The following are excerpts from the original manuscript. The link below leads to the November 2012 article, which discloses the current unfolding political facts on the ground in the Virgin Islands, and the substance of the book also recounts events leading up to this article:

http://dailycaller.com/2012/11/09/u-s-virgin-islands-senator-arrested-charged-with-bribery-related-crimes-in-doj-scandal/

TRANSFER DAY

By Gary James

Discovering my family ancestry on the Caribbean island of St. Croix and learning about the history of the American Virgin Islands, formally known as the

Danish West Indies.

TRANSFER DAY

By Gary James

FOREWARD

Many factors led to the mass migration for the Virgin Islands to the United States of America. Prior to 1917, it was not uncommon for Danish West Indians to move to the United States for schooling and job opportunities. Following the U.S. acquisition of the islands in 1917, such relocation became easier. The Virgin Islands economy, though strong for a few years after World War I, quickly declined, leading many Virgin Islanders to move to Panama, Puerto Rico, and the United States in search of work. One reason for the economic decline was the U.S. prohibition of alcohol, which crippled the once-thriving rum industry of the islands. The Eighteenth Amendment (the National Prohibition Act or Volstead Act) as ratified in January 1919, outlawed the sale of alcohol to the mainland United States. The Willis-Campbell Act of November 1921 extended prohibition to the Virgin Islands and ended the legal manufacture and distribution of rum in the territory. A few bootleggers made profits during Prohibition, but most of the industry's black workers lost their jobs. The rum industry was further hampered by natural disasters. A serious drought from 1921 to 1924 and then two major hurricanes in 1924 and 1928 destroyed most of the islands' sugar cane. The storms also damaged the commercial port of Charlotte Amalie harbor (St. Thomas). Between 1900 and 1930, the foreign-born black (mostly Caribbean) population in the United States, particularly in New York City, increased at a rapid rate. According to the U.S. census, in 1900 the foreign-born black population of the United States numbered 20,336 and accounted for 0.2% of the total black population. In 1910, the number of foreign blacks in the United States was 40,339, or 0.4% of the total black population. In 1920 there were 73,803 foreign-born blacks (0.7%), and by 1930 there were 98,620 foreign-born blacks (0.8%), about half of whom lived in Harlem, New York. Additionally, by 1930 there were 17,625 blacks from Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands residing on the U.S. mainland. They are not included in the foreign-born figures because Cuba and Puerto Rico were occupied by the United States following the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Virgin Islands were purchased from Denmark in 1917 just before the United States entered World War I. In 1925, Jamaican W.A. Domingo estimated that there were 8,000 natives of the Virgin Islands (St. Croix, St. Thomas, and St. John) in New York. This represents both a sizeable influx to the United States and an enormous emigration from the Virgin Islands in the 1910s and 1920s. In 1911 the Virgin Islands (then Danish West Indies) had a population of 27,086, in 1917 (the year of the transfer) the population was 26,051, and in 1930 the population was down to 22,012, an 18.7% decrease in less than 20 years. TRANSFER DAY

