Settlement Experiences of Iranian Migrants on Humanitarian and Non-Humanitarian Visas in Australia a Thesis Submitted for the De

Settlement Experiences of Iranian Migrants on Humanitarian and Non-Humanitarian Visas in Australia

laya matindoost DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at

The University of Queensland in 2018

School of Communication and Arts

Abstract

There are many Iranians who have settled in Australia. This thesis explored the ways in which Iranian migrants who settled in Australia under humanitarian and non-humanitarian migration streams overcame the challenges of settling in a new society. Specifically, the study investigated: a) the barriers the migrants faced and factors that affected their integration into or disengagement from the host country; b) the impact their settlement had on their identity; c) the major challenges the Iranian migrants faced in the employment context; d) and the demographic variables that impacted the settlement experiences of the migrants. The primary theoretical frameworks which guided this study were: a) Berry’s acculturation model

(1997); b) Kim’s (2001) integrative theory of communication and cross-cultural adaptation; c) Tajfel’s social identity theory (Tajfel, 1981, 1982); and d) self-categorization theory

(Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987).

Data for the study were gathered qualitatively via semi-structured interviews with 40

Iranian migrants on humanitarian visas (10 men and 10 women) and non-humanitarian visas

(10 men and 10 women) who were recruited via snowball sampling. The interviews were transcribed and analysed thematically. The key themes which emerged from the narratives were: a) barriers and facilitators to initial settlement; b) perceived discrimination; c) acculturation strategies; d) identity; e) employment; and f) impact of demographic variables on settlement.

The key findings of the study showed that integration was the most preferred acculturation strategy adopted by the migrants. These migrants believed in maintaining cultural balance between their heritage culture and their host society’s culture as a means of integrating into their host country. However, their acculturation orientation and strategy also varied depending on different domains and spheres of life. This meant therefore that they adopted ‘selective adaptation’ (Navas, García, Sánchez, Rojas, Pumares, & Fernández, 2005). 3

Iranian migrants in this study were confronted with various challenges in the employment context including non-recognition of their credentials, lack of local experience/networking and connections, lengthy transition into the labour market, downward mobility, and loss of occupational status. Various factors such as age, gender, length of stay, city of origin, education level, and language proficiency played a role in the experiences of the migrants. The younger migrants felt their settlement and acculturation processes were more challenging. While gender negatively impacted on the labour market participation and integration of female migrants of both cohort with more women reported being unemployed, the egalitarian context of Australia gave more freedom and safety to these female migrants and thus positively impacted these individuals.

Lack of English language proficiency not only impacted on the labour market participation of the humanitarian visa holders but also limited their social interactions with the host nationals. The findings also showed that migration impacted on the migrants’ religious identity, leading some of them to modify or conceal their religious identity as a result of settling in Australia. The secular and egalitarian context of Australia, religious freedom, and unrestricted access to resources helped these migrants to adopt a more liberal stance on their religious beliefs. While the Christian and Baha’i Iranians in this study had strong attachment to their religions, some migrants in the Muslim cohort concealed their religious identity so as to reduce the impact of discrimination.

Finally, this study made key contributions to migrant settlement studies and provided insights into migrants’ lives post-migration. In this context, this research adds to the limited body of literature on immigration, settlement, and acculturation experiences of Iranian migrants in Australia. Further, this study contributes to the body of knowledge of refugee resettlement in Australia. The findings from this study will also inform policies and the settlement services. 4

Declaration by author

This thesis is composed of my original work, and contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference has been made in the text. I have clearly stated the contribution by others to jointly-authored works that I have included in my thesis.

I have clearly stated the contribution of others to my thesis as a whole, including statistical assistance, survey design, data analysis, significant technical procedures, professional editorial advice, financial support and any other original research work used or reported in my thesis. The content of my thesis is the result of work I have carried out since the commencement of my higher degree by research candidature and does not include a substantial part of work that has been submitted to qualify for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution. I have clearly stated which parts of my thesis, if any, have been submitted to qualify for another award.

I acknowledge that an electronic copy of my thesis must be lodged with the University Library and, subject to the policy and procedures of The University of Queensland, the thesis be made available for research and study in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968 unless a period of embargo has been approved by the Dean of the Graduate School.

I acknowledge that copyright of all material contained in my thesis resides with the copyright holder(s) of that material. Where appropriate I have obtained copyright permission from the copyright holder to reproduce material in this thesis and have sought permission from co- authors for any jointly authored works included in the thesis.

Publications included in this thesis

“No publications included”.

Submitted manuscripts included in the thesis

“No manuscripts submitted for publication”

Other publications during candidature

Matindoost, L. (2015) Media representation of Muslim Youth. Media Development Journal.3, 33-36.

Contributions by others to the thesis

“No contribution by others”

Statement of parts of the thesis submitted to qualify for the award of another degree

“None”.

