. women in alliance politics, a personal view – The Role of Women in merger

ooking back at the time off with his band of followers, remarkably well. Elections have of merger, and the lengthy imagining that he could recre- started to be successful and rep- Lprocesses of bringing ate an SDP. He had always been resentation in Parliament has the SDP and Liberal parties a General who failed to look increased encouragingly. Even together is rather painful. The behind him or take notice of the the running of HQ and party two Alliance parties had their needs and wishes of his troops; committees has improved – per- strengths as well as their weak- he may not have noticed how haps the major contribution of nesses, but the latter tended to few were his followers as 1988 Sir Menzies Campbell to the predominate in the drawing dawned. But he did enjoy the party. In early 1988 it would towards unity. In the summer of financial patronage of another have been a brave sage who pre- 1987 emotions ran high, change David – Sainsbury. Meanwhile dicted all of this. The processes was challenging, decisions had David Steel struggled to lead his of merger produced a dispirited to be taken and friendships troops – what seemed to some unity. The ‘Dead Parrot’ episode severed. All this happened in in the SDP as a remarkably dis- at the end of the negotiations, the immediate aftermath of parate lot with more than a fair the row over the merged party’s an exhausting and dispiriting share of stubborn and unworldly name and other problems took general election. David Steel moralists unable or unwilling the party to its nadir in the Euro- made a strong and immediate to face political and practical pean election of 1989 when it plea for merger. This triggered reality. Distrust seemed mutual, obtained 6 per cent of the vote the need for many decisions and was scarcely the easiest of and came fourth behind the to be taken before anyone had circumstances in which to seek Greens. had time to recover. Exhaus- marriage, as opposed to divorce. But is it possible to view tion never makes the best back- But perhaps looking back car- the merger months with any ground for momentous change ries one important advantage – it sort of historical perspective? – yet pressure on both sides was underlines the amazing fact that My tutors at Oxford in the building up to insist on clarity the intervening twenty years late 1950s regarded the study about the future. David Owen have transformed the Liberal of anything that had hap- drove the SDP into votes in Democrats. Troubles over lead- pened after 1914 as exercises the National Committee on ership, recently, have not been in journalism; forty years was whether or not to have a bal- engaging, but the way the party too recent for the disinterested lot. David Steel was smarting works seems to have drawn out judgements of historians to be under the humiliations of the the strengths of each former applicable. With an interval of television parodies of his being party. Conference is amicable, only 20 years, I shall not try David Owen’s puppet. As sum- well organised and used to tak- to claim historical perspective mer gave way through autumn ing decisions. Policy-making and have not carried out proper to winter David Owen marched combines local and central views historical research. The SDP

56 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the role of women in merger may well be the best-archived House of Commons and watch half the MPs to be women. This party ever invented, but I have the grey-suited rows of men; organisation was very influen- not dug into the stored papers she pointed out that it would be tial among a number of women of those years. I can only aspire difficult to be more mediocre from all parties who later went to a journalistic collection of than many of them. The way on to participate at the highest memories, and confess to a sad in which the SDP constitu- levels in politics, in both the lack of memory and even preju- tion gave women a chance was Commons and the Lords, as dice. Moreover, I played no remarkable. All parliamentary well as elsewhere. It was well role whatsoever in the merger shortlists of six had to include supported and gave improved itself. In convalescence from at least two women. This was credence to the Liberals and the major surgery, I was isolated a clever enabling mechanism Alliance and might indeed have from the political world. When that fell short of the ‘positive helped to contribute to bring he returned home exhausted, discrimination’ so dreaded by the two parties together. frequently in the middle of the many leading Liberals, as voiced Women for Social Democ- night, the last thing my hus- at the time of merger. Often it racy was a lively progressive band, the SDP Legal Adviser, turned out that women were outfit much influenced by its wanted to do was to talk about chosen by constituency par- Guardian women mentors, to merger or any of its protagonists ties, so the party fielded far whom it owed much. It focused – though exasperated comments more women candidates than