By Gary James

CHAPTER ONE

Self satisfaction and serenity overwhelmed me in the wake of news that arrangements for the Mass of Intension at Holy Cross Roman Catholic Church, in Christiansted on Sunday March 18, 2012, commemorating the ninetieth anniversary of my father’s baptism at that church, had been approved. The news confirming this event arrived as I was enjoying a moment of reflection on the coming first anniversary of my relocation to St. Croix in the United States Virgin Islands. This Christmas, December 25, 2011 marks the end of year number one residing in paradise USA, after being born and bred in New York City, the big rotting apple… I recall Christmas season during my childhood years growing up in the South Bronx, when many of my school mates and friends in the neighborhood surrounding East 167 th Street talked about going home. Many of my friend’s and school mates looked forward to the Christmas season and summer vacation because they were anxious to go “home” (down south) to celebrate and enjoy the respective seasons. I can still revisit the sense of envy and dislocation when my buddies would talk about their experience when they go back “home” to visit family and friends down south. And it seemed as though all of the new comers moving into the neighborhood were coming up from the south during the 1950’s. I knew that my parents didn’t have any family roots in the south and that my maternal grandfather was stow way who immigrated from Brazil, while my father and his parents were born on St. Croix in the United States Virgin Islands. In either case, I had no “home” to refer or go to during the Christmas season or summer vacation, beyond where I lived at 826 East 167 th Street, apt. 12A, Bronx, 59 New York. My envy or perhaps jealousy was very brief, but memorable, as it was eclipsed by scores of cousins, aunts and uncles distributed in relatively close proximity throughout the Southeast Bronx area. At one point during my years in single digits, it seemed as though at least twenty-five percent of the neighborhood were my cousins, of various ranking, first, second, third, etc. Both my mother and father came from large families, as my mother had ten siblings and my father eight brothers and sisters. The love and warmth abounding in my immediate and extended family infrastructure was unquestionably unique and indeed afforded me a home away from home albeit essentially in the same neighborhood. Hence, the absence of my school and neighborhood playmates during the respective holiday seasons had little, if any practical impact. My father, Leander James and his younger sister Irma immigrated to New York City and arrived on May 26, 1925 from St. Croix on a ship named Guiana. Leander was three years and four months, while Irma was one year and two months. They arrived with their mother, Beatrice A. James, who was twenty-two years and nine months. Leander and Irma’s father, Theofeld James joined his family in New York, in that year and they set-up residence in the Bronx. Subsequently, Beatrice and Theofeld gave birth to six (6) additional children Hans, Wilfred, Ruby, Gloria, Thelma and Cerita. I was born during the time of the baby boom generation, and when my father, Leander, returned from WWII. We moved into an apartment next door to my grandparents and aunts, as my father’s younger brothers were lost in WWII combat. I had cousins, in the building, up the block, around the corners as well as at points both to the north and south. The neighborhood and surrounding vicinity included an extended family infrastructure that held me, my friends and cousins in relative check while growing up. During this period of my formative years, certain adults outside of family members were entrusted to exercise parental authority on my behind, should they deem it appropriate. Should that situation occur, I could also expect to get a follow-up spanking, etc. when my mother found out. My mother, Cecelia, was the primary disciplinarian and deliverer of the dreaded spanking, but, my father was the ultimate and infamous existential threat. I can vividly remember my first encounter with the existential threat and I vowed that it would be my last. Following that life altering experience I was able to understand the language and wishes of my father effectively by simply observing his graphic facial expressions. I was blessed to be the first born grandchild and my grandparents, ma and pa, were very generous in demonstrating their love and affection for me. My grandmother “Beatrice,” was known as “Bee” to her friends, and was a stately confident looking woman who stood about five feet, and ten inches, of medium brown complexion. She usually wore a black hat with the brim bent down in the rear on the right hand side. Situated on top with a sixty degree slant was a pearl topped hat-pin, securing the garment in place. “Bee” was a central character and personality, among a group of matriarchs that lived in the neighborhood, having all immigrated from the West Indies and Virgin Islands. “Bee” would regularly hold court on the sidewalk in front of our tenement building in which we lived, while sitting on empty wooden fruit or beer crate. Some among her comrades were pipe smokers therefore the immediate atmosphere was overwhelmed by the scent of sweet tobacco. A couple of the matriarchs were critical personalities in the local “numbers game” single action and straight numbers comprised the number running industry, that pervaded the black communities of New York City at that time. These elder women of distinction were for the most part stalwarts of their respective families and renown locally for the rank that they attained as neighborhood elders over the years. These titular heads of households were in the mold of the Harriet Tubman’s, Sojourner Truth’s and other pioneering black women that made history in the context of the Underground Railroad from slavery in the south to emancipation in the north. However, these queens of another realm established a comparable railroad to freedom, in the context of the movement of West Indian blacks from various islands of the Caribbean region. Some of the immigrants from the West Indies established elaborate self-reliant networks and infrastructures that facilitated the migration from respective countries of the Caribbean to the United States. My familial circumstance was not typical because I lived in a functional nuclear family and my paternal grandparents were married and lived together in the apartment next door, along with my aunts. However, it was my grandmother who made the major decisions of consequence in my grandparent’s household. Pa was a mild mannered dark skinned man, a slim build and standing about five feet ten inches tall, with a smile that favored the right side of his face. He went to work during the week and was off on weekends. He was usually pretty subdued during the week and on Saturdays, but by Sunday afternoon, he was very animated and audible as he would breakout his tenor saxophone and play calypso music in solo, or with an ad hoc musical aggregation. At an appropriate musical moment he would put down the tenor and pick-up his alto saxophone and take the music to another level. Pa would fill me up with expectations that the small alto sax was really mine in waiting for when I got older. Invariably the Sunday afternoon musical interlude would come to an abrupt end at the insistence, or at the hands of my grandmother. Following the first call to end the jam session the musicians would begin to transition into exit mode, and by the next word from Bee, “time to go home gentlemen,” most of them were in various stages of saying good night. Depending on my grandfather’s state of mind relative to the impact of his rum consumption, during that day, and perhaps from Saturday as well, he might close shop and put his instrument away, continue to play solo completely oblivious of the instruction from “Bee,” and impending danger, or alternatively, directly taking issue with Bee, for making his friends think that she is the head of the house. In most instances Pa was wise enough to realize that discretion was the greater part of valor, and he would pack-up shop. During these times he would talk to me about his memories and objectives associated with immigrating to New York, and ultimately returning back home, to St. Croix. From my standpoint, I had a deep affinity to my grandfather’s idea of returning home, as a process of completing or coming full circle with worldly objectives. Pa vividly remembered his parents and two (2) older brothers, Charles and Patty (Patrick) and older sisters Annie and Arabella. He would often revisit the reasons why he left St. Croix, during 1925 in route to New York City to raise his young family, and how he hoped to return at some point to develop the property that he had prior to leaving the island. He shared his hopes and dreams for my father and me, while also lamenting the lost of his two (2) sons during the course of WWII. His love for his grandson “Tiny boy” was obvious and he had no problem demonstrating it to me. On the other hand, his discipline technique was memorable as it was an assortment of pinches that he would administer to the check, ear, arm or buttocks. Nick named “Forty” by his many friends he was a warm and well liked person whether he was sober or intoxicated. As I am perhaps now, in the autumn of my colorful career on the planet earth, I can not only reflect and revisit distinctive and warm memories of my parents, grandparents, friends and school mates growing up, but I can research and track down who and what information is available to embroider and flesh out my memories. Praise the Lord, my decision to break camp in New York City and set-up shop in St. Croix was a bold and brazen decision, but as hindsight is twenty-twenty it was a great and potentially far reaching transition that will generate a valuable harvest. Researching my family ancestry is rewarding in and of itself, but the concomitant history lesson relative to the Virgin Islands and Caribbean countries is priceless. The research that is accessible at the Whim Great House Museum and Library has opened the Danish West Indies records that have historical accounts of events and activities on St. Croix, St. John and St. Thomas prior to the purchase of the Virgin Islands by the United States of America in 1917, from Denmark, is compelling. Consequently, the research of my family ancestry is providing me with a backdrop and context that may shed light on some open questions relative to my family ancestry, as well as history of the region. Now that I have a year under my belt and everything continues to look stable and pregnant with great potential going forward, I can take self- confident initiatives. My entrepreneurial skills are serving me will in my new venue, and I was fortunate enough to develop some local client relationships. After a virtual lifetime living and doing business in New York City and surviving to “middle age” it became clear to me that my prospects for a more productive and rewarding future, required a revolutionary change in environment and venue. The final decision to break base camp in the great state of New York was pains taking, arduous and involved a process that reached way back into my political revolutionary days, as a black power and community organizer in Southeast Queens during the tumultuous 1960s and 70s. A few of my associates from back in those days are aware of the fact that I am currently on the same economic, political, social and cultural trajectory as I was back in the day… Obviously, the addition of a quality of wisdom invaded my fledgling conscious mind and formulated a level of sophistication which enabled me to successfully navigate and negotiate beyond the practical booby-traps that would relegate me to the mediocrity of middle age that is designed for the black masses. Confronting great difficulties over the years, I have been able to generate a modest living as a self-reliant entrepreneur, artist, consultant and author, which has facilitated my economic independents. Now after thirty-five years in the field of economic independence, I have the confidence and experience base that enables me to stretch out and expand beyond the limitations of whether I could get employment in the desired venue. Therefore, when I began the process of evaluating the feasibility of me leaving the mainland in order to achieve my objectives, I had to first appreciate that I was in a unique position, as compared to most of friends, family and associates. Most of them have been conditioned to a salary structure and schedule for the past thirty or forty years, therefore the notion of them relocation to another would be dismissed out of hand, without an employment scenario in place. On the contrary, I felt confident that as long I had direct access to the Internet, a phone and my desktop computer and laptop flexibility was in hand, I could effectively be based anywhere that had a banking system that can interface with financial institutions in the United States. The advances in computer and digital technologies have bestowed on me the capacity of mobility, without negatively impacting business and my capacity to generate a cash flow. Therefore, from the outset of my information gathering process, I had already predetermined that I was the only person who was relevant in determining the ultimate feasibility of this pioneering adventure. Moreover, since I made a personal decision to do much more writing as well as get back to oil and water color painting, a revolutionary change in environment and living circumstance was required. My six children are adults living independently on their own, and demonstrated that there is currently no personal or existential reason for me to hang around. Also, at this point in their lives, it is essential for me to back-off of my children and pray, and hope that they can successfully navigate their way out of the wilderness. Perhaps my children will realize that they are in the wilderness, than at that point they will realize that they need to find their way out of the wilderness by the time forty (40) years elapses on them. My comfort level was high in terms of my plans and prospects in St. Croix, and they are continuing going forward. Nevertheless, I was resolved to listen to what those that I had entrusted with the breaking news of my possible departure will have to say, while my final decision was already a foregone conclusion. My man Smitty was able to peep it right away, “Is this move related to the Caribbean exchange that you were talking about under OFUM (Organization for the unity of man) forty years ago? I never forgot about that concept man… Is that where this St. Croix move is coming from man? Are you still working on that concept brother?” Damn Smitty, you’ve got a long memory man that was way back in the early 1970’s bro, you are about four or five years older than me, how could you go way back there and pull that out. Continuing Smitty responded, “Like I just said Spike, I never forgot that and a lot of other stuff that we were able to pull-off and build in the Southeast Queens community thirty-forty plus years ago. We were way ahead of our time then, but that is what’s needed now at the grassroots community level… A little bit of youth economic and enterprise development at the community based level, and a cultural exchange between blacks in Africa, the Caribbean and North and South America. Yeah, but while that same stuff is needed now during these challenging times, the quality of black political leadership keeps us in the self destruct mod.” Your right again Smitty I replied, if we manage to build something politically and economically effective at the grassroots level, the black orthodox political leadership will destroy it, even if they manage to control it. “Well, keep me posted on progress and development and remember I’m essentially a business man, and I have a capacity to move around a little also. I could drop this lame gig in a minute, in order to move on something like we used to do.” Smitty was spot on it, in more ways than one… I never abandoned my general assessment and basic resolution to the black American’s social, economic and political dilemma, despite the plethora of set-backs and short comings that truncated our sustainable economic and political initiatives on the ground. Throughout the decades of our most colorful political and economic career as a community based organizer and activist in Southeast Queens and Harlem, a light was always discernible at the end of the tunnel. In virtually all situations it was the internal dynamic among black people that mitigated meaningful and sustained progress at the community level. Notwithstanding, the existential role of covert government-private political machinations designed to thwart and undermined progress of the black masses in history, and modern times, at the end of the day it boils down to the political, economic and social shortcomings of black folk in general that perpetuates our apparent burden of Sisyphus. However, whereas Sisyphus was condemned to a perpetual fate of repetition and failure, black American’s and a critical mass of black people around the world, have no external or diabolical constraints to freedom of action in their best interests. Whether it is referred to as the “Willie Lynch” syndrome, self hate, residual effects from slavery, lack of sophistication, exposure and experience, or perhaps its all of the above as well as just plan ignorance, it’s the same expectation and result at the end of the day. I would be remiss, if I didn’t specifically acknowledge my disappointment with the quality of black American political leadership (elected and unelected) following the modern civil rights movement and the present state of political affairs in black America. Moreover, I am not particularly sanguine about the political trajectory of American electoral politics in terms of domestic as well as foreign policy initiatives. Both the Democratic and Republican political parties have hijacked the people’s government and have positioned it into political juxtapositions pitting conservative against liberal politics, but this and other political paradigms including “race” represent a bygone era. Both of the mainstream political parties, Democrats and Republicans, have repositioned themselves based on revisionist political history and the infallibility of the “founding fathers” and the Constitution of the United States. In the ninetieth century the Democratic Party was conservative and right-wing, while the Republican Party was liberal, diverse and progressive. This process of their respective conversion is called historical political revisionism, and both parties are guilty. Nevertheless, it is the patent failure in the capacity of the current black political leadership, elected and unelected, to play real-time hardball politics which continues to perpetuate the political, economic and social crisis that characterizes black communities throughout America as helpless. Turning again to Smitty, eye to eye, I said, you and I were participants and expert witnesses to the civil rights and black power political movements of the 1960’s and 70’s. Both of us subscribed to the storied victories ushered in by the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965 respectively, and the fact that the fortunes of the black community were advanced and improved tremendously. Black American elected officials and the United States Congress, state legislatures, state houses and municipal executives have proliferated all over the country, based on the success of the movement. As such, the number of black American elected officials and unelected political leaders dwarfs the numbers elected officials of other political “minority” communities, such as Latinos, Asians, and gays, among others. Also, black Americans, apart from Native Americans, are the oldest “minority” community in the history of America. But, despite our victorious political history and the numerical advantage of black Americans as compared to others in the country, and the profound successes of the modern civil rights movement relative to the black community; black folk remain a political weakling in the context of the percentages as compared to other minority groups… This scenario presents a political paradox to my mind! “Well that is an interesting presentation brother, but I don’t know if agree with your political assessment, I will give it some serious thought. But, in terms of numbers, the latest polls indicate that the Hispanic community has recently exceeded the black community in terms of percentage in America. I don’t know whether your assessment considers the latest polling data.” I am glad that you raised that Smitty, I heard about that poll and I look at it in the context that it was presented. The poll in question assessed the Hispanic language and it did not address the usual phenotype, or skin color dichotomy. Black Americans per se, speak English only, hence as a practical matter, black folk are not relevant to a poll of Hispanic language speaking Americas. Therefore, the metric of language cannot be correlated with the metric skin color. However, interestingly enough my brother I would bet you a dollar to a donut that if you looked at twenty-five percent of those Hispanic speaking Americans that were polled, and you told them to remain speechless, they would probably be view out of hand as black Americans. Sometimes this popular poll’s are conceived with ulterior objectives, such as keeping the “minority” community political juxtapositions that keeps the friend versus enemy political paradigm in place, and keeps black folk politically and emotionally animated, going forward. The dysfunctional state of black politics in New York City in particular and in America in general was a major consideration in my decision to break camp. Family, business and political interests will remain a New York City and state side enterprise, but my new immediate environment and daily circumstance will facilitate a more creative, disciplined, effective and consequential disposition for mr. I have all but eliminated New York City as the political and economic vanguard of the black Diaspora, in the twenty-first century. There is irony in the fact that there is a black American president of the United States, yet the black community by and large remains in political crisis and black political leadership are not relevant to the emerging community based demographic. Black American politics continues to advance a civil rights agenda and paradigm, based on race or “minority” community political juxtapositions that divides communities, and projects the illusion of political power. President Barack Obama apparently appreciated the political dysfunction among the traditional black political leadership, and decided to step off in front of them and pulled off the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination, and ultimately the black political leadership was transformed into the presidents election follow-ship, despite their dubious political disposition, and the rest is American electoral history unfolding. It is interesting to see so many among the black unelected and celebrity political leadership propound the need for the black community to hold the president accountable to the “black agenda,” while undertaking their own politically sophomoric rhetoric and civil rights organizing tactics. It might be a good idea for those would-be or perhaps future black political leaders to try to hold a local black elected official, or congressman accountable for starters. If they are successful in holding their local black elected official accountable, than there may have a shot in the future at holding a president accountable. But, I can’t recall a situation in New York City black politics wherein the black community was able to hold their local black elected official accountable. Black political leadership can talk a mean game, but beyond the glib rhetoric and touting the political numbers of black folk, real and imagined, political initiatives are rarely sustained, for any number of fundamental reasons. There is no secret solution to this dilemma of our inability to hold black politicians accountable or be able to sustain a viable political initiative. Numbers cannot sustain a political undertaking to a successful outcome. Cucumbers (money), is the main ingredient for an effective and sustained political exercise. Numbers can be purchased and in many cases, they are. My suspicion is that the black American detractors to the president’s re-election will be barking at the moon at the end of the day, and the president will likely reach out directly to the American voters and win a second term. Concomitantly, the political state of black America will remain in crisis and the prognosis for the foreseeable political future will remain grim. The first black American president cannot change the political facts on the ground that beset black America. The required change cannot come from the top down. Political and economic change must come from the bottom up and from the inside out. The deteriorating state of Democratic Party and Republican Party politics going forward, coupled with the obvious continuation of black American politics 101, continues to underwhelm my political and economic sensibility. My present state of good health at my age was inspirational and my sense of having much more to contribute to the future of black folk and the human race, needed fertile ground and a pleasant life giving climate. As compared to the next five year projection of my life in New York in terms, business, political, and cultural expression and development, St. Croix, in the American Virgin Islands presented fresh opportunities across a broad spectrum of endeavor, with intriguing possibilities. The urge to take advantage of the fact of my good health and the fleeting window of opportunity to close-up shop with a manageable amount of familial, business and professional disruption was over powering. Apart from my advocating closer Caribbean and black American political and economic relations back in the 1960’s and 70’s, and my specific affinity to St. Croix, in view of the James family ancestry on the island, I enjoyed a flirtatious relationship with St. Croix in the mid 1970’s. The flirtation began when my Uncle Jose DaCosta and his wife, Aunt Lucile relocated to St. Croix, from the Bronx, New York, in 1972. Me and family members visited Uncle Joe and Aunt Lucile from time to time at his beach front house in F’sted. St. Croix, and shortly thereafter, my mother relocated to St. Croix and began a rewarding teaching career at Charles Emanuel Elementary School, teaching the second grade. My younger brother, Lonnie James relocated to St. Croix, following up on an opportunity extended by his employer, Bell Telephone Company. Ultimately, the Ma Bell expansion opportunity didn’t work out for my brother, but he was able to land a job with the Hess Oil Refining Company, and he advanced to the position of President of the Iron Workers Union, from the mid 1970s, until Hess transitioned in the 1980’s. At that time my brother was transferred to the states where he served as engineer of a federal building, in Washington, DC. My mother Cecelia James-Maroney was awarded the Teacher of the Year Citation in 1975, but her successful teaching career was cut short by the fact that she developed stomach cancer, which required her to leave St. Croix, and undergo cancer surgery and follow-up chemo therapy, in the states. Unfortunately my mother passed away in May of 1978, at the tender age of 58, may God bless her soul and may she rest in eternal peace. My mother had relocated from New York City to St. Croix, in early 1970s, following the untimely death of her husband (my father) ten (10) years earlier of Leukemia, and he was only forty years old. My mother initially resided with her brother, Jose DaCosta and wife, at which point she remarried and moved to Christiansted. My Uncle Jose was my mom’s older brother and one of my father’s Leander James’ best friends. My Uncle and I had a very special relationship from early on and I had warm and hilarious memories of him and my father, individually and collectively. And although I was only nineteen years old when my father abruptly passed away, following a brief illness, he remains a role model for me in how he handled his impending death, as well as his disposition in his short years of life. I continue to revisit vivid memories of my visits to St. Croix, from the mid 1970’s to the 80’s. I visited Charles Emanuel Elementary School on a couple of occasions, while on the island enjoying family time at my Uncle’s beachside property. I also had interesting interaction with my brother, with his interests in cock fighting, meeting heretofore unknown James family members, and making new and interesting contacts. I produced a one man art show in the old library in Christiansted, displaying a forty of my oil paintings in 1975. In addition, my first born child, Ebuni James was baptized in Holy Cross Roman Catholic Church, the same church as my beloved father. St. Croix was most definitely on my radar monitor during this period of considering a transitional venue. However, the scenario surrounding the deteriorating health of my mother, vis-à-vis, cancer surgery and the chemo therapy regimen, truncated my initial designs for St. Croix. In the wake of illness and the passing of my mother, I fathered five additional children, which effectively preempted my further exploration of other venues. Now thirty-five years hence, I can revisit that original idea with gusto, enthusiasm and anticipation. My children are now adults and are raising their own families and pursuing their respective professional, business and employment objectives, therefore, I have come full circle… “Daddy” is no longer required to be available and accessible for damage control purposes, corrective action, or any number of unexpected contingencies. I was animated by the prospect of engaging a new frontier and pioneering opportunity as well as turning the page on a new personal dispensation, in paradise USA. I confirmed one way flight reservations from Kennedy International Airport in New York City, to St. Croix, USVI, for November 8, 2010. November 8, was the birthday of my late brother, Lonnie, and I deliberately used his earth day, in memory of him and to embrace his indomitable spirit in my new pioneering enterprise. I decided to do that as reciprocation for his salutation me from the spirit world on the previous year. On November 8, of 2009, the birthday of my brother, my second book, Three Wise Kings of the Magi, was released. Authors who deal with a traditional publishing company will appreciate that the release date is completely in the hands of the publisher, and the author of the work has absolutely no input as to the books release date. Consequently, when my publisher advised me of the release date, I became speechless and felt as though I was among an unseen but familiar presence. The sensations that I was experiencing were profound and I immediately eliminated the notion of an interesting coincidence, as I instantly recalled that my first book ERACISM, was released the year before, on July 2, 2008, which is the birthday of my beloved mother… Reflecting on these signs generated a surreal experience that pervaded and expanded during my transition to paradise USA. On my arrival, I contributed a month’s rent for a room and board in an apartment with a former teacher colleague of my mother’s. Charles was the age of my brother and my mother spoke well of him and their experiences as teachers in the Charles Emanuel Elementary School. My plan was to identify and lockdown an apartment as soon as possible. I was as portable as possible my laptop was with me and a medium sized suitcase with a minimum amount of clothes and personal items. Charles was pleasant, convivial and apparently enjoyed teaching and coaching the school football team. I stayed on my laptop for most of the day trying to get myself situated with the greatest of dispatch. By the time Thanksgiving rolled around, I got some phone calls from family and friends in the states, and was pleased to learn that I had an invitation to Thanksgiving dinner next Thursday. Charles informed me that his landlord, Mr. Dewees who lived in a house further up the mountain invited us to share Thanksgiving with them. The invitation presented a great change of pace and I was therefore looking forward to enjoying a local Thanksgiving dinner. Mr. Dewees was several years older than me perhaps in his late sixties he was originally from the states but relocated to St. Croix, during the 1960’s and invested in a piece of the St. Croix rock… He built his two story house a couple of decades ago, and lives on the top floor, which is a spacious three bedroom residence with a large living and dining room. The two apartments on the bottom floor are usually rented out to “snow birds,” vacationing state side folk that vacation during the winter in the tropics. Mr. Dewees and his partner Ms. Peterson (BJ)are snow birds themselves as they migrate to Florida in the spring and return to paradise USA in early September. He also developed the building directly below his house, where Charles lives. That building is a one story ranch style dwelling with two large one bedroom apartments side by side. The apartment next to Charlie is rented to young lady from the states who, has been living there for the past eight years. Although you can’t see Mr. Dewees’ house from the building below, with Mr. Dewees’ view, you can see the roof top of Charlie’s residence, and a panoramic view. The top floor apartment has a veranda that stretches the length of the house in the front, which faces the southwest, and continues to the length of the eastern side. The panoramic view is stunning from that height and the airport can be discerned in the distance as flights land and take-off. At the bottom of the mountain next to the road, just below Charlie’s place to the right, is a two story residents with four one bedroom apartments, two on the top and two more on the bottom. Mr. Dewees owns that apartment building as well, which is managed by his oldest daughter. The Dewees’ have obviously situated themselves pretty well generating a comfortable living managing the properties on St. Croix and in Florida. I walked up the steep graveled incline with Charles leading to the Dewees residence at about 3:30 PM on Thanksgiving eve. When we reached the stairway on the far side of the house leading to the second floor apartment, we were suddenly engulfed in an invisible aromatic cloud of spices and herbs that intrigued my nostrils and stimulated the saliva in my mouth with great anticipation. By the time we reached the doorway and was received by BJ, the lady of the house, the sensations in my mouth had moved to my stomach and it began to speak aloud. Fortunately, the feast was already spread out buffet style, and after a brief introduction we were advised to dig into the meal. Mr. Dewees blessed the Thanksgiving table and we began to assemble around the table with our plates and we passed around the remaining entrées. Following the delicious meal and enjoying a few unique local deserts, B J brought out a bunch of pictures from the good old times in St. Croix, during the late 1970’s. She would explain each photo as she passed them to me as I was sitting next to her and I passed them on to Charles. There was much laughing and some brief comments by Charles and other guests who lived on the island at the time. While I obviously didn’t know any of the people in the photos it was a joy to see the clothes, haircuts and spirit of the people of that period in which I recalled well. Although I could not recognize the people and the places, I was able recognize the period very well as it applied to the New York City venue. It was interesting to see the similarities between black folk of that period whether they lived in St. Croix, or the states. Broad smiles deformed my face as I scanned the photos and passed them to my left. As my head remained bowed in the observing pose, I could hear BJ, comment on the next photo, I remember hearing her say “and this photo is of an elderly couple that we befriend and they attended the wedding of my best friend.” BJ passed the photo to me and as I focused my eyes to view the coming photo I could feel my jaw drop at the sight of it, and I instantly fell off of the chair as I seemed to have just lost my balance, somehow, although seated. Everyone around the table reacted instantly and stood put circling me. “Are you alright?” “What happened?” B J asked of me, while the others looked at each other and then, back at me. I said, as I put my right arm on the chair to position myself and get back into the chair, I’m fine! I was just shocked to see the picture of my late Uncle and Aunt in the photo, plus the fact that they were wearing white clothing was profoundly impactful. I must admit, the sight of them looking right at me, literally floored me. That statement generated a little levity among the group and somewhat modulated my general embarrassment. As I situated myself back in the chair at the table the others got back in their seats, B J turned me and said, “Well Gary if you feel that strongly about the picture I will just gift it to you.” A little laughter erupted and I promptly remarked that I was pleased to accept her gift. We topped the dinner off with some drinks and a few laughs, than Charlie and I left for the evening and returned to his place. During the next day, I couldn’t stop looking at the picture. The image of my uncle, with his sublime smile was still knocking me for a loop, as memories of him and situations with my father as a child and young adult invaded my consciousness. Because of the nature of my many memories of my uncle I couldn’t simply just dismiss the events associated with getting the picture from B J, as merely a coincidence. I was persuaded that there was a deeper and more profound meaning to this unlikely occurrence. While its possible profundity was more than I was able to digest at this time, I concluded that it was generally a good vibe and positive tidings of general approval from Uncle Jose, and that he will be checking in on me, going forward. Charles was intrigued by the event as well, and he remembered my Uncle well because on a couple occasions my Uncle constructed some props for my mother’s second grade class when she undertook special projects in the performing arts. Charles was among the people that touted my Uncle in the category of genius.

