COMMENTARY

Before the twin terror attacks, mili- Crisis of Islamist Extremism in tancy expert, Zayadul Ahsan (2016) reported that in the last 18 months, at Contemporary least 47 persons have been killed by the Islamist extremists in . Out of 47, eight persons were allegedly killed Maidul by the pro-Al-Qaeda group, Ansar al- Islam, previously known as Ansarullah Islamist extremism in Bangladesh n the evening of 1 July 2016, Bangla Team, led by the dismissed emerged as a response to seven gunmen, allegedly associ- Bangladesh army offi cer, Major Ziaul authoritarian populism and in Oated with the Islamist extremist Haq. Haq triggered an attempted mili- group, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria tary coup within the Bangladesh army the absence of a credible (ISIS), had stormed into a Spanish cafe, in 2012. Haq-led Ansar recruits are from anti-establishment left-wing Holey Artisan Bakery in the Gulshan various Islamist organisations like Ahl political project to articulate an area of Dhaka’s high security diplomatic al-Hadith, Jamaat-ul Bangla- JMB alternative agenda to the existing zone. These militants took over the cafe, desh ( ), Hefazat-e-Islam and are eventually killing mostly foreigners who usually poor madrasa students. Ansar’s status quo. Islamist extremists were fi rst taken as hostages. Similarly, operation areas are generally in the represent a politics of revenge on 7 July, a terror attack was organised northern part of the country and have so and hatred with no clear objective with crude bombs and gun shooting far targeted free thinkers, bloggers and to uplift the socio-economic before the morning in the gay rights activists. Sholakia Idgah of Kishoreganj district in In contrast, the pro-ISIS group, which conditions and livelihood Bangladesh. Sholakia has the biggest has taken the responsibility of killing 28 prospects of the people. Eid congregation in the country with at persons in the last one and half years is least two lakh people attending the Eid led by a Bangladeshi–Canadian, Tamim prayers. Both the incidents in Gulshan Chowdhury alias Shaykh Abu Ibrahim and Sholakia are organised forms of al-Hanif. This pro-ISIS group recruits terror in the wake of recent attacks by a relatively affl uent and urban upper section of Bangladeshi Islamists who middle class professionals. It has close have adopted extremist methods to links with a section of Islami Chhatra- target civil society members, religious shibir, the student wing of Bangladesh minorities (, Christians, Buddhists, Jamaat-e-Islami. This group primarily Bahais), Ahmadiyas, atheist bloggers, targets religious minorities, foreigners Maidul Islam ([email protected]) is the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgen- and university teachers. It operates mainly with the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, der (LGBT) community and progressive in Dhaka and its surrounding suburbs, . political activists. Savar, Tongi, Gazipur and Mirpur.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW OCTOBER 1, 2016 vol lI no 40 25 COMMENTARY If terrorism makes symbolic statements JMB militants, as confessed by a JMB bombings in Chittagong and Gazipur on then it is important to note that these commander in court (Daily Star 2006). 29 November 2005, where 10 persons, terror attacks have occurred in a context In the last one and a half decades, the including two police offi cers, were killed where the Bangladeshi government has Hindu, Christian and Buddhist minorities (Ganguly 2006: 2). According to news on record, denied the existence of the in Bangladesh have been getting threats reports, last year, from October till ISIS in the country. from several suspected Islamist extremist Christmas, at least 37 Christian priests Moreover, these attacks seem to be a groups. According to a report by a senior were allegedly threatened by Islamist violent response to the recent crackdown South Asian security analyst, since 1999 extremists (Daily Star 2015). On 15 June, on the Islamist extremists by the Bangla- Islamist militants in Bangladesh have the principal of Dhaka’s Ramakrishna deshi government. These attacks were unleashed a series of attacks on religious Mission was allegedly given a death also organised in the wake of a public minorities and politicians in a context threat by supporters of Islamic State fatwa (Islamic decree) issued by Maulana where “governance, rule of law, and pro- (PTI 2016). Fariduddin Masud, the Chairman of vision of justice seem in short supply” Bangladesh Jamiat-ul-Ulama and the (Ganguly 2006: 1). Contextualising Islamist Violence imam (prayer leader) of Sholakia Eid In August 2004, the Islamist extremists Today, Islamist violence is crossing prayers. tried to assassinate Sheikh Hasina Wazed, transcontinental borders in a context The above fatwa was signed by more the then parliamentary opposition leader when the Islamists are encountering an than one lakh Bangladeshi ulema, con- and the present Bangladesh Prime Min- everyday challenge from the modern demning terrorism as “un-Islamic” and ister in an Awami League political rally and postmodern lifestyles in an increas- “forbidden,” while unambiguously stating in Dhaka but the attempt was aborted. ingly globalised and digitised world. At that “Islam is the religion of peace” that However, the grenade attack on the the same time, it is through this same delegitimises terrorist activities. The fatwa same venue took the life of prominent