very much on trying to ensure about individuals did, it has to any other. These arrangements that women were at the cen- be admitted, pour out of that were not feared by the SDP, tre of the new party, at every normally ungossipy mouth. who also reserved seats on party level, and especially focused on Is it possible to make any committees for women. There redressing the dearth of women judgement about the role of were two lists for committees at the top in politics. It was very women in this crucial six – one for women, one for men, political in its aims, and given months? It is my conten- so there was no ‘bumping’ of that the SDP was new, there tion that, asked to make such one candidate over another to seemed to be many opportuni- an assessment about how far achieve gender balance after ties to do things differently. The women influenced any period election. And the competition Women’s Liberal Federation of the strategic development of for each list was very fierce. seemed to some in the SDP’s either the Liberal Party or the This had not proved an easy ride women’s organisation to be SDP, one would conclude that for a few women – women did almost antediluvian in compari- the effect was not great; it was not walk into these commit- son, appearing mired in local minimal. Both parties were tees while men had to fight for politics, social, tea and bazaar dominated by men unused to places, a criticism that was later activities. They certainly served working with women. It was an made of such lists. an important social and, to era when even having a female The effect on The effect on Conservative some extent, political function, Prime Minister did not mate- and Labour of the first arrange- but their aims seemed quite dif- rially change the position of Conservative ments in British politics to ferent. Their membership also women in politics. And yet … encourage and even to ensure seemed to be older, and many of There were intimations of and Labour the participation of women their members were not them- progress. Issues could be raised (something that was already selves seemingly concerned that would have been unthink- of the first established in some continental about seeking to represent the able in bygone times. Women arrange- parties) was electric – they sat party at national level. WSD, were beginning to dare to par- up and took notice and began by contrast, had many younger ticipate. After all, one of the ments in to change their ways, Labour women who did have such aims. Gang of Four who sought to far more effectively than the WLF had experienced many break the mould of British poli- British Conservatives. But within the years of being sidelined, as tics in the early ’80s was Shirley Liberal Party there was suspi- also were many women in the Williams. Margaret Thatcher politics to cion about what the SDP was Liberal Party, up against very had broken the sound barrier. encourage doing in this regard, with the strong prejudices within their How far were these individual majority coming down against own party. The vitriolic reac- exceptional women carrying and even to these measures, to the chagrin tion of some within her own ordinary women in their wake? of some leading women and party to Lesley Abdela’s efforts The SDP won plaudits here; the ensure the indeed some men within the on behalf of women would influentialGuardian women’s party. One leading woman no doubt have reinforced the page was well represented by participation who failed to prevail within her perception to many women in Polly Toynbee and Mary Stott. of women own party was Lesley Abdela, the party that this was simply The former encouraged us all founder of the 300 Group, an not a route they wished to go to go into the Chamber of the was electric. all-party campaign for getting down, or that there were more

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 57 the role of women in merger productive routes through. We did the intensified. Within days of the the women as well as the men There can be no denying that election we were back round involved. Shirley Williams, as so opposition by women to what practicali- the National Committee table often, went all over the country, was proposed by the SDP for ties while taking votes on whether or not and others of us who supported the new party had the effect of to hold a ballot on the issue. merger spoke up in favour at undermining those attempts. It they did the David Owen would not listen meetings country-wide. The was said by some men on both to protestations that we needed result of the ballot, in favour of sides in the negotiations that politics. the summer to recover, relax, merger, was announced while special provision for women was discuss together and consult. we were on holiday in Greece. not what women themselves He won, and we rushed into Bill and Silvia Rodgers were wanted – they did not need it, it the ballot. The women on the staying with us and Bill had an was patronising, innate worth National Committee who sup- awful time with the lack of tel- would win through. They ported the idea