On the following Monday Charles introduced me to some local people and some local spots, one of the latter was a bar and restaurant located near to the University of the Virgin Islands (UVI). Along with us was “Cribs” a colleague of Charles’ at Charles Emanuel Elementary school who taught math and was also a football coach along with Charles. We were seated on bar stools, and Charles and Cribs were engaged in a conversation concerning the impending elementary school football tournament. When the shapely young barmaid arrived to serve us Charles introduced her to me and then informed her that I was from New York, seeking to relocate on the island. “Denyse this is Gary James, from the big Apple New York, the son of Cecelia, a former colleague of mine at Emanuel.” Denyse was a medium height young lady of between thirty-five and forty years old, with a dark brown complexion. Denyse had a very confident stature and spoke in a very accented and bold West Indian vernacular. “Oh you’re a James, that means we may be related somewhere down the line,” she advanced. I replied, that sounds very interesting and perhaps unfortunate, as I smiled. Denyse invited me to visit her job on the following day to meet Elmo who is related to the James family and he will let you view a book recently published entitled “Portrait of the James Family” by Wilfrid James. Charles agreed to drive me to the bottling company where she worked on the following day. When we arrived in the morning on the following day, we were greeted by Denyse who was the receptionist for the company. She promptly introduced me to Elmo who smiled broadly as he introduced himself to me, “glad to meet you young man.” Then he directly retreated to fetch the book for me. Denyse approached me with a person who was a regular customer, but was curious to meet me. Denyse introduced us and showed her, a copy of ERACISM, book that I had published in 2007 which I had given to her when I came in. As the customer seemed to be impressed with the fact she was meeting the author of a great looking book that she was holding in her hands, Elmo returned with the book and I stepped off in order to sit down a quickly go through the book. I didn’t want to be too long because I was keenly aware that Charlie had an agenda that he wanted to execute. It was a very good looking hard cover book, and from what I was able glean of it from my quick perusal, was that the book was in the framework of an extensive family tree of various lines of the James family that remained on the island. It appeared as though the book would be useful in the course of my own research into my family ancestry on the island. I immediately asked Elmo how I could get a copy of the book and he replied. “I will give you the contact information for the wife of the author Wilfrid James because he (Wilfrid) past away recently. However, here is the contact information of his widow, Dorene James, who has copies of the book available.” I thanked Elmo and Denyse for a very enjoyable and rewarding morning and let Charles know that I was ready to go. Denyse asked what my plans were for remaining on the island and I advised her that I was looking for an apartment to rent as soon as possible so that I could settle in a start writing among other things. “I’ll keep my eyes open and ask around to see what I could come up and call you at Charlie’s when I hear something.” Charles took me back to his apartment than left to do what he had to do. I felt pretty good at this point as things seemed to be moving forward. I leaned back on the couch in the living room on which I sleep, which is located in the far corner of the room as you enter the house and turn left. I looked around and thought that a one bedroom apartment similar to Charles’ would suite me just fine, although I could be happy with something smaller in size. Charles’ apartment was a relatively large one bedroom flat, with a huge bedroom, a dining room just off of the kitchen and good sized living room. A porch extended the front of the construction that wrapped around both sides. The construction itself was a two apartment arrangement that mirrored each other. And the apartments are recessed on a twenty degree incline with a twenty foot stairway leading to the entrance of both apartments as the staircase opens onto the middle of the surrounding porch. A huge mango tree buttressed the right side of the steps while coconut palm tree and smaller cropped vegetation embroidered the property on the left side that ended where the winding trail to the Dewees residence could be distinguished as a contour. Charles’ apartment and the plant setting that framed it seemed an ideal type of landscape esthetics that I could appreciate. The rest of the day was dreamy and fanciful, as I envisaged a plethora of possibilities of an ideal or of an acceptable place to establish base camp. The next morning Charles passed me the phone as he was leaving and said that it was Denyse. She greeted me with the news that she had identified two apartment possibilities, one in Grove and the other in Christiansted, near five points. I recorded the contact information for both apartments and made the calls. Both apartments were available and I made arrangements with the relevant parties in order to see and examine the apartments. When Charles returned home I showed him the notes that I recording concerning the location of each apartment. He pointed out that the apartment in Grove was about one hundred yards up the road which is in front of his house. He said that I could walk up there on my own to see the place, and that he would drive me to visit the other spot in Christiansted. I made an appointment for later on in the evening and agreed with Charles that we would hit the other flat on the following day. In the meantime I walked up the narrow meandering road until I reached the stone fence on my right, and walked to the driveway that divided the fence and turned to the right and navigated the driveway up which is about a thirty degree angle that spans about fifty feet to the top. Turning to the right at the top a small house is on the right side and a trailer house is on the left side of the driveway, which is perpendicular to the broadside of the property owner’s house. The entrance door of the small house was opposite to the side door of the owner’ big house, which I thought from the outset, was a good security feature. When I approached the door, a lady opened it and introduced herself as Mrs. Agnes, the owner of the property. She led the way to the front door of the small house and invited me in. When I entered I was at once impressed by the relative newness of the construction, inside and outside. Mrs. Agnes said that her husband has a construction company and he built this house several years ago to accommodate their daughter, son-in-law and grandson. She said that they moved out a couple of months ago, because they needed more space for their growing child. The interior of the house included a full size kitchen that you enter from the front door, with a small restroom and shower to the left as you walk through. The walls and ceiling were painted white and the doors to the rest room and bedroom were a deep mahogany wood grained color. Walking through the doorway at the far left which leads to the bedroom, you are confronting an el shaped room large enough for a bed at one end of the angle and a desk and a few offices pieces strategically placed in the appropriate area at the other end. A ceiling fan that generated a refreshing breeze and an air condition unit perched in the window at the far right of the room. I had a pressing urge to say to Mrs. Anges that I was ready to sign the lease of the house but, I advised her that I was interested and would get back to her in a couple of days. On my walk back to Charles’ house I couldn’t help but to reflect on how ideal the house and setting were. On the next afternoon I visited the alternative apartment that was nice and much larger, but for many other reasons and concerns, it could not compete with the advantages and benefits of the house in Grove. I signed a two year lease to the house in Grove a few weeks later, and I couldn’t be happier with the end result. The property owners are great people, and the madam of the house maintains a banana orchard, mango trees, other fruit trees, and spice and herbs of all sorts are a part of the natural bounty that the property yields. Plus the accommodations of the house looks even better going forward as construction is underway to ad a master bedroom and living room as an expansion of what is already there. Consequently, the house will remain befitting for the foreseeable future. Hence, the intervening spirit of my Uncle Jose DaCosta, may have been an omen of things to come.

TRANSFER DAY

By Gary James

CHAPTER TWO

The Whim Great House Library resource was critical to the success of my research, and Mr. Jerry Doward, the research volunteer who acquainted and guided me in understanding their system was central. With his help, we were able to generate information and positive results from our research virtually immediately. Furthermore, the detailed historical records maintained by the Danish authorities made the recorded historical accounts a riveting, as well as a profound educational experience. I was immediately struck by the volumes of historical information relative to Denmark’s engagement, history and experience in the international slave trade, mimicking the popular mode of the dominant “European” powers; in conjunction with their possession of the Danish West Indies, currently known as the United States Virgin Islands. Accordingly, the research that was initially focused on tracing my family ancestry on the island of St. Croix seemed to be transforming to something that was generating a life of its own. At some points during the research process relative to the history and development of the Virgin Islands, I had a feeling that I was being assisted by unknown existential forces. The rich and colorful history of St. Croix in particular and the Virgin Islands in general was a major revelation to me. I learned that my grandmother, Beatrice Philipus was born on August first, 1902 and was baptized in the Catholic faith on October 5, 1902. Her father, William Philipus (my great grandfather) was born on May 3, 1872, and baptized on August 17, 1872 in St. Paul’s Anglican Church. His God parents, William O’Neal, Thomas Inner, and Mary Ferguson, resided at Enfield Green Estates. My great grandfather’s parents were Mary Grace Dove, and Robert Nicholson, these great, great maternal grandparents , married in 1890, and Robert was a twenty years older than Mary Grace. Mary Grace Dove (Doss) was born in Barbados and came to St. Croix in 1865, she passed away in 1897 at the age of fifty-eight. Robert Nicholson passed away four (4) years earlier in November 8, 1892, at the age of sixty- two. The union of my maternal great, great grandparents, Mary Grace Dove and Robert Nicholson produced three additional children to William Philipus. On May 3, 1871, Joseph was born and baptized in the Anglican Church on May 11, 1871. His parent’s names are recorded as Mary Grace Dow (Dove) and Joseph Nichols (Nicholson). Eliezer was born on October 25, 1876 and baptized on November 17, 1876 in the Anglican Church and Philip Waldemar Nichols was born on February 2, 1880 and baptized Anglican on April 14, 1880. The information being generated relative to the maternal side of my ancestry on St. Croix was captivating, and it engaged my interests and curiosity beyond the researching and documenting process. I was looking forward to the period when I could review, sought out and analyze this voluminous new information. I can remember as a young boy in single digits that my grandmother had two half brothers, one named Alfred George, who was tall and of light brown complexion and Edward Martins, who was about five feet, five inches and of a pearl almost black complexion with a small build. With the help of Jerry Doward, I was able to get a copy of the passenger list of a ship named Guiana, which left the port in St. Croix, and arrived in New York, New York, on May 26, 1925. Passengers on the vessel were Beatrice A. James who was twenty-two years and nine months, my father Leander James, was three years and four months, and his sister Irma James, one year and two months. Their final destination was listed as 529 West 128 th Street, New York, New York. Further research yielded the census report from 1911, which listed my grandfather, Theofeld James, who was eleven years old at the time of the census report, had two older brothers, Charles was twelve years old and Patrick was twenty years old. Patrick was classified as a “laborer, 1 st class” while Charles and Theofeld were classified as “laborer 3 rd class. His father’s (my great grandfather’s) name was Adam James, fifty- two years old and listed as “ploughman” and his mother Frankie was forty years old and was classified as “laborer 1 st class. The James family lived in the North side A Quarter of Est. Fountain, a/k/a Big Fountain Leytrim. Also living on the Est. was Ferdinand James who was thirty-nine and listed as a “driver” and Ann James aged thirty-three, and was a laborer 1 st class. I made a note to remember to research whether my great grandfather Adam, was related to Ann and Ferdinand, as the ages suggest that they could have been siblings, or perhaps cousins. Nevertheless, I was intrigued by the relative economic classifications of laborer, driver, ploughman etc, and I had an increasing urge to understand the practical context in which they lived during this period in my family history, therefore, I needed to get a better appreciation of the real-time facts on the ground. Questions such as: What were the facts of life on the facts ground that were critical to the decision of my grandparents to immigrate to New York? What were the general economic, political and social circumstances on the island in terms of making a living during that period? I wanted to put flesh on the individuals and characters that I encountered, which would help to animate life of my forbearers and generate a more intimate and particular understanding of who I am. I began to search for information concerning the history of St. Croix, in particular, and of the Virgin Islands in general. But I could scarcely find a thing beyond information and advertising directed to tourism on the respective Virgin Islands and Caribbean. In the traditional portals for research I was absolutely amazed to find nothing of a historical or developmental narrative articulating the contemporary history of the islands. Completely frustrated by the informational void, I raised some questions that I had with Jerry Doward, the research volunteer and he advised me that what I was looking for concerning the history and development of St. Croix, the Virgin Islands, and the other islands of the Caribbean can be found in specialized books by local as well as other Caribbean authors that have researched the subject extensively. He gave me the names of a few authors and book titles that were on the tip of his tong, but he also directed me to research the Danish Government records specifically regarding the West Indies and Guinea Company. He made the point that the Virgin Islands were formerly known as the Danish West Indies, prior to their purchase by the United States in 1917. Following the transfer to the United States, the name of the territory was changed from the Danish West Indies, to the United States Virgin Islands. For your information, St. Croix became a possession of Denmark in 1733, and at that point, the Danes already possessed St. Thomas and St. John as slave colonies. The three islands St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix, were the possessions of the Danish West Indian and Guinea Company. Later that evening while I was watching the news of the day, a report focused on the upcoming local holiday called, Transfer Day. Transfer Day was mentioned by way of a news report in the context of its annual celebration on the 31 st of March. Transfer Day is the official day to commemorate the transfer of the former Danish West Indies to the United States of America, hence they are now known as the USVI. The United States paid twenty-five million dollars to the Danish Government to consummate the transaction and transfer.