process of globalisation of technology was also clear to state that the suicide Awami League politician, Ivy Rehman. and media that Islamist groups not only squad members of terrorist organisa- The Islamist extremists are alleged form networks but also display their tions “will certainly go to hell” and even to have assassinated S A M S Kibria, a gruesome acts, creating a spectacle to attending the janaza (religious prayers former foreign secretary and foreign tempt a section of the Muslim youth. before the last rites) of terrorists is minister, in February 2005 followed by a As evident, the Islamists have often haram (forbidden). countryside terrorist attack in August attacked atheist bloggers, secular writers, According to a news report, Maulana 2005. Some 459 time bomb blasts oc- gay rights activists or what they call Fariduddin Masud clearly pointed out that curred in 63 districts in just 30 minutes “blasphemous persons.” A forceful asser- that killed two persons and injured 100. tion by the Islamists on the question of in the name of Islam, some quarters are JMB spreading extremism and terror through The claimed responsibility for the blasphemy in fact refl ects the crisis of misinterpretation of and Hadith blasts through leafl ets found with the authority and insecurity of Islamists, since to gain their personal interests...Though bomb devices (Daily Star 2005). Such a blasphemy fundamentally challenges the many label the militants as jihadis, they ghastly act was followed by suicide legitimacy and core beliefs of religion are actually terrorists...Islam doesn’t sup- port terrorism. And those, who are carry- EPWRF Time Series ing out suicide attacks with the belief to go NEW to heaven as martyrs if they die and live as Expansion of Banking Statistics Module heroes if remain alive, will not go to heaven (State-wise Data) acc ording to Quran and Hadith...And those who will die taking stand against these mili- The Economic and Political Weekly Research Foundation (EPWRF) has added state-wise tants will be regarded as martyrs. (Khokon data to the existing Banking Statistics module of its online India Time Series (ITS) and Loiwal 2016) database. However, the recent spate of attacks State-wise and region-wise (north, north-east, east, central, west and south) time series by the Islamists is not new. In fact, right data are provided for deposits, credit (sanction and utilisation), credit-deposit (CD) ratio, and number of bank offi ces and employees. from the 1990s, a section of Islamists Data on bank credit are given for a wide range of sectors and sub-sectors (occupation) took recourse to such violent actions. The such as agriculture, industry, transport operators, professional services, personal loans attention of international media towards (housing, vehicle, education, etc), trade and fi nance. These state-wise data are also Islamist extremism in Bangladesh started presented by bank group and by population group (rural, semi-urban, urban and with a death threat to controversial metropolitan). author Taslima Nasrin, who had to fl ee The data series are available from December 1972; half-yearly basis till June 1989 and from Bangladesh in 1994. Later, noted annual basis thereafter. These data have been sourced from the Reserve Bank of India’s Bengali author, Humayun Azad was publication, Basic Statistical Returns of Scheduled Commercial Banks in India. attacked on 27 February 2004 on the Including the Banking Statistics module, the EPWRF ITS has 16 modules covering a range of macroeconomic and fi nancial data on the Indian economy. For more details, Bangla Academy premises during the visit www.epwrfi ts.in or e-mail to: [email protected] Ekushe Book Fair by machete carrying

26 OCTOBER 1, 2016 vol lI no 40 EPW Economic & Political Weekly COMMENTARY among members of the Muslim commu- critique it for being “backward,” “oppres- Islamic system (Ahmad M 1991: 471; nity. This insecurity of Islamists is root- sive,” “irra tional” and “regressive.” Ahmed R 1994: 680). In other words, ed in the belief that if punitive action is In the face of such stiff challenges of there is a history of constructing antago- not taken against the disobedient, dis- , blasphemy and consumerist nistic frontiers within the politico- loyal and blasphemous person, then hedonism; Islamists sometimes take ref- ideological discourses of the Islamists in blasphemy can become a norm and prec- uge to violence to eliminate its oppo- Bangladesh against what they identify edence in the society, and in the long nent’s claims and opinions—in this case, as the non-Islamic politico-ideological run, can challenge the very foundation the political articulations of atheism, discourse. In this respect, can of religious faith upon which authority blasphemy and consumerist hedonism. be seen as a critique of ideas like nation of Islamist ideology is grounded. The ability to ignore disrespect and state, nationalism and secularism, which Also, the very non-action against the insult, instead of giving a violent reaction, according to the Islamists, carry the blasphemous person might be seen as actually shows the strength and confi - imprint of Western politico-ideological the weakness of the Islamic ummah dence rather than the weakness of a per- epistemology. (transnational community of Islamic son. In the case of the alleged disre- believers). Since, blasphemy is regarded spectful and insulting comments made Islamists in Contemporary as a “revolt” by a member of