of merger were ephones on our island. He and said that they themselves had Shirley Williams, Anne Sofer, I spent many hours in queues achieved what they had with- Julia Neuberger and I. There and then dialling to no effect out such mechanisms, that they were also Polly Toynbee and in the one telephone box in the realised that they might well be Sue Slipman – always adherents locality. Since Roy Jenkins was shunned and sidelined by some to the David Owen point of in Tuscany, Shirley Williams in of their other colleagues if they view. They had quite a follow- Wyoming and Bob Maclennan were seen as stridently calling ing amongst the women in the in Turkey, life was not easy. for such a provision – and so on. party. When the merger talks Relations between WLF and I was excited to be told I began hopes were high, as is WSD were wary, but all sorts of would run the ‘Yes to Unity’ made plain by Tony (now Lord) warmth existed too. Laura Gri- campaign with Roger Liddle, Greaves in his book Merger – mond was a magnetic and charis- and offered to have the HQ in The Inside Story, written with matic force for good in bringing our Notting Hill house. How- Rachael Pitchford. If anybody us together. Joint meetings were ever, without further ado I found tried to doubt that women were held and mutual trust and friend- Alec McGivan installed in our marginalised in the Liberal ships were built up – even if the spare bedroom doing so. I was Party you only had to look at reverse was also true. An element left (as so often happened to the team of eighteen people of respect crept across the gaps women!) doing chores, getting they fielded for the merger – who could not fail to revere unearned blame and fielding talks. It contained one female, Nancy Seear? We admired the hate calls in the middle of the a 22-year-old student, Rachael doughty but hopeless parlia- night. Our kitchen and play- Pitchford, who was there rep- mentary candidacies of some room were filled with people resenting students. There was of the Liberal women. I think a – mostly women – stuffing enve- not a single woman represent- number of them supported our lopes that had been addressed ing WLF, or Liberal women in recognition of the need for props by further cohorts of them on general. The talks would have and stays on our political jour- our dining room table that sat been graced by the presence neys. Those who emerged on sixteen. I can see Liz Lynne and of, say, Elizabeth Sidney, Susan both sides to favour unity were Dee Doocey doing these things, Thomas, Liz Barker or Joyce surely bolstered by the friend- along with countless Kensington Rose. For the SDP, Shirley ships and cooperation. Those and London women. It was dif- participated (under the leader- who took to opposing it were ficult to get at the kettle to make ship of Bob Maclennan), and equally swayed by the diver- the tea. The worst time was so too did Anne Sofer, Lindsay gences and suspicions. All in all, when my husband was due in the Granshaw, Jane Padgett and the two parties’ women’s groups Court of Appeal and we couldn’t Frances David from Wales. I could hardly be said to have had get at the cupboard to extract the was originally told I would a great role in bringing the par- cornflakes because of boxes of be on the team, but then Bill ties together. But individuals paper. Rodgers said they needed my on both sides did work together Clearly all this female work husband lawyer Willie (who to ensure some provision for contributed a bit to the coming drafted the SDP constitution as women, as I explain later. together – but in the old-fash- we had our summer holiday on It became abundantly clear ioned way of the women get- Martha’s Vineyard in 1982) and during the 1987 election that ting things done while the men ‘we can’t have two Goodharts the Alliance between the two talked, influenced and decided. on the team’. Instead of fighting parties did not work adequately, We did the practicalities while this, as I should have, I went off if only because it gave opportu- they did the politics. However, in high dudgeon to have a major nity to the media to play up its meetings were held around the operation long delayed by poli- weaknesses. So talk of merger country and were addressed by tics. I am delighted there is now

58 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 the role of women in merger a married couple (albeit with Assembly, the SDP wanted relationships were established different names – point worth a small one. There was which have continued to this stressing) in the Cabinet! a good compromise in day. One such committee was So information on the establishing ‘non-voting chaired by Julia Neuberger. merger now comes largely from representatives’ having clear So, too, it is interesting to note Tony Greaves’s book which – as rights to attend. that there were times when the per C. P. Scott – is sound on the 6 Whether or not to provide women on the SDP obviously facts but prejudiced. Certainly positive discrimination for acted as soothers of frayed tem- it had its own particular view- women. pers. Shirley