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TRANSFER DAY

“The 31 st of March is recognized every year as ‘Transfer Day’ in the United States Virgin Islands. This day commemorates an event that occurred over eight decades ago, when the Danish West Indies were formerly ceded to the United States by Denmark; thus, becoming the U.S. Virgin Islands, in exchange of twenty-five million dollars. The United States interest in the Virgin Islands was primarily for their strategic location, while any economic benefits were secondary. The islands represented a much needed foothold in the Caribbean for the American navy and later were looked toward as a base to guard the Panama Canal. American negotiations with the Danish government can be characterized as one of tragic diplomacy. All offers of the proposed purchased came on the heels of American military conflicts. American interest in the Virgin Islands dates back to as early as the mid-1860’s. At the eve of the Civil War, budding American imperialism, and the need for a Caribbean naval base, prompted Secretary of State William H. Seward to begin to investigate the islands as a possible coaling station for the U.S. Naval and merchant vessels. On October 24, 1867, after nearly two years of extensive negation and a visit to the islands by Seward himself, the Danish government ratified a treaty, in which Denmark would cede the islands of St. Thomas, and St. John to the United States. The price was to be seven and a half million dollars in gold, provided the treaty received the consent of the islands population. Unfortunately, within a year the islands were visited by a hurricane, and earthquake, a tsunami and a fire. The tsunami was so severe that it left the steamer, the U.S.S. Monongahela, Commodore Bissell, and its crew, stranded on the Fredericksted wharf. However, for more than two years the treaty failed to revive the ratification of the United States Congress in response to a wave of natural disasters, the imperialistic overtones of the treaty, and concerns over the possible impeachment of President Andrew Johnson. The end of the Spanish American War, Secretary of State John Hay expressed renewed interest in the Virgin Islands to the Danish government. Beginning on January 29, 1900 and over another two years a new treaty was negotiated, in which the Danish government would cede the islands of St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix to the United Sets for the sum of five million dollars. The treaty was ratified by the U.S. Congress. However, the Danes returned the thirty year old diplomatic insult, and neither house of the Danish legislature ratified the treaty. Subtle efforts to negotiate the purchase of the Virgin Islands continued after the failure of the Treaty of 1902. However, by 1915 American interest had become heightened by fears of the impending crisis in Europe. The General Board, headed by Admiral Dewey informed Secretary of State Robert Lansing, that the purchase of the islands would not be advantageous as the site of an American naval base in light of the recent acquisition of Puerto Rico, but that the purchase would be wise in order to deter any other power from gaining bases in the Caribbean. Dewey, felt that this tactical defense of the Panama Canal was just politically acceptable by way of the Monroe Doctrine and by increased German efforts to consolidate the islands through commercial, diplomatic or perhaps even military means. In March of 1916, Secretary Lansing sent a drafted treaty to the Danish Ambassador in Copenhagen, Dr. Maurice Egan, offering twenty-five million dollars in gold coins for the islands, with instructions to deliver the proposal to the Danish government. On August 14, 1916, at the Biltmore hotel in New York City, the revisited treaty was signed by Danish Minister Constantine Brun and Secretary of State Lansing. The U.S. Senate approved the treaty on September 7, 1916 and by December 12, 1916 the Danish Rigsdag approved the treaty as well. Finally, on January 17, 1917, the treaty ratifications were exchanged and the treaty finalized. The official transfer of the Danish West Indies to the United States did not occur until 4: PM on March 31 st , 1917, when a formal ceremony was held in the islands. At the State Department a U.S. Treasury Warrant for twenty-five million dollars was given to Danish Minister Brun. Even though the Virgin Islands are no longer a possession of Denmark, the islands still maintain a warm relationship with the Danish people. The Danish Cemeteries, forts and the ruins of the former sugar plantations all bear testimony to the colorful Danish past. This heritage is celebrated every March 31 st on Virgin Islands Transfer Day.” I was beginning to get an appreciation for the context and circumstance that my forbearer’s had to deal with as the research began to make sense. As the Transfer Day celebration event came than passed, I witnessed a very interesting and stark dichotomy between how the local residents view Transfer Day, as compared to the local government position on the annual commemoration. The local government’s commemoration of the occasion includes officials from Denmark annually. And in Denmark, the annual Transfer Day commemoration is celebrated with great fanfare and official recognition, of the country’s proud history relative to their former possession. Conditions in the Danish West Indies, prior to and during the process of transfer from the Danes to the United States, were difficult at best in St. Croix in particular relative to working conditions the right to assemble and organize was none existent. I finally identified a line of research that began to generate a context of the period. I could research particular important black leaders and chronicle a series of events on the ground that graphically described the daily circumstance of the black population. My preliminary research generated a thirst for more information as I was uncovering unique historical facts about the history St. Croix, St. Thomas and St. John, prior to the advent of the United States Virgin Islands. For a time during WWI the situation on the ground looked so threatening on St. Croix, the center of the disturbance that the Danish Government decided to send a warship to Christiansted. As on previous occasions, hard times brought unrest among the enslaved population. The enslaved African’s decided among them that their condition was so serious that it merited the immediate attention of the Danish government and people. They appointed David Hamilton Jackson, as their special representative, and sent a delegation to Copenhagen, to present their grievances for amelioration of their condition. Mr. Jackson’s visit received a great deal of attention from the Danish public and press. After his return, in November of 1915, he started a newspaper, named the “Herald.” The leadership of D. Hamilton Jackson was consequential beyond founding the Herald and a free press, as he was also a central figure in the labor union movement helping to establish the first Labor Union in the Caribbean, based on St Croix. And his legacy also includes helping to achieve the freedom of assembly for black folks which had been seriously curtailed due to rebellions in the past. The memory of the St. John insurrection in 1733 lingered long in the minds of white men for centuries. Various preventive measures were attempted by the authorities. Enslaved African’s were not permitted to gather in groups beyond a certain number and after certain specific hours. Owners were required to keep white managers constantly on the plantations. The rebellion that threatened St. Croix in 1746 was put down by a “free Negro” Mingo Tamarin, who hunted down the troublesome runaways (Maroons), brought them into submission and prevented an outbreak. The next serious trouble occurred under the royal regime in December of 1759, after a second interval of thirteen years. Although no overt act had been committed, the alleged conspirators were punished in exemplary fashion. Some of them “confessed” implicating themselves and others. Gibbet, stake, wheel, noose, glowing tong, all were employed to impress upon the community the sinfulness of rebellion. Of the fourteen condemned to lose their lives, one managed to escape by suicide, but his dead body was dragged up and down the streets, thereafter suspended by one leg from the gallows, and finally taken down and burnt at the stake. The remainder suffered from one and one-half minutes to ninety-one hours of torture. Ten others were condemned to be sold out of the island, fifty-eight were acquitted, and six were reported as being still at large, “free as birds.” For each of those captured alive, the reward was 50 rdl, for each one killed, 25 rdl. The change in administration had not affected the status of the enslaved African. Yet, within a third of a century, the first important step to ameliorate the condition of the African race in America was taken in these islands. The treatment of the slaves was no worse in the Danish than in the English, French or Dutch islands. Denmark was the first state to attempt by law to prohibit its subjects from taking part in the African slave trade. This took place in the edict issued by King Christian VII on March 16, 1792. The constitutional provision by which this traffic was prohibited to citizens of the United States did not become effective until sixteen years after the issuance of the Danish edict. Curiously enough, a humane owner of large plantations in St. Croix, Ernest Schimmelmann, himself a director in a slave trading enterprise in 1782, was chiefly responsible for putting through this reform inaugurated by the A. P. Bernstorff ministry. The planter’s, who transferred their allegiance from the Company and king to the king alone, were a curiously cosmopolitan lot. On St. Thomas and St. John, the most persistent element in the population in 1765, was the Dutch, of which about four-fifths was of Zeeland and Holland origin. The Danes came next in point of numbers, with probably less than half the strength of the Dutch. The remaining less numerous nationalities, given about in the order of their strength, were the French, German, English and Irish. The names of two families, one of Holland and one of French extraction, were listed as “scorched” to indicate mixture with the black population.

While the planters were being threatened and cajoled to free themselves from debts, to Dutch creditors, and to the royal treasury, they managed to find entertainment in various places, from theaters to taverns, and other nondescript “houses of diversion.” No form of diversion was too venal to carry advertising space in “The Royal Danish American Gazette.” At Christiansted the planters and their families might for twelve shillings per ticket secure seats in the Bass-End Theater. Here at half past six in the evening could be seen the Leeward Island Company of comedians in their performances of King Lear, Hamlet, or Richard III. The evening usually closed with some dramatic presentation in lighter vein, such as “The Mock Doctor,” “Flora, Hob in the Well,” “The Virgin Unmasked, or the Old Man Taught Wisdom.” Occasionally it was found necessary to check undue curiosity on the part of the blacks by the warning, “No Negro whatever in the house,” while the white people who were privileged to enter the charmed semicircle were cautioned, in the public press, against attempting to get behind the scenes. Fredericksted in the “West End” also had a theater. Although no utterances against the authorities were allowed in publications, individuals frequently used this means of venting their spleens against their neighbors. “King Liar” is publicly warned against writing “any more impertinent messages,” and against practicing “the servile trade of tale-bearing.” One gentleman, apparently a Jew, is charged with a striking resemblance to Judas Iscariot, and with refusing an invitation to dine “upon a pale looking piece of pork mush, the color of his phiz.” At least thirteen taverns played their part in the life of St. Croix. Governor Cluasen’s vigorous administration soon revealed a regular system of smuggling, especially on the south side of St. Croix, opposite to the port of Christiansted. An Englishman was found on the island practicing the dangerous art of counterfeiting. Law abiding traits and the higher aspects of civilization were not always reflected in the public records or the public press; but it seems clear that the population of the Danish Islands was as ingenious and versatile as it was cosmopolitan. The evidences of wickedness and extravagance are numerous, it must not be forgotten that times were good, and the means of indulgence plentiful. The economic importance of the sugar producing regions was immensely enhanced during the Seven Years War and the period following. In the early seventeen seventies, Alexander Hamilton was serving his apprenticeship as a counter-house clerk for the firm of Nicholas Kruger on St. Croix. Hamilton was near the economic center of gravity in the New World. The important position that sugar held in the minds of European statesmen is indicated by the fact that in 1763, when England and France were carrying on the negotiations that concluded the Seven Years War, English statesmen considered seriously whether they should retain Canada, or the French sugar island of Guadeloupe, a bit of land but little larger than St. Croix. Compared with the few cargoes that the Danish Company officials managed to send to Copenhagen each year, the commercial activities that centered in St. Croix in the latter half of the eighteenth century were indeed considerable. Up to the outbreak of the War of Independence, the mainland English colonies were tremendously active in St. Croix as elsewhere in the West Indies. As the war proceeded, Danish shipping became more and more brisk. These islands had learned to look on European wars as great sources of prosperity, and this war was no exception. The Royal Danish American Gazette of St. Croix gave a fair idea of the relative strength of shipping in the English mainland colonies and of Denmark-Norway ships entering at St. Croix.