an “authen- by noted controversial authors and blog- Bangladesh tic” community, it is generally repressed gers on Islam and the Prophet, one can As I have argued elsewhere, the emer- by the religious authority to maintain notice how the Islamists were unable to gence of Islamists as key players in Bang- its hegemony over the “authentic” Mus- ignore such anti-Islamic opinions and ladeshi politics was due to several fac- lim community. Thus, Islamists act as- hence displayed their immense weakness tors (Islam 2015: 171–80). First, Islamists sertively by ensuring the punishment or and unstable nervousness rather than gain ground as a response to the failure disciplining the violator of religious their strength while killing the secular of secular–nationalist project of Sheikh code of conduct (in this case the blas- bloggers and writers. Mujib that later resulted into a cult status phemer), with violence without waiting Moreover, political violence often of Mujibism (Mujibbad) to address socio- for the last day of judgment according unleashed by the Islamists in Bangladesh economic deprivation and corruption in to Islamic belief. is also a result of absence of normative a newly independent Bangladesh. This Islamist political assertion is a concepts of individual liberty and free- Moreover, Mujib’s policies took an function of an orthodox faith that relies dom within the specifi c ideological mor- authoritarian turn that fi rst banned reli- on a scriptural-dogmatic understanding phology of Islamism (Browers 2005). gious parties and then later, outlawed of Islamic religion and cultural practices. According to a prominent Islamist ideo- all other political parties except his new- In this respect, the Islamists would logue, Maududi, individual liberty and ly formed Bangladesh Krishak Sramik hardly pay any attention to the Quranic freedom is supposed to be submitted by Awami League (BAKSAL), while replac- injunction that “there shall be no coer- humans to the creator and as loyal sub- ing the parliamentary system with presi- cion in matters of faith.”1 Rather, the jects, the obligatory duty of humans is to dential form of government, multiparty self-proclaiming jihadist strives to act obey the rules of the creator because the system with totalitarian control and on behalf of Allah and “punishes” the humans or the created/creatures are one-party rule, curtailing the powers of “sinners” (blasphemous persons and born slaves of the creator (Maududi 1960). the national assembly. The judiciary lost the non-believers). Bikhu Parekh argues that the “funda- much of its independence and the Sup- Moreover, Islamists have an inbuilt mentalist discourse” is essentially a reme Court was deprived of its jurisdic- narcissism, self-obsession and a sense of “moral discourse” (1994: 113). I would tion over the protection and enforce- megalomania precisely because of the further add that it is a regulatory dis- ment of fundamental rights (Jahan 2000: Quranic belief that Islam is the fi nal course as well. In the case of the attacks xxv). Such repressive measures with apostle, the fi nal holy book and is the on secular bloggers and gay rights activ- virtually “one man rule” was accompa- rightful guidance for all of humanity. ists, a regulatory morality is governed nied by the absolute control of the par- Such beliefs are core to the formation and legitimised by a section of the reli- liament and the party and the rule of and construction of Islamism as a political gious authority and then justifi ed in the small coterie of nouveau riche close to ideology. In the Kantian sense, Islamism name of the holy text. This tradition of Mujib. It came with stifl ing of political can be identifi ed with dogmatism “with- silencing and repressing the revolt opposition, gagging of the press, decla- out previous criticism of its own powers” against any Islamic theological and spir- ration of emergency as a tool to repress (Kant 1933: 32). This dogmatic confi dence itual authority like or the Prophet is political opponents, abolition of parlia- of the Islamists as the bearer of an “abso- nothing new in Bangladesh. mentary democracy and the creation of lute truth” and the right and complete In fact, much before the protests single-party system with “megalomaniac” way of life gets shaken when it encoun- against certain novels by acts, and turning family affairs to almost ters such challenges like atheism and and Taslima Nasrin, the anti-Ahmadi mob state events (Rahman and Hasan 1980: blasphemy because these trends only violence was organised in the early 1950s 134–72). Mujib’s paramilitary force, the ignore the path of Islam and instead in the then Pakistan for an “authentic” Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, almost acted as a