Williams’ honeyed point, of one side of the argu- Discussion was obviously words and fabled tongue were ment – that of dissenting voices needed to sort these matters obviously a force for good. Lind- on the Liberal side. To scrutinise out but the debates were nota- say Granshaw and Anne Sofer that book gives one some clear bly protracted and agonising. were very helpful too. impressions. Rachael Pitchford What is fascinating is how Tony A sub-committee was set and the three men elected by Greaves sets out with clarity up to deal with the deeply the Liberal Assembly who in the the way in which Liberals like contentious issues surround- end resigned (Greaves, Mead- Adrian Slade, Tim Clement- ing whether or not to have any owcroft and Knowlson) were Jones and even David Steel him- elements of positive discrimi- holding on to what they saw as self argued vociferously against nation included in the agree- indispensable from the Liberal their own difficult team mem- ments. The Liberal team was tradition. bers. And it seems extraordinary very keen to argue that places The issues that were most that the opposition within the should be reserved on com- fought over are well covered in Liberal negotiating team held mittees for councillors and for the book. They were sway to such an extent. I men- the young – but they did not 1 What the name should be. tion this because this group also see that this in any way logi- On this I think the SDP argued very strongly indeed cally might also be extended to were, in the end, wrong. against positive discrimination women. Rachael Pitchford was We should have been Lib- for women, and because they particularly adamant on this eral Democrats right away. were attacking across a whole point. The arguments about 2 Whether or not NATO series of areas, this made the women centred round the Lib- should be mentioned in the situation even more difficult. eral concern that help mecha- preamble to the constitu- Perhaps in order to try to bring The Liberal nisms could be interpreted as tion and what should be said them along in other areas, this demeaning women by putting in our accompanying policy was not something for which team was them into reserved places. This document. There were other members of their team felt issue was pretty crucial in the good historical reasons for willing to die in a ditch. On the very keen to whole negotiation. Shirley Wil- the two parties’ divergent other hand, the shadow over the argue that liams said early on that it was views on NATO. It was SDP negotiations was always important to the SDP. The sub- certainly questionable, as the presence of David Owen, places should committee’s work was arduous the Liberals pointed out, to and the need to ensure that and bitter. However, although have it in the preamble, so members of the SDP would feel be reserved the official Liberal team on this once again the SDP were able to join the new party, and group, and the Liberal negotia- wrong. that Owen would not be able to on commit- tors as a whole, were opposed 3 How far the new party point to compromises which he tees for coun- to any special provision for should be Federal, with might portray as undercutting women, there were a number of national parties (Scottish all that the SDP had stood for. cillors and for Liberal women who approached and Welsh) as well as an Good will existed between the SDP side to offer support English one. the two lawyers – Philip Gold- the young – and to emphasise that not all 4 What the policy-making enberg for (or, in one case of the Liberal members shared their procedures should be. The dissidents, against!) the Liberals but they did negotiators’ point of view. SDP wanted a Policy Com- and my SDP husband instantly not see that They saw it as a very important mittee veto, which was formed and enjoyed then, as now, opportunity to try to achieve anathema to Liberals. The a warm and amiable relationship, this in any what they had failed to secure compromise was surely and they almost always agreed in their party over the years. right to require that the with each other. I think that they way logically They pointed out that there Policy Committee could played a role worth mention- was only one woman on the insist on a reference back. ing in bringing the two parties might also be Liberal team and they did not 5 How the conference should together. Joint committees of extended to feel her position represented the be constituted. The Liber- SDP and Liberal lawyers had future of the party. For Lindsay als were used to a large sat in earlier years and excellent women. Granshaw, who was on the SDP