In April of 1764, the year following the close of the Seven Years War, the trade of St. Thomas with other European colonies in America, was thrown open to the ships of all nations; trade to and from Europe was reserved for royal subjects, and the products of the islands, if sent to Europe at all, could be disposed of only in the harbors of Denmark, Norway, Schleswig, and Holstein. The European trade of the islands was opened in 1767 to ships of other nations, though at higher rates. This freedom lasted but a decade when during the closing years of the American War, the monopoly plan was again attempted, only to be definitely given up in 1782. Ships of Danish subjects were allowed to take their cargoes to any European port. In 1815, the trade of St. Thomas and St. John was freed from all restrictions, so that European skippers were allowed equal privileges with those of America. These changes did not affect the trade of St. Croix, where the royal ordinance of 1764 continued in force until 1823. In that year a royal resolution was published, allowing the importation of provisions and plantations accessories from any foreign port to St. Croix, and the exportation of an equal value of sugar to any such port. The result of this new ruling was the serious decline of the Copenhagen trade with St. Croix. It was not until June 6, 1833, on the hundredth anniversary of Denmark’s possession of the island, that all trade restrictions in favor of Danish ports or Danish subjects were removed, and that St. Croix came to share with its island neighbors the distinction of being truly a “free haven.” The Peace of Versailles was followed by a serious commercial depression. This affected the West Indian commercial enterprise no less than it did economic conditions in the United States, which were then being forced into constitution making by the logic of events that were largely economic in character. This return of good times came very opportunely for those who were interested in the success of the United States under the new constitution. An indication of this general prosperity is seen in the shipping situation in St. Croix in the first two years of President Washington’s administration. In 1789, no less than 516 vessels entered at St. Croix. These vessels were of all sizes, from schooners and sloops to brigs and ships. Eighty-two of these entered from ports in the United States, one hundred and twenty-three from Puerto Rico, and only sixteen from Danish dominions in Europe. The records for 1790, though incomplete for December, show a similar result. The number that entered was 369, of which ninety-two came from the United States, forty-nine from Puerto Rico, and twenty-two from Danish Islands. In a single week in April, 1790, twenty-three vessels entered at the St. Croix customs house. In the Napoleonic Wars, Denmark-Norway became practically an ally of the French state. With British sea power in the ascendancy this meant that Denmark’s hold on her West Indian possessions would become very uncertain at best. The situation indicated by the bombardment of Copenhagen in 1801, is reflected in the West Indies by the British seizure of the Danish islands in April of 1801, and their retention until February of 1802, when England and France were preparing to come to terms at Amiens. In 1807, when the Danish Capital was bombarded the second time, the English once more seized the Danish Islands. This time they retained them until the final defeat of Napoleon in 1815, when the islands were handed back to Denmark. As a shipping center and distributing point for the West Indies, St. Thomas held a fairly enviable position for the period from about 1820 to 1850. In the decade 1821-1830, the tonnage of ships annually visiting St. Thomas harbor was more than double what it had been during the two decades preceding. An average of not less than 2,809 ships of a combined tonnage of 177,444 called there each year. During the decade of 1831 to 1840, the ships averaged 2,557 and the tonnage 161,408. This was rather less than before, but after 1835, steamships begin to affect the situation. In the years of 1841 to 1850, the number of ships fell to 2,169 a year, but the tonnage rose to 208,281. For 1850, ninety-one steamships are reported. The number of Danish owned ships increased from 232 vessels of an average tonnage of 17,448 in 1841 to 507 vessels of 35,506 tons displacement in 1850. This was an increase of more than one hundred percent, brought about after Danish shipping had been obliged to compete with foreign shipping on even terms. Commercially, St. Thomas was a flourishing port in the 1840’s. Its life centered about the harbor and the town of Charlotte Amelia. Of the 14,000 inhabitants of the island, only 2,500 of whom more than nine-tenths were enslaved Africans who gained their living from the plantations. In 1839, there were forty-one large importing houses on the islands. Of these, thirteen were English, eleven French, six German, four Italian and Spanish, four American, and only three Danish or Danish West Indian. This situation had not seriously changed by 1850. The population was nearly as cosmopolitan in St. Thomas at that date, as in the mining camps then opening in California. After the beginning of the second half of the nineteenth century, the ratio of steam craft to sailing vessels steadily rose. It became possible to an increasing extent for the British and Spanish islands to import their goods direct from the producers. Islands like Puerto Rico, Barbados, and St. Lucia availed themselves less and less to St. Thomas as a staple port. Only as a coaling place does St. Thomas manage to attract attention as the nineteenth century closed. In the opening years of the twentieth century the increased use of the harbor by the Danish East Asiatic Company and the German Hamburg- America Line had greatly increased the importance of St. Thomas as a coaling station. The tonnage had been larger in recent years than in the golden forties, but cargoes are no longer unloaded on the wharves and warehouses. Two events may be held mainly responsible for the decline in the importance of sugar cane plantations in the Lesser Antilles during the nineteenth century. The first is no doubt the development of the process discovered by the Berlin chemist Achard of making sugar from beets. The second disturbing circumstance was the demoralization of the labor market by the abolition, first of the slave trade, and later of slavery itself. For a community that had learned to depend almost solely upon the single staple as a means of livelihood, the shock was all but fatal. During the period of the Napoleonic wars, the rise in the price of sugar led to the practical abandonment of cotton culture on the Danish Islands. St. Croix’s maximum cotton export was reached in 1792 with 157,000 lbs; the average annual export for the decade was about 60,000. An attempt at reviving the cultivation of cotton was made in the era of high prices just preceding the Civil War. A fresh attempt was made in the course of that war, when the acreage was increased from seventy in 1863 to eight hundred in 1865. In the years 1865-1866, 71,000 lbs, were exported from St. Croix. Again cotton growing fell into disuse, not to be revived until the first decade of the twentieth century. Since the failure of the plan to sell the islands to the United States in 1902, patriotic Danes had organized an association for developing the agricultural resources, a plantation society called “The Danish West Indies.” This corporation has brought cotton culture to a higher point than has been attained earlier. Sugar planting probably reached its maximum about 1796. The acreage figures for that year make an instructive comparison with those for 1847, the year before slavery was abolished and with 1851, five years after abolition. The sugar acreage of St. Thomas and St. John and already dwindled to insignificance by 1851. The plow was rarely seen on a plantation in the eighteenth century. Emancipation brought the plow; in the Danish Wet Indies, as elsewhere because free labor had to compete with machinery. In 1796, Oxholm reports 119 windmills and 211 treadmills on the islands, of which 115 of the former and 144 of the latter were on St. Croix. The first steam powered sugar mill was erected on the Hogensborg plantation on St. Croix in 1816, and the second in 1838. Power machinery raised the percentage of extracted cane juice to seventy percent, whereas, wind or the treadmills could yield only fifty-six percent. By 1852 there were forty steam propelled sugar mills on St. Croix. In 1908, there was but a single sugar mill upon each of the islands of St. Thomas and St. John, and only the St. John mill was in operation. A period of drought in the early seventies led to the establishment of an elaborate cooperative sugar factory at Christiansted in 1877 – 1878. It was hoped that centralization would reduce the expense of manufacture. The new machinery could extract eighty percent, of juice, and the idea spread to various larger plantations. The “Danish West Indies” corporation had carried the idea of centralization in production and manufacture to a far higher point than was formerly attempted. In 1910, there were on St. Croix four large factories producing crystallized sugar. Six smaller establishments still produced sugar in the ancient way. As early as 1755, when the period of royal government began, St. Croix was already producing one and one-half million pounds of sugar. This was more than St. Thomas produced at any time in its history. By 1770, the production on St. Croix had increased to about 17,000,000 lbs; nearly twelve times; in the early eighties it had risen to 25,000,000. In the mid-eighties, in the “critical period” preceding the adoption of the American constitution, the yield fell to 16,460,000 lbs. In the opening years of the nineteenth century the annual production rose to about 32,460,000, the maximum apparently being reached in 1812, with 46,000,000 lbs. Since the Napoleonic period the yearly sugar production on St. Croix at various dates. More advanced methods of cultivation and manufacture have finally brought the production up from a smaller acreage, almost to the point that it was ninety-six years earlier. An evidence of this greater efficiency is seen in the increase in the annual yield per acre from 18,638 lbs, of cane in 1878- 1883 to 26,020 lbs, in 1897–1902. The increasing difficulties to which the growing of sugar cane was subjected as the nineteenth century ran its course, made the islands more and more dependent on the Danish treasury. Whereas they had earlier in the century been colonies commanding respect, they were like the British islands rapidly lapsing into the position of dependencies calling for state subsidies. With no relief in sight except subsidies, it only required a favorable opportunity to suggest the feasibility of selling. Such an opportunity presented itself as a result of the situation growing out of the Civil War. Before taking up the diplomacy that eventually led to the sale of the islands to the United States, a brief consideration of local conditions on the islands should be of interest. “The Danish West Indies” plantation company was organized largely from patriotic motives. The impulse came after the collapse of the attempted negotiations for sale to the United State s in 1901–1902. With a maximum capital of 1,316,316 kroner ($365,277), and despite the introduction of steam plows, new breeds of live stock, new varieties of plants including the spineless cactus from Burbank’s California gardens, despite increased rotation of crops, such as banana and alfalfa, despite the advice of British West Indian experts, this plantation experiment has been a losing proposition as a business enterprise. The company’s books showed a net gain in only four years of the eleven year period from 1904 – 1914. The total net loss for the eleven year period was not less than 618,638.77 kroner ($171,650). The chief reasons advanced for this unfortunate outcome were, a series of unusually dry seasons, and a number of severe storms. The Company has also had considerable trouble with its labor supply during its career. The demand for workers on the Panama Canal drew many “Negroes” off the Danish as it did off the other West Indian islands. Hence the price of labor rose higher than local conditions would warrant. As on previous occasions, hard times brought unrest among the Negro population. Previous to the outbreak of the Civil War, the interest of the United States in the Caribbean lands had mainly been directed towards Cuba, by the slave holding interests which looked there for possible extension of slavery territory. But during the war, the lack of a naval base in the Caribbean Sea proved so costly an experience to the United States in its efforts to prevent blockade-running, that the Lincoln administration decided to do what was possible to remedy this situation. The program of Secretary of State Seward included a large number of projects than was practicable, under the confused political conditions following the assassination of President Lincoln. The expulsion of the French from Mexico and the purchase of Alaska were accomplished, in addition to the purchase of the Panama Canal strip. Therefore, the purchase of the Danish West Indian islands was deferred to a later date. Ultimately, the deal was consummated at a far higher cost than would have been necessary in Seward’s time. Seward broached the purchase project to General Raasloff, the Danish minister at Washington, in January of 1865, but without securing any assurance that Denmark was willing to sell. In December of 1865, after Seward’s recovery from wounds he received at the same time that Lincoln was attacked, the Secretary, with President Johnson’s approval, again brought the matter forward. Following the defeat of Denmark, by the combined Austro-Prussian forces, and her loss of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, the Danish ministry that assumed control of the government under these circumstances proved willing to consider the matter formally and inquired what the United States was willing to pay. The negotiations were conducted mainly in Copenhagen where the United States was represented by George H. Yeaman. After making a personal tour of investigation to the islands and listening to the report of an army officer who had been sent to make an appraisal of their worth, Seward concluded to offer the Danish government five million dollars in gold. By this time (1866), the situation in Europe had undergone a change. Prussia was now engaged in a struggle with her former ally, Austria, for the hegemony of the German empire, and until that was settled, Denmark, still smarting under the loss of the duchies, was not in a position to take a step that seemed likely to be resented by Prussia. The English foreign office under Earl Russell had also shown its distrust of the plan. Another serious obstacle was France. By the treaty negotiated with France in 1733, for the purchase of St. Croix, Denmark had bound herself not to sell that island to any power without the consent of the French king. The Mexican situation was seriously straining the relations of the United States with the Emperor Napoleon III, who refused his consent to the transaction. Denmark, unwilling to risk the displeasure of France, made an offer in the spring of 1867 for the sale of St. Thomas and St. John to the United States government for the sum of five million dollars. At that time Denmark indicated her willingness to sell St. Croix for a similar price, provided France could be induced to give its consent. Minister Yeaman finally made a treaty with the Danish government in October of 1867, providing for the purchase of the two northern islands for $7,500,000. The consent of the Danish Senate was necessary, as was that of the United States Senate. Seward gave his unofficial consent to the holding of an election on the islands to ascertain the will of the inhabitants. He did not wish to hamper Congress in any action it might take to settle the status of the islands. It turned out that both houses of the Danish diet gave their consent, and that the plebiscite on the islands carried in favor of annexation by the nearly unanimous vote of 1,244 to 22. The sole remaining obstacle was the Senate of the United States, and there the chairman of the foreign relations committee was Senator Charles Sumner, the implacable enemy of President Johnson. A considerable share of the wrath that was piling up against the President had to be borne by the head of his cabinet. To have followed up the purchase of Alaska by the purchase of the Danish islands might have enhanced popularity of the administration, and this was not desired by Sumner and the anti-administration forces. The treaty was consequently pigeonholed. Denmark granted an extension of time for ratification, first to Seward, and then to his successor, Hamilton Fish. But the Grant administration was only a little less distasteful to Sumner than the one it displaced. Therefore, on April 14, 1870, the treaty was allowed to lapse, and the government was placed in the position of refusing its assent to a treaty which it had initiated. The United States was saved from an exceedingly embarrassing position through the circumstance that Denmark made no attempt to sell the islands to any other power. The Danish governor broached the matter again late in Harrison’s administration, during Secretary John W. Foster, but the matter was not pressed because of fear that the incoming Cleveland administration might repudiate the transaction before it had been completed. The third time that the matter was called to the attention of the government of the United States was in Cleveland’s administration, but the administration that refused to consider the annexation of Hawaii could not be expected to purchase the Danish islands. Denmark continued its attitude by refraining from seeking other purchasers. After the Spanish-American War, the question of purchase came up for the forth time, and the chances for successful negotiation seemed promising. Secretary John Hay, the head of President Roosevelt’s cabinet, and the Danish minister, Count Constantine Brun, discussed the project in 1901, and a treaty was promptly formulated providing for the purchase of the islands at the price first offered by Seward, of five million dollars. The French government, now the “Third Republic,” made no objection to the inclusion of St. Croix, along with St. Thomas and St. John. The treaty was negotiated in January of 1902. On February 17, of that year, the United States Senate atoned for its previous dog-in-the-manger position by a prompt ratification. This time the opposition came from another quarter. The Folkething , the popular house of the Danish Parliament, readily gave its assent but in the Landsthing, the treaty failed confirmation by way of a tie vote. This adverse vote has been generally assumed in the United States as being due to German influence. Several circumstances have lent color to this view. During the Spanish-American War, popular opinion in Germany was strongly opposed to the United States. The attitude of Admiral Dietrich’s indicated an unexpected impatience on the part of the German government towards American plans in the Orient. Likewise, in the Caribbean Sea the German government found itself arousing apprehension of the United States in its dealings with Latin American states, much as England had done in the Venezuela Affair during Cleveland’s administration.