Economic & Political Weekly EPW OCTOBER 1, 2016 vol lI no 40 27 COMMENTARY private militia (Rahman and Hasan about the revolutionary potential of Sections of the military have direct or 1980: 144) and became well known for Islam in the contemporary world (Rahim indirect relation with the Islamists as its “intimidation tactics” (Uddin 2006: 2001: 256–57). Similarly, external pres- evident by the role of dismissed Bangla- 122). In such a context, Islamists emerged sures from oil-rich Islamic countries that desh army offi cer, Major Ziaul Haq in in the Bangladeshi political scene as a have been funding Bangladesh over the forming a pro-Al-Qaeda group, Ansar reaction to such authoritarian approach years through various forms of aid and al-Islam, previously known as Ansarullah of Mujibism. fi nancial grants also signifi cantly helped Bangla Team. The ideologically motivated Second, Islamists gain ground due to to revitalise Islamic symbols in Bangla- and dedicated cadre-based organisational military patronage with calculated strat- deshi politics (Rahim 2001: 256–57). strength of the Islamist groups and the egy of successive military regimes of None of the above conditions, which external funding from several oil-rich Ziaur-Rahman and Hussain contributed to the rise of the Islamists in West Asian countries towards Islamic Ershad, who often in their search for Bangladesh from the second half of 1970s non-governmental organisations have political legitimacy on the one hand, till the 1990s are absolutely absent in certainly contributed to the proliferation and in isolating the Awami League on present Bangladesh. With the boycott of of several Islamist groups in Bangladesh. the other, directly or indirectly prepared national assembly elections that were held Moreover, the establishment of the so- the conditions for the rise of Islamism in on 5 January 2014 by the major opposition called “Islamic caliphate” by the ISIS in Bangladesh (Rahim 2001: 255). The suc- parties, the country has no parliamentary parts of Iraq and Syria as a major inter- cessive military dictatorships under Zia opposition. At the same time, one fi nds national event has also attracted a section and Ershad made religious education an increasing authoritarian and paranoid of the Bangladeshi youth to identify with compulsory in schools and patronised tendency of the current government such a project of creating an Islamic state madrasa education, besides encouraging with a vindictive attitude towards the in Bangladesh through armed violence. religious leaders to play active role in existing opposition. For example, there The democratic demands of the people politics of the country (Rahim 2001: 255). were 14,000 arrests in just fi ve days, in- linked to deprivation, discrimination and Third, it rose to prominence in a con- cluding more than 2,700 members of the corruption have been largely ignored by text where an alternative political force main opposition party—the Bangladesh the current Bangladeshi political estab- like a strong and credible left was absent Nationalist Party (BNP)—in the name of lishment. The country, instead, has been from the political scene. government crackdown on Islamist vio- locked up in polarised debates on natio - Fourth, political economy factors were lence, which shows the vindictive atti- nalism and seems to have not moved behind the rise of Islamism in contempo- tude of the current government towards beyond the 1971 war crimes. In fact, rary Bangladesh. As one commentator the opposition (Agarwal 2016). much of the recent Islamist militancy in argues, Islamism generally became pop- ular in 1980s and 1990s among a section Journal Rank of EPW of middle peasants and a squeezed urban middle class and also among the Economic & Political Weekly is indexed on Scopus, “the largest abstract and citation database disgruntled children of the state elite of peer-reviewed literature,” which is prepared by Elsevier NV (http://tinyurl.com/o44sh7a). “who were looking for an ideological Scopus has indexed research papers that have been published in EPW from 2008 onwards. alternative to the discredited national- The Scopus database journal ranks country-wise and journal-wise. It provides three broad sets ism of their elders and who sought to of rankings: (i) Number of Citations, (ii) H-Index and (iii) SCImago Journal and Country Rank. establish new links with the people” (Schendel 2000: 69–70). Presented below are EPW’s ranks in 2014 in India, Asia and globally, according to the total cites (3 years) indicator. Fifth, the ideologically motivated, lit- erate and dedicated cadre-based org an- ● Highest among 36 Indian social science journals and highest among 159 social science isational strength of the Islamists, strong journals ranked in Asia. networks of Islamists among various sec- ● Highest among 36 journals in the category, “Economics, Econometrics and Finance” in the tions of the population and attempts for Asia region, and 36th among 835 journals globally. mass dissemination and circulation of ● Highest among 23 journals in the category, “Sociology and Political Science” in the Asia Islamist literature also contributed to region, and 15th among 928 journals globally. the rebuilding procedures of Islamism in ● Between 2008 and 2014, EPW’s citations in three categories (“Economics, Econometrics, Bangladesh (Rahim 2001: 255–56). and Finance”; “Political Science and International Relations”; and “Sociology and Political Finally, international events like the Science”) were always in the second quartile of all citations recorded globally in the Islamic revolt of Iran in 1979 and the Scopus database. success of regime in capturing For a summary of statistics on EPW on Scopus, including of the other journal rank indicators, political power in Afghanistan in mid- please see http://tinyurl.com/qe949dj 1990s, also rekindled Islamist politics in EPW consults referees from a database of 200+ academicians in different fields of the social Bangladesh. These international events sciences on papers that are published in the Special Article and Notes sections. only reminded Islamist parties like Jamaat

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