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 59 the role of women in merger sub-committee on this, it was was agreed that there would be women’s role that can really be immensely encouraging to have the one-third rule throughout. identified as being a force in this support from Liberal mem- But I did know that there were bringing the parties together. bers. She herself brought from a significant number of Liberal And yet … who knows? her time at university in the US women and some men trying It has always seemed to me strong support for the concept their best to neutralise things that even if one probes further of affirmative action. She used on their side if only we could into women’s roles in influenc- the phrase ‘positive action’, as bring from the sub-committee ing their men it would rarely opposed to ‘positive discrimina- recommendations to the main be true to find women altering tion’. This had the effect, as she committee and try to get it things. If one knew more about puts it, of: through that way. And there the pillow talk and domestic were women on the SDP side discussions of twentieth- … allowing the flattening of saying this too. century couples. would it be the playing field rather than possible to attribute (male) promoting unfair advantage, as One strong supporter on the politicians’ attitudes and deci- opponents portrayed it. I drew Liberal side was John McDon- sions to their wives’ influence? the parallel with blacks in the ald, who was held in great Clemmie fought Winston, but US where affirmative action respect by both teams. And more about people than policies. was used for them in univer- outside the negotiating team Violet was an essentially Con- sities and you could see the the support of men like Chris servative wife to Attlee (which growing black middle class as Walmsley was very important. may say a lot). Surely neither kids were given opportunities. Their help was especially appre- Margaret nor even Frances held I remember being asked to put ciated because in no way could sway over Lloyd George’s politi- on paper all these terms. that be seen as something that cal views? One can speculate was simply about self-interest. intriguingly. It is also riveting to learn that The issues of establishing A notable feature of the Gang Lindsay had quite a lot of dif- greater equality for women of Four was not only that one ficulty with the SDP; some of continued to dog the party of them was a woman (who the women had to be carefully however, well into its united went for merger in the end) but wooed and a number of the men era under Paddy Ashdown and all three men were married to were keeping an all-too-obvi- later. The Labour Party leap- women of very considerable ous eye on the main chance and frogged the new party, and stature in their own rights. All didn’t want a single opportunity reached 100 women elected to three could argue brilliantly and closed to them. parliament in 1997, while the held strong views. How far did I was shocked to learn what a Liberal Democrats continued to Debbie influence David Owen? struggle Lindsay had – well sup- dispute how best to do things, His presidential aspirations or ported throughout by Shirley although seizing the moment of style, perhaps, may well have Williams – in ensuring that what the list system and no incum- had their origins in Debbie’s the SDP had won for women in The issues bents for the European elections American-type view of politics. the eighties could go forward to ensure that in 1999 equal Was her opposition to Liber- into the new party. Some men of establish- numbers of women and men als visceral or seminal? Did it on the committee had during the went to the European Parlia- influence him? Few could be SDP’s history fought vigorously ing greater ment. The topic formed a diffi- wiser than Jennifer Jenkins, and to prevent the one-third rule equality for cult part of the negotiations and much of Roy’s wisdom could applying to conference reps. For will continue as a battleground be attributed to her. How many them this issue was not as cen- women con- long into the future. other wives were edging their tral as others, although they did On the other main conten- husbands in this direction or recognise that key elements must tinued to dog tious points I cannot discern a that? I shall refer discussion on be delivered, not least because particular female point of view, this to our children. not to do so would be seen as the party though once again there were going backwards, and would be however, moments when women’s voices Celia Goodhart fought Westminster seized upon by those prominent from the SDP sought to amel- and European elections for the SDP, women who had followed David well into its iorate. Right at the end Anne and was a member of the Policy and Owen. Lindsay Granshaw says, Sofer was tempted to argue for Executive Committees of the SDP united era moving towards the Liberals and of the Liberal Democrats’ Fed- On Parliamentary shortlists we under Paddy about the name, which resulted eral Executive. She was formerly had one-third as the quota to be in Bob Maclennan banging the Principal of Queen’s College, Har- women. On party committees Ashdown and table and insisting on the agreed ley Street, London, and is currently it had been 50/50. The latter party line. Thus it seems to me President of the Schoolmistresses and did not survive and in the end it later. that there was no discernible Governesses Benevolent Institution.

60 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009