The rapid development of the great German shipping lines, such as the Hamburg-American gives the observer no reason to doubt that Germany would welcome the chance to acquire St. Thomas or any other suitable port or a coaling station in the neighborhood of the Panama Canal. Whatever may have been the actual facts, the treaty was not confirmed by the Danish upper house, and apparently German commercial interest were not displeased with having St. Thomas remain under Danish rule. The reasons for the bungling that took place in 1911–1912 when the scheme was again considered have not fully come to light. Through the injudicious actions of certain private individuals, the diplomatists found themselves obliged to defer formal action to a more opportune time. It is significant of the American position that when the Danish company that had been formed to deepen and improve St. Thomas harbor, considered the securing of foreign, and especially German, capital for assistance in carrying through its original plans. The government of the United States promptly indicated that such a measure would not meet with its approval. The plans of the Danish Company were modified and carried out on a smaller scale with Danish capital. The plan to sell the islands, when finally disclosed to the Danish public by the Zahle ministry in 1916, met with vigorous and determined opposition. There is no apparent reason for suspecting German influence as a factor of importance in this connection. Several of the most influential anti- German newspapers labored most valiantly to defer the sale, at least until after the war. University professors, economists, men of business, all classes of people furnished ardent opponents to the sale of the islands at this time; and these men were probably overwhelming anti-German. There appears to have been considerable quiet, but effective activity exerted in favor of the proposed sale by some leading business men, especially those connected with the Danish East Asiatic Company. When the matter came before the Danish people for their decision in December of 1916, the vote in favor of the ministerial plan for the sale stood at, 283,694 to 157,596. More than half a century after negotiations were initiated, and in the progress of the mighty world war, the United States had finally purchased the West Indian islands. The purchase prices of $25,000,000, which represents a greater sum than had been paid for any of its other acquisitions, excepting the Louisiana Purchase, and the Philippines. The islands passed under the sovereignty of the United States on January 17, 1917, when Secretary Lansing and Minister Brun exchanged ratifications for the treaty of cession. The United States Flag was hoisted on the three Virgin Islands of America on March 32. Rear Admiral James H. Oliver was named the first American Governor. It was about three hundred years since the oldest of the islands St. Thomas, first came into Danish possession. As they have long been economically American, they have henceforth been politically American. Their future lies in the lap of the Congress of the United States. In annexing them the United States has acquired a harbor that shares with Samana Bay, Santo Domingo, the distinction of deserving, to quote the words of Admiral Mahan, “paramount consideration in a general study of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico.” The United States had taken another distinct and important step towards establishing American influence in the lands that lie to the north of Panama in securing the Leeward gateway to the American Mediterranean.

TRANSFER DAY

By Gary James

CHAPTER THREE

The journey of enslaved Africans in what is now known as the United States Virgin Islands to freedom and self determination remains an arduous and protracted exercise, as we engage the second decade of the 21 st century. The current status of the Virgin Islands as a self governing, unincorporated territory under the authority of the US Congress and administered by the US Department of Interior, is precarious. The first locally elected civilian governor of the territory occurred in 1970 and fifty two years hence, 2012, the history of the various administrations including the present government is sorted and underwhelming at best. Although the advent of a republican form a government has been met with poor and in some instances corrupt leadership by and large heretofore, the local leadership prior to the establishment of American republicanism was courageous, visionary and disciplined. The quality of local leadership during the period of enslavement was unique, and offers a colourful and rich history in the context of the “Danish West Indies” and the “American Virgin Islands.” This period embodies legions of enslaved and freed Africans who all left a significant, and sometime a profound footprint on the history of the territory, America, and indeed, the world. The Danish West Indies existed in a community of other Caribbean slave colonies “owned” by the respective European powers of the time, British, Spanish, French, Dutch, etc. On the same date that the Danes confirmed the deal in 1733 to purchase the island of St. Croix from the French, there was a major slave rebellion on their slave plantation of St. John. Consequently, 1733 was a tumultuous time in which the codification and formal establishment of the Danish West Indies in the framework of St. Croix, St. John and St. Thomas occurred. The Danish slave plantation system essentially mimicked that of the brutal slave plantation systems of their larger more powerful European power relationships. Needless to say, the enslaved population remained on lockdown enduring egregious working and living conditions and the constant threat of the lash... Under these most horrendous circumstances generations of quality leadership somehow emerged and advanced the legitimate aspirations of the enslaved as well as freed Africans in the Virgin Islands. Following emancipation, which occurred on July 3, 1848, the indigenous leadership confirmed their freedom in 1878 an event that is commemorated annually in the name of Contract Day, on October 1. The centuries in which enslaved Africans were transported from the continent of Africa to the respective Caribbean Islands and mainland America unique histories have been curved out and compelling accounts of colourful events on the ground in various venues continue to unfold. Hence all of the former slave plantation colonies and their respective colonial masters have their peculiar historical sequence of events that transformed former enslaved Africans to freedom and emancipation, as the case may be. Among the range of paths to freedom taken by enslaved Africans inhabiting the former slave plantation colonies of the Caribbean is the revolution in Haiti that defeated their French colonial masters in the name of one of the most consequential of the European leader’s, vis-a-vis Napoleon Bonaparte. In 1801 the Haitian people engaged the famous war machine of Napoleon Bonaparte and successfully emancipated themselves. This unique and unprecedented achievement of a former colony of enslaved Africans in the Caribbean to courageously defeat their colonial masters and position them selves as an independent Caribbean nation state remains a herculean feat. The state Haiti today has no relation to its auspicious beginnings, but it is reasonable to conclude that the sophisticated geo-political dynamics of the 19 th century eviscerated Haitian identity and sacrificed the prospects of a vibrant nation of former enslaved Africans in the western hemisphere. Nevertheless, the success of the revolution in Haiti represents a critical achievement in the process of enslaved Africans moving toward freedom. While virtually all other of the Caribbean slave plantation colonies with predominantly African population were emancipated by their European masters at various point during the 19 th century, the Danish West Indies enslaved African population emancipated themselves. The Danish West Indies men and women during the periods of 1848 and 1878 demonstrated a level and quality of impeccable leadership and personal sacrifice that rivals all others in the world. In the process of gaining, insuring and confirming their freedom and economic independence of the plantation slave system the enslaved Africans of the Danish West Indies by way of emancipation day on July 3, 1848, and the events of 1878 that includes the “fireburn” and Contract Day which occurs on the 1 st of October a result of that historic event. These culminating events overstretched the haemorrhaging economy of the Danish West Indies and Guiana Company to the extent that the Danish government entertained the sale of the three islands and ultimately negotiated the sale to the United “States of America in 1917. Putting the Danish West Indies on the auction block a decade or so following the “firburn” truncated the indigenous population’s evolutionary political trajectory toward freedom and self determination. On the contrary, the 20 th century bore witness to major geo-political paradigm shifts that threaten the continued political hegemony of the western powers. The Caribbean region became a potential theatre where potential military incursions by the “Axis” powers needed to be safeguarded. As a practical political matter Virgin Islanders could not in their neo-meta state of self containment was not reconcilable in a highly effervescing military scenario in the region. Hence, following the transfer in 1917 from the Danes, military rule by the United States of America was apparently their only strategic option at that time. For the next fourteen years following the transfer to the Americans, the United States Virgin Islands population lived under the military government as administered by the US Marines and US Navy. On the practical level it was brutal military occupation. During the fourteen year military occupation virtually all ideas that Virgin Islanders entertained regarding self determination was drastically modulated. The Virgin Islands people could not envisage at this point independence and sovereignty they were now relegated to a continuation of the possession status of a new colonial master. The advent of “American citizenship” became a buzzword that animated men and women, both young and old, who found the concept fascinating and intriguing. Prior to the lifting of military rule, American citizenship was conferred on the Virgin Islands population, and the marketing campaign was thoroughly embraced by many. In view of economic hardship and poor living standards in the Virgin Islands a mass migration to all parts of the United States ensued. The attractiveness of enlisting in the US armed forces was overwhelming and many Virgin Islanders volunteered for WWII, the Korean conflict as well as the war in Viet Nam, and in some instances they were drafted into military service. The mystic of American citizenship and its practical impact continues to fascinate Virgin Islanders by and large, but there is a strong contingent of independent thinkers that are emerging who are well versed in the organic historical facts of the region and people. The current status of the American Virgin Islands is that of an unincorporated territory of the United States that has been granted by the Revised Organic Act of 1954, in the framework of a self governing republican form of government. Since the first local gubernatorial election, which occurred in 1972, the territory’s government continues to be embattled in internal political machinations that were short sighted and ill- conceived at best. Perhaps the larger point is to observe is the disparity in the quality of political leadership that existed during the period of enslavement and emancipation up to the point of American military occupation, as compared to the poor quality of political leadership of the past fifty years. The quality of the contemporary political leadership of the Virgin Islands both military and civilian can be easily researched, accessed and evaluated. On the other hand the leaders of the indigenous enslaved population of the islands during the period of enslavement and emancipation are not recorded in popular historical accounts of the land and the period, or may have been deliberately written out the popular American history narrative. Many of these historic heroic characters both men and women and their respective exploits and achievements are documented in published works and other media that is accessible to the serious researcher. For the purpose of this book and future research we mention several. The list of Virgin Islands luminaries are separated in two basic groupings: The Danish West Indies prior to the transfer of 1917, and the American Virgin Islands beginning with the transfer going forward. We want to begin historical Virgin Islands figures beginning in the 20 th century as the population came to terms with the transition process. One of the major Virgin Islands figures that made enormous contributions to the advancement of the Virgin Islands works and people of the territory was David Hamilton Jackson. David Hamilton Jackson was born on September 28, 1884 on St. Croix in what was then the Danish West Indies. His education began at East Hill School where both his parents were teachers. Jackson is credited with establishing the first labour union in the Virgin Islands, lobbying successfully to the Danish government in Copenhagen for the right of assembly for blacks, and he was a major principal in the establishment for a newspaper in the Virgin Islands. The lives of many other notable figures in the Virgin Islands and on the American mainland, New York City in particular, intersected with the work of David Hamilton Jackson on various levels. Perhaps one of the most controversial and flamboyant figures to be closely associated with the work of David Hamilton Jackson was Casper Holstein, also born on the island of St. Croix. Casper Holstein is credited as inventing the numbers game in Harlem. In the book, “Gambling in Harlem between the wars” Holstein is touted as the inventor “black pool” and it discusses his exploits and significance during the Harlem renaissance period, as he hobnobbed among all echelons of people across racial lines and class distinctions. Many years ago my friend Preston Smith whose father was a well placed hustler in the numbers game in Harlem told me that according to his father and older brother, Casper Holstein was a “West Indian” who invented the numbers gambling system. As the result of my research I learned that Casper Holstein was born on St. Croix, and there is in fact a road called, “Casper Holstein Drive.” I informed Preston that Holstein legacy is bigger than life in the Virgin Islands in general and on St. Croix in particular. I also shared the information on Holstein with my friend Trevor, who is thirteen years my senior and had informed me that one of his uncles was an associate of Casper Holstein in the numbers game. Trevor showed me a photograph of his uncle and it was obvious that his uncle was a sharp dressing cat and looked like a man of great distinction. Both Preston and Trevor did not know that Casper Holstein was a Virgin Islander born on the island of St. Croix. The numbers game still exists in Harlem and in virtually all inner cities and urban communities throughout the United States. The three digit number is still derived from the 3 rd 5th and 7 th horse race and the 6 to 1 payout remains in place. On St. Croix and in the Virgin Islands in general, Casper Holstein is quit a revered figure and is closely associated with David Hamilton Jackson as well as being known as a philanthropist on behalf of the Virgin Islands people. A great deal of Holstein’s philanthropy was directed towards David Hamilton Jackson’s work in establishing the first labour union in the Virgin Islands, and the headquarters was on St. Croix, in Grove. Jackson’s labour union had considerable real estate holdings on St. Croix which is attributed to the largess of Casper Holstein. His real estate holdings were located in Grove, and included other areas on St. Croix. Holstein was no stranger to controversy and as such he eventually served time in prison and many of his holdings were challenged and much was lost. However, his financial facilitations connected with the work and legacy of David Hamilton Jackson remains a cornerstone and example of responsible Virgin Islands leadership... David Hamilton Jackson was born on September 28, 1884 on St. Croix and his education began at East Hill School where both his parents were teachers. He went on to earn a law degree from Howard University. From a young age Jackson is said to have been interested in the issues of the day, taking a stand and defending his positions with courage and conviction. Jackson played a prominent role in the social, economic and political develop of the islands. In 1915, with the help of Ralph Bough, Jackson organized the first Labour Union on St. Croix,” The St. Croix Labour Union.” He served as president of the organization. The union allowed labourers to use organized protests and discussions for seeking better work conditions and higher wages in place of the physical uprisings of the past. Late that year, he was selected by the “Union to Travel to Denmark,” a group of black labourers, to intercede, on their behalf by informing King Christian X and the Danish Parliament of the living and work conditions of the people in the Danish West Indies, and to advocate for higher wages and health benefits. The business sector and planters were irritated by Jackson’s activities, and considered him a ‘trouble maker.’ Among the people however, his commitment against strict labour laws that confined black people to work for a few land owners in poor conditions immortalized him as the “Black Moses.” The results of his efforts were improved wages and labour laws beneficial to all workers. On the trip to Denmark, Jackson also petitioned for a free press. In the early 1900’s Denmark was considering selling the islands to the United States. Jackson, who was frustrated with the empty promises for reform that the Danish government had always given, led the way to gaining support for the transfer of the islands. The Danish West Indies was transferred to the United States in 1917. Jackson served on the Colonial Council of St. Croix from 1923-1926 and on the Municipal Council of St. Croix in 1941 and 1946. During these terms he often served as a spokesperson. In the latter post travelling to the nation’s capital to speak on pertinent issues affecting the new U.S. territory, like citizenship for the islands’ people. He served as a judge of the Municipal Court of St. Croix from 1931-1941 and was privileged to have played a role in the development of the 1936 Organic Act, the body of laws that gave the territory a measure of self-government over internal affairs. He was the first Chairman of the St. Croix School Board. In private law practice he provided legal services, often without charge, to his people. David Hamilton Jackson died on May 30, 1946. He had served St. Croix people as an educator, an editor, a labour leader, lawyer and legislator. A housing project in Christiansted has been named in his honor. And his birthday is a U.S. Virgin Island Holiday . A housing project in Christiansted has been named in his honor. And his birthday is a U.S. Virgin Island Holiday . In commemoration of his contributions to the Virgin Islands, November 1 st was designated David Hamilton Jackson Day, also known as Liberty Day. From 1779 the Danes had pressed strict censorship on all publications in the territory. That same year an ordinance was authorized providing that only government subsidized newspapers could be published under strict government censorship. Jackson traveled to Denmark & successfully petitioned the King of Denmark for removal of this law. When Jackson returned home he organized the first free newspaper, the Herald. Liberty Day is now a holiday celebration on the island. The Herald Newspaper was just the beginning of Jackson's efforts for his people. Ralph Bough helped Jackson organize the first labor union in the Danish West Indies during 1913. With this union the people were able to abandon physical uprisings and begin discussing the problems with organized protests. Their labor movement later included St. Thomas, where the majority of the laborers were coal workers at the West India company wharf. They earned $1 or more a day. Only a small amount of St. Tomeans were farmers, earning less. On Sept. 1, 1892 the women (the majority of the coal workers were women) coal workers got frantic and demanded a wage increase and a payment in gold or its equivalent. They gathered at Market Square with wielding sticks and other weapons to make their point. Even though surrounded by 40 soldiers armed and prepared to take shots at the packed group, it was hard to keep the people in control. Captain Pauludan of the military force was ready to give orders to shoot but Judge Fischer restrained him. Luckily it rained and the crowd dispersed. The next St. Thomas labor protest of the workers was in 1916. By this time they had organized the St. Thomas labor union with the help of George A. Moorhead, with a membership of about 2,700. The coal carriers and other laborers were on strike in Oct. 1916 causing 3 ships go elsewhere for coal. The West India Company then entered into an agreement with the St. Thomas labor union, and began paying higher wages for the newly unionized workers. After the labor movement the Danish government sent down a commission to study what was happening in the Danish Virgin Islands. They came to the conclusion that Denmark was too far away and was not knowledgeable enough of the problems in the Danish West Indies they would save money if they transferred the Virgin Islands to the United States rather than invest lots of money to spend improving the poor conditions. With entry into the American market, the commission believed that the islands economy would be improved. Fed up with the promises of reform that the Danish government had given in the past, Jackson led the way in gaining support for the transfer of the Virgin Islands. And even after the transfer Jackson had to fight for the citizenship of the residents of the new U.S. territory. David Hamilton Jackson was baptized a Moravian, and his name is Entry No. 1534 in the Baptismal Records of Friedensthal Moravian Congregation, of St. Croix. Jackson was attracted to the priesthood as a youth, but opted to teach like his parents both of whom taught at East Hill. His father, once a principal at that Estate East Hill School, later taught at Estate Peter’s Rest School. Later, Wilfred Jackson worked as a book-keeper for James C. Canegata, father of Dr. David Canegata. Mr. Jackson’s maternal grandfather, James Hamilton McIntosh, or ‘Brother James McIntosh,’ as he was known in Moravian circles, was an Antiguan trained at the Moravian Teachers Training College in Golden Grove Estate, Antigua. According to Moravian Bishop G.G. Maynard Oliver, “when a shortage was realized in the Danish West Indies, Brother McIntosh was sent to St. Croix to be a lay preacher and to direct the schools on the three islands; the first of several Negro teachers from Antigua, who served faithfully and acceptably in this area.” Early in his youth, D. Hamilton Jackson benefited from a Catholic priest who helped him with various texts as he became self-disciplined about his education. Jackson developed friendships among his generation across religious and economic lines, and one Patrick James was among them. Patrick James was a Roman Catholic student who lived at Big Fountain Leyrim Estate. Patrick had two younger brothers (Charles and Theopheld, his father Adam James was a “ploughman,” and his mother, “Frankie” was a “labor 1 st class.” In 1909, David Hamilton Jackson attended educational meetings for ‘colored workers.’ Then, Mr. Jackson studied law in the United States. He returned to St. Croix and went into private practice. By December, 1915, he was president of the St. Croix Labor Union, which he helped organize and establish with Ralph Bough. Subsequently, the St. Croix Labor Union started with a membership of approximately 6,000 members. Later that same year, Jackson was selected by the labor union membership to go to Denmark to advocate for daily wages and health benefits of the US Virgin Islands’ workers. Hamilton also advocated for a publishing a newspaper for the black laborers. When he returned from Denmark, he published The Herald, on October 29, 1915; much to the anger of the planters, he was hailed as “The Champion of the People.” In 1916, months after he had returned from Denmark, Jackson married Theolinda Pentheny at the St. John’s Anglican Church. She was the daughter of prominent businessman, Cornelius Pentheny. Both newly-weds were 32 years of age. The 1930 Census shows that David Hamilton Jackson lived at No. 4 Market Street with his wife, Theolinda, living in a house owned by his mother-in-law, and widow, Laurisa Pentheny. She was also listed as a resident. Later that year, the St. Croix Labor union membership had called for a general strike. Tensions ensued and a Danish war ship, “The Valerian,” was sent to St. Croix. The events of War World I created further deprivation on the workers in the U.S. Virgin Islands, and on October 16, 1916, Denmark sold the islands to the United States. The activism and advocacy of David Hamilton Jackson is well documented. He was at once credited by Denmark for “gaining reforms without bloodshed and violence,” while simultaneously being maligned by the Danish and European landowners as “a representative of the Devil from Hell.” Others farmers called him “a firebrand,” and “a trouble-maker,” yet, he was called the “Black Moses,” and the “George Washington of his people,” by many others. What Jackson primarily wanted for his people was an increase in wages. Finally, it was granted - from 20 cents per day to 35 cents per day; and, an elimination of three cents deduction for medical care. Labor and health conditions improved, and labor unions were also started on St. Thomas and St. John. After Transfer Day, on March 31, 1917, when US citizenship was promised to those who did not opt for Danish Citizenship, the sugar cane industry was greatly curtailed, and the Prohibition Era followed. Many Virgin Islands looked abroad for economic opportunity and gainful employment. By 1920, D. Hamilton Jackson took a home-study course in Law with LaSalle Extension University. Later, he continued his studies at Hamilton College of Law, Chicago, Illinois. In 1921, Jackson passed the Bar of Law, and became an attorney of Criminal Law, after studying at University of Indiana, Indianapolis, where he received his Law degree. From 1923-26, a period of Early American Occupation, he continued to serve in the Colonial Council (18 members). In 1926, also, Congress granted Virgin Islanders full citizenship. By 1931, Jackson was appointed Judge of the Municipal Court of St. Croix (nine members), replacing Judge Canegata, for whom Jackson’s father had worked as a book-keeper. He served until his resignation in 1941. During this period, in 1932, Congress moved the US Virgin Islands to the Department of the Interior. It would be 1936 before Congress passed the Organic Act, which gave the territory a measure of self-government over its internal affairs. Between 1941-46, he served on the Municipal Council (during the American Occupation) and was present during the formation of the 1936 Organic Act, giving women voting privileges for the first time; and repealing the law making it mandatory to have earnings of at least $300 a year or property valued at $300 – before one could vote. David Hamilton Jackson was also the first Chairman of the St. Croix School Board and served for 15 years. In the 1940s, he returned as a judge, before he returned to private practice. On May 30, 1946, at the age of 62, David Hamilton Jackson died. Jackson was survived by his wife Theolinda Jackson and three children. Following his death, his widow moved to New York City, until her passing, several years later. 1848 EMANCIPATION OF THE VIRGIN ISLANDS… In comparison to South America, North America, and other Caribbean islands, the Virgin Islands' shift, from slavery to emancipation was an almost bloodless affair. In 1847, King Christian VIII decreed that all Danish West Indian slaves were to be free within 12 years, and their sons and daughters born during this period to have been born free. An open dissatisfaction with this “interim” period of slavery in the Danish West Indies provoked a revolt. Growing discontent in Europe over the slave matter supported Christian VIII’s decree. The slave trade had been outlawed by Royal Resolution as early as 1792 (to take effect by the date of 1802), but the influential and wealthy plantation owners had garnered for the right to continue their system of agricultural exploitation almost unhindered. After the royal decree, although, the slave population, who had caught news of slave rebellions in the French islands Martinique and Guadeloupe, were endemically set to alter their political status. Open rebellion started with an open avowal against the edict. On July 2, 1848, in Frederiksted, St. Croix, there were outward protests on the local streets and ship harbors which continued the next morning with the plundering and ransacking of local houses. The white inhabitants of the local town fled, seeking refuge in the harbor aboard ships and other places, armed with guns. Many fiery demonstrations then took place under the apparent command of Moses “General Buddhoe, or Bordeaux “Gottlieb,” assessed in Danish West Indian history as the leader of the revolt. Governor- General Peter Von Scholten, after arriving on-sight of the debacle, issued the Emancipation Proclamation on July 3, and printed the formal announcements to be distributed to other attachments in the rebellion. His intentions had apparently been in place since 1833, when the British issued their Act of Emancipation and his close confidence with Frederik VI afforded him to venture with the idea of the proposal. Looting and ransacking continued after the Proclamation, apparently unabated by the impending disorder. Some units of former slaves did not believe the issuance and continued plundering, only stopping with Von Scholten’s personal interference. Others caught in the melee met surrender under Major Falbe. On July 6, Von Scholten was met with stiff rebuke from a group of planters in Christiansted, who woefully upbraided his decision. Governor Scholten resigned the following evening, and a provisional government was put in place. This government was superseded by Oberst von Oxholm, who, upon the arrival of Spanish troops, had General Buddhoe exiled to Trinidad. The rebellion thus ended with very few casualties, in fact it has been referred to as a “bloodless” rebellion due to Buddhoe’s diplomacy and leadership. 1878 REBELLION ON ST. CROIX After emancipation, another repressive system of exploitation was introduced which in essence matched the prior servitude of the slave economy. The former slaves were now paid for their work, but their salaries depended on an almost feudal subsistence of labor that bound them to the owners wherewithal in stipulated contracts. These contracts dictated the amount of time employed, the conditions of housing, and, effectively, the freedom of movement or advancement. The ordinance of 1849 under Governor-General Peter Hansen adjusted to a meager system of interdependence for the benefit of the planters, who supplied the very low wages and also adapted measures to bring in Indian indentured servants and immigrant laborers to make up for the worker shortfall. A small number of slaves responded by immigrating to St. Thomas to work in the more lucrative shipping docks, but as the number of passports issued was hindered by governmental interference, more and more “free” black workers simply adapted grudgingly to the existing system until the culminating events of 1878. Fireburn in Frederiksted On October 1, 1878, a day before contracts were to be renewed, a crowd of black workers gathered in Frederiksted to desist the renewal of contracts, which were considered contractual forms of indentured servitude. Rumors began to be circulated that passports were unavailable and that a group of workers were being detained on route to Vieques. Violence soon ensued after another rumor broke out that a local drunk, Henry Trottman, who had been taken to the hospital by the police for a cut on his foot, was maltreated and died in police custody. This sent forth a barrage of stones from the crowd, and Danish soldiers responded by shooting back. As the soldiers barricaded themselves in the fort, the crowd began looting the surrounding area, setting fire to many buildings. The event is referred to as the “Fireburn” due to the rioters’ employment of loose sticks and bundled torches to ignite the town buildings and later, the plantations. Military assistance from Lieutenant Ostermann came late to Frederiksted, and Governor Garde did not hear of the rebellion until October 2. As the streets were cleared by force from the town of Frederiksted, the rioters continued their ravage by attacking the numerous plantations, splitting into several groups and enticing a number of fellow onlookers to join in the destruction. French and British aide came to St. Croix, but Garde declined their assistance. Queen Mary and Other Cohorts On October 5, Garde demanded that all workers return to the plantations. If they were not to return, they were presumed rebels. This effort, though, produced minimal results and further acts of rebellion continued. It is important to note, as Virgin Islands historian Isaac Dookhan says, that there was never any clear organization of the rebellion from the beginning. Nonetheless, leaders and heroes sprung from the disorder, such as “Queen Mary” or Mary Thomas, Axelline Salomon, and John Lewis. Over 60 black workers died as a result of the riot; only three whites were killed. Soon after labor reforms were put in order, such as the reform of October 24, 1879, which supposedly put in place a wage increase and liberalization of income for wage earners. The ordinance, however, did not improve much from the previous one issued in 1849. As Peter Jensen writes in From Serfdom to Fireburn and Strike: The History of Black Labor in the Danish West Indies 1848-1917 , "The liberalization of labor conditions in the 1879, then, did not necessarily result in any improvements in the laborers' conditions, on balance, since it was obtained on the planters' and not the laborers' terms." Legions of men and women that are contemporaries of David Hamilton Jackson who remain unheralded made significant contributions to the Virgin Islands and indeed the world. Their history is so rich and colorful that it is difficult to envisage how such courageous and consequential footprints. But the fact remains that these male and female giants were standing on the shoulders of their ancestors and mentors who navigated, negotiated, planned and fought their way out of enslavement to freedom. Edmund Wilmot Blyden is one of the Virgin Islanders who shoulders David Hamilton Jackson and his contemporaries stands on. Edward Wilmot Blyden (3 August 1832 – 7 February 1912) Edward Wilmot Blyden was an American Liberian educator, writer, diplomat, and politician primarily in Liberia. He also taught for five years in Sierra Leone, and his writings were influential in both countries. Blyden was born on 3 August 1832 in St Thomas, Danish West Indies (now known as the U.S. Virgin Islands) to Free Black parents who were from the Igbo from present- day Nigeria. According to the historian Hollis R. Lynch, in 1845 Blyden met the Reverend John P. Knox, a white American, who became pastor of the St. Thomas Protestant Dutch Reformed Church. Blyden and his family lived near the church, and Knox was impressed with the studious, intelligent boy. Knox became his mentor, encouraging Blyden's considerable aptitude for oratory and literature. Mainly because of his close association with Knox, the young Blyden decided to become a minister, which his parents encouraged. In May 1850, Blyden, accompanied by Reverend Knox's wife, went to the United States to enroll in Rutgers Theological College, Knox's alma mater . He was refused admission due to his race. Efforts to enroll him in two other theological colleges also failed. Knox encouraged Blyden to go to Liberia and the colony set up by the American Colonization Society (ACS), where he thought Blyden would be able to use his talents. In addition to David Hamilton Jackson, there are a number of Crucian’s who made important contributions to the forward movement of the Virgin Islands and the American mainland. Some of these historic figures include: Casper Holstein, Hubert Harrison, Ashley Totten, Frank Crosswaith and Elizabeth Hendrickson. Casper Holstein (1876-1944) Casper A. Holstein was born on St. Croix in 1876. He moved to New York with his mother at age 12 and attended school in New York. In 1898 he enlisted in the Navy and served on the U.S.S. Saratoga . After returning to New York, he worked as a bellhop, a porter, and for a Wall Street broker from whom he learned much about banking. Holstein applied his knowledge of banking to gambling. Shortly before World War I, he devised a "numbers game" based on the Spanish game bolito . Players placed bets on a three-digit number in hopes of a large reward. The odds of winning were 1 in 900, and Holstein paid off at a rate of 600 to 1, which left him a sizeable profit. It has been speculated that he earned over $2,000,000 from the numbers game and his other gambling interests. For a time, Holstein, known as "The Bolito King", was the undisputed leading figure of Harlem's predominantly-Caribbean numbers racket. Holstein spent his enormous wealth as quickly as he acquired it. As a philanthropist, he was recognized as one of the six major patrons of the Harlem Renaissance (the others being Jessie Fauset, James Weldon Johnson, Charles Johnson, Alain Locke, and Walter White). Many members of respectable Harlem looked down on Holstein because his money and fame came from introducing organized gambling to Harlem, but others overlooked the way in which his fortune was amassed in favor of the charitable ways in which he spent his money. In addition to investing in several apartment buildings and clubs, Holstein's monetary contributions included $1,000 awards for the Opportunity writing contests; donations to Howard and Fisk Universities and the Democratic Party; funding for a girls' dormitory in Liberia and a home for delinquent girls in India; Christmas gifts of five hundred food baskets to the needy; and donations to numerous charities. He also gave money to Marcus Garvey's UNIA and purchased its Liberty Hall for $36,000. He founded and contributed thousands to the Monarch Lodge No. 45 of the Independent Benevolent Protective Order of Elks of the World, and wrote a regular column in The Negro World . Holstein gave freely to his fellow Virgin Islanders. He subsidized the cost of education for a dozen Virgin Islanders. He established a dairy farm on St. Croix to distribute free milk to needy children. After hurricanes in 1924 and 1928, he established relief funds and chartered a steamship to deliver building materials to the islands. Eric Walrond wrote that "among Virgin Islanders he is looked upon as some sort of messiah." Holstein's contributions to the Virgin Islands were political as well as financial. After visiting the islands in 1917, he saw much need for improvement. In the early 1920s he became involved in Anselmo Jackson's Virgin Islands Congressional Council (VICC). In addition to funding the VICC, Holstein served as its president for more than a decade. Through the VICC, the Virgin Islands American League, and other organizations, Holstein and other Virgin Islanders sought to gain citizenship, political rights, civil liberties, and civil government for the people of the Virgin Islands, who had been under naval rule since the U.S. purchase of the islands. Holstein lobbied Washington to end the naval administration, published essays on the conditions in the Virgin Islands in the Washington Post , Negro World , and Opportunity , and paid for a full-page spread in The New York Times to advance awareness of the cause. Through the efforts of Holstein and others, the Virgin Islands' naval rule finally ended in 1931. Though successful in his political endeavors, Holstein's gambling career ended rather poorly. Harlem's profit potential attracted white mobsters to compete with Holstein. In September 1928 Holstein was kidnapped and held for ransom (which he paid). The kidnappers were never identified, but they are believed to have been financial or political enemies. By 1931 the Schultz gang had taken over gambling in Harlem, and Holstein's days in the business were over. Later, in 1937 Holstein was convicted and sentenced for his racketeering activities. Hubert H. Harrison (1883-1927) Hubert H. Harrison was a Socialist orator and writer. Born on St. Croix in 1883, he moved to New York after the death of his father in 1900. There he worked as a hotel bellman, telephone operator, and a clerk in a post office, while he simultaneously attended classes, read voraciously, wrote a column in The New York Times , and contributed to other publications. He lost his postal position after upsetting New York Republican Charles W. Anderson by writing a letter which criticized Booker T. Washington. Harrison, has been recognized as "one of the more prominent `radical' leaders of the first quarter of the twentieth century." He has been credited with bringing Socialism to black Harlem. Believing color prejudice to be based on economics, he joined the Socialist Party in 1909. In 1912 he became a paid speaker and organizer to recruit blacks to the Party. Harrison also helped to establish the Harlem School of Social Science and the Modern School and participated in leading a strike of silk workers in Paterson, New Jersey in 1912 and 1913. After three years as a Socialist orator, Harrison left the party over disagreements about black civil rights. Harrison thought more attention needed to be paid to the problems plaguing black workers specifically. After leaving the Socialist Party, he advocated some Socialist beliefs but was primarily a defender of race and the "Negro's racial heritage", not Socialism. Harrison was very busy during the summer of 1917. On June 12, 1917, he held the inaugural meeting of his newly-formed Negro American Liberty League. His call for a mass meeting following the St. Louis, Illinois race riots resulted in a gathering of more than 2000 Harlem residents. Harrison's Liberty League offered Marcus Garvey his first public speaking appearance in New York. Harrison offered other subsequent support to Garvey and was an editor for Garvey's Negro World . On July 4 Harrison founded The Liberty League's short-lived newspaper The Voice , which Harrison hailed a "newspaper for the New Negro". "Harrison's Voice set the tone and served as the forerunner of subsequent radical Harlem publications after the summer of 1917." In 1917 Harrison also published The Negro and the Nation , a collection of his essays. Harrison's political interests included the situation in his native Virgin Islands. Like Holstein, he was concerned about the "colonial problem", and he used his literary talents to document the situation in the islands. Harrison's main medium of influence was speech, not print. He was a recognized street figure, delivering powerful speeches to black and white audiences from the corner of Wall Street and Broad Street and later at West 96th Street off Broadway and on Lenox. He was also appointed as a staff lecturer by the Board of Education in 1926 and was a special lecturer for New York University and several other schools. "If credit is given to one individual for establishing the open- air forums both as political and educational institutions in New York City as well as in Harlem, it would be Hubert Harrison, a brilliant scholar and biting social critic. A man of stocky build, dark complexion, and booming voice, he was known around New York as the “Black Socrates." Harrison was a Harlem radical who was seldom recognized by the black leaders of the time. Although his Socialist views placed him squarely outside the "mainstream" Harlem Renaissance, he was in large part responsible for ushering in the "New Negro Movement", and his teachings greatly influenced many intellectuals of the time. Ashley L. Totten (1884-1963) In 1924 Ashley L. Totten was elected to represent New York porters at a wage conference in Chicago. As a result of the conference, the porters gained a meager wage increase. Disappointed by the outcome, Totten approached black labor activist Asa Philip Randolph for help the following year. After a few meetings, Randolph agreed to lead the new union, the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Totten was soon fired from Pullman and devoted all his time to organizing the Brotherhood. "Totten the Terrible", as he came to be called, was a powerful speaker, who spoke with emotion and reached out to the porters. Though Randolph is remembered as the primary figure of the union, Totten's work was perhaps equally instrumental. In addition to working for the Brotherhood to improve conditions in the United States, Totten was involved in Virgin Islands politics during the unpopular naval rule. With fellow Virgin Islander Elizabeth Hendrickson (1884 - 1946), he founded and administered the Virgin Islands Protective League, an organization which aimed at addressing the racial mistreatment of those in their homeland. In 1918 Totten and Hendrickson were selected as delegates to travel to the Virgin Islands to gain firsthand knowledge of the post-transfer conditions. Totten also served as the president of the American Virgin Islands Civic Association, was appointed by Harry S Truman to the Board of Directors of the Virgin Islands Corporation, was a chairman of the draft board in Harlem, and served as vice president of the Trade Union Division of the Liberal Party of New York City. Frank Crosswaith (1892-1965) Socialist, union organizer and civil rights crusader Frank Rudolph Crosswaith was born on St. Croix in 1892. At age 13 Crosswaith moved to New York, where he attended high school and the Rand School of Social Science (where he would later lecture). Like many other Virgin Islanders, he served in the U.S. Navy and worked as an elevator operator, porter, and garment worker, where he gained firsthand knowledge of the working conditions of laborers. These experiences led him to organize elevator operators, motion-picture operators, drugstore and grocery clerks, mechanics, and laundry workers. In 1917 Crosswaith began speaking on street corners about labor issues. Nicknamed "the Negro Debs", Crosswaith was one of the most well-known black speakers for the Socialist Party. He was "one of the most effective organizers of Negro workers in New York City." Crosswaith was "one of the most polished orators in any setting. He traveled widely and became the most recognized stepladder speaker outside of Harlem." In 1925 Crosswaith founded the American Federation of Labor Trade Union Committee for Organizing Negro Workers (later the Harlem Labor Committee). He also helped to start the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) and served on both groups for many years. Around the same time, Crosswaith became a special organizer for Ashley Totten's Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Crosswaith planned the Harlem Labor Committee in 1934 and helped organize and spoke at the first Negro Labor Conference in 1935. Both the Negro Labor Committee, of which he was chairman, and the newspaper Negro Labor News Services , which he edited, evolved from the conference. Crosswaith ran for office on Socialist and American Labor Party tickets several times in the 1920s and 1930s, and he was appointed to the New York City Housing Authority Board by Mayor LaGuardia in 1943. Economic and political hardships in the Virgin Islands in the early twentieth century led many Virgin Islanders to move to the United States, specifically to Harlem. There Virgin Islanders and other Caribbean immigrants met economic improvement, but also discrimination from both whites and native blacks. In Harlem, the newcomers were disproportionately economically successful when compared with native blacks. Similarly, a significant percentage of Harlem's political reformers and leaders were African Caribbean immigrants. Virgin Islanders, such as Holstein, Harrison, Totten, and Crosswaith, worked to improve the rights of both their compatriots in the Virgin Islands and of a larger black community. Though often overlooked, these Virgin Islanders and their political contributions brought about numerous substantial reforms and, in no small part, inspired the literary movement of the Harlem Renaissance. Economically, life in Harlem and elsewhere in the United States was an improvement for many relocated Virgin Islanders. However, the conditions in the U.S. were not entirely favorable; on the mainland immigrants met harsher racial prejudice and discrimination than they had experienced in the Caribbean. Virgin Islanders and other newcomers, harboring great expectations of equality in "the land of the free", were understandably disillusioned. In many ways Caribbean immigrants assimilated more rapidly than European (white) immigrant groups. Despite their differences, Caribbean’s from diverse nations and classes lived among and were considered by whites to be part of the same group as native-born blacks. Whites frequently identified the immigrants in racial, not national or ethnic, terms; Afro-Caribbean immigrants were simply black, not Virgin Islanders. This is not to say that native blacks immediately welcomed their Caribbean brothers. While whites might not distinguish Caribbean’s from native blacks, native blacks could easily identify themselves from the outsiders, with their foreign accents, clothes, and customs. African Caribbean’s met prejudice not only from whites, but from other blacks, who ridiculed the newcomers' clothing and speech and resented the competition for jobs. In the job market, African Caribbean’s enjoyed some advantages over native blacks. The immigrants were often more educated, having had greater opportunity for advancement in the Caribbean. Additionally, the immigrants typically had more political involvement and experience dealing with whites. Further, because they were sometimes viewed as immigrants rather than as former slaves, African Caribbean’s sometimes received slightly better treatment from whites. In this way their dress and dialect, which worked against them in black Harlem, worked for them outside of Harlem because it distinguished them from native blacks. This led some immigrants to emphasize their non-native status when it was advantageous to do so. Perhaps partly because of these factors, a statistically disproportionate percentage of black professionals (doctors, lawyers, etc., usually serving the black community) were Afro-Caribbean immigrants. African Caribbean’s also played a visible role in political and social activism and helped to inaugurate Harlem's literary renaissance. Some of the most prominent figures of the Harlem Renaissance were from the Caribbean. Notable Afro-Caribbean Harlem residents included writers Claude McKay (Jamaica), Eric Walrond (Guyana/Barbados), W. A. Domingo (Jamaica), and Cyril Briggs (Nevis), radicals Marcus Garvey (Jamaica) and Richard Moore (Barbados), minister Ethelred Brown (Jamaica), bibliophile Arthur Schomburg (Puerto Rico/St. Thomas), novelist Nella Larsen (of Danish and West Indian descent), photographer Austin Hansen (St. Thomas).

There are a number of reasons why foreign-born blacks seem to have taken a more active role in politics than native blacks. Afro-Caribbean’s were more accustomed to politics, small governments, black rule, cooperation, and fighting to end colonialism. Those who left the Caribbean hoped to leave labor unrest and poor political and social conditions behind them, and they were both disappointed when they arrived in the United States and determined to do something to improve the conditions. Afro-Caribbean’s were typically both more active in politics and more politically extreme than native blacks. The black socialist, communist, and other "radical" movements in Harlem were largely composed of West Indians. Black labor rights activism and Pan-Africanism were also largely fueled by Afro- Caribbean’s, who realized that many of their problems were the same problems which faced other blacks. Afro-Caribbean immigrants shone as orators, particularly as radical and eloquent street- speakers. In Harlem street-speakers who stood on street corners and spoke to the masses were a common sight and they played a significant role in shaping Harlem politics. The street corner became the most viable location for an alternative politics and the place where new social movements gained a hearing and recruited supporters. Street-speakers spoke of racism and Pan-Africanism, spread socialism and other alternative economic views, raised awareness of the conditions on their home islands, and, as the authorities often noted, stirred up discontent. Street-speakers formed an important part of the backdrop of the Harlem Renaissance. Members of the elite "Talented Tenth" and the black working class alike gathered to hear natives A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen and African Caribbean’s Richard Moore, W. A. Domingo, Marcus Garvey, Grace Campbell. These street-speakers, in part, inspired the New Negro movement of the Harlem Renaissance. Though the role of orators and organizers in the Harlem Renaissance is often overlooked in favor of focus on literature and the arts, the “street- speakers” greatly influenced both the common folk of Harlem and the literary elite. This, perhaps, represents the African Caribbean's, and in particular the Virgin Islander's, most significant contribution to Harlem's rebirth.