Research Involving Human or Animal Subjects

Ethical approval sought from the school of Communication and Arts

Application Number: 2015013 8

Acknowledgements

I am indebted to many people who have provided me with support and guidance throughout my doctoral study.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisors Dr Levi Obijiofor and Dr Aparna

Hebbani for their continuous support and immense knowledge. Their guidance has helped me tremendously throughout my doctoral study for they have not only been my mentors but have given me the inspiration and encouragement to move ahead and constantly reminded me that

“Sky is the limit”. I am extremely grateful for their valuable insights and constructive comments. I also remain indebted to them for their great support and understanding during this journey. I am forever grateful for their great support and knowledge that not only helped me to expand my research capabilities but gave me the determination that I needed to pursue my goal.

I am deeply grateful to my family. I am indebted beyond words to my husband and my six- year-old daughter for all the sacrifices they have made for me to pursue my goal. I am grateful to my daughter that while being away from family and her father during this long journey so that I would achieve my goal, she reminded me every day that I need to be “strong”.

Undertaking a PhD research would have not been possible without their immense help and support. I am forever grateful for that in my life. Hopefully, this will teach my daughter that resilience and determination of a woman is the stepping stone to her success and that nothing can ever stop her from reaching her goals.

I would also like to acknowledge the Australian Government Postgraduate Award for providing me with a living allowance scholarship. I am honoured to be a recipient of Betty Patterson

Fellowship from Fellowship Fund Inc. (FFI). My heartfelt gratitude to the FFI that afforded me the opportunity to work toward my study. This study could not have been possible without 9

research and scholarship support from the Australian Government, University of Queensland, and Fellowship Fund Inc.

Special thanks to the participants of this study for sharing their time and stories and making the completion of this research possible.

I would also like to extend my thanks to my fellow PhD colleagues for their continuous support during the course of my PhD research.

Financial support

This research was supported by an Australian Government Postgraduate Award and Betty Patterson Fellowship by the Fellowship Fund Inc.

Keywords

Australia, Iran, refugees, non-humanitarian, settlement, acculturation, integration, employment, cross-cultural adaptation

Australian and New Zealand Standard Research Classifications (ANZSRC)

ANZSRC code: 200208, Migrant Cultural Studies, 80%

ANZSRC code: 200209, Multicultural, Intercultural and Cross-cultural Studies, 20%

Fields of Research (FoR) Classification

FoR code: 2001, Communication Studies, 20%

FoR code: 2002, Cultural Studies, 80%

Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 20 Migration Pathways to Australia...... 20 The humanitarian program ...... 21 Refugee ...... 21 Special Humanitarian Program ...... 22 Maritime Arrivals ...... 22 The migration program ...... 23 Skill ...... 24 Family ...... 24 Special eligibility ...... 24 Summary...... 24 Iran: A Brief Background ...... 25 Iranians in Australia ...... 25 Demographic profile ...... 27 Summary...... 28 Aims and Objectives of the Study...... 28 Gaps in Existing Literature on Iranian Settlement ...... 29 Over-arching Research Questions ...... 31 Significance of the Study ...... 32 Outline of Thesis Chapters ...... 32 Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theoretical Frameworks ...... 34 Introduction ...... 34 Acculturation Theory: Scholarly Contestations ...... 35 Defining acculturation ...... 35 Acculturation Models ...... 37 The unidirectional/unidimensional model ...... 37 The bidirectional/bidimensional model ...... 38 Berry’s acculturation model ...... 39 Interactive Acculturation Model (IAM) ...... 42 Relative Acculturation Extended Model (RAEM) ...... 44 Acculturation: Summary ...... 44 Kim’s Integrative Theory of Cross-cultural Adaptation (CCA) ...... 46 Personal and social communication ...... 49 Environment ...... 50 Intercultural transformation ...... 52 CCA summary: ...... 53 13

Factors Impacting on Acculturation and Adaptation ...... 53 Age ...... 53 Gender ...... 54 Acculturative stress ...... 54 Cultural distance ...... 55 Visible difference ...... 56 Perceived discrimination ...... 56 Employment ...... 58 Length of stay ...... 59 Factors: Summary ...... 60 Identity ...... 60 Social identity theory ...... 62 Self-categorization theory ...... 64 National identity ...... 65 Cultural identity ...... 66 Ethnic identity ...... 66 Religious identity ...... 68 Intercultural identity ...... 69 Identity: Summary ...... 69 Key findings ...... 69 Summary...... 70 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 72 Research Paradigms ...... 72 Methodological Approach ...... 73 Data Collection Methods ...... 74 Participant Recruitment and Sampling ...... 77 Participants’ profile ...... 78 Humanitarian participants ...... 79 Non-humanitarian participants ...... 79 Methodological Issues in Participant Recruitment ...... 80 Participant recruitment ...... 80 Cultural issues ...... 83 Funding constraints ...... 85 Ethical Considerations ...... 85 Data Collection ...... 87 Demographic questions ...... 87 Semi-structured interviews ...... 88 14

Data Analysis ...... 90 Summary...... 92 Chapter 4: Findings and Discussion ...... 93 Introduction ...... 93 Barriers and Facilitators to Initial Settlement ...... 95 Migration pathways ...... 95 Their new context ...... 97 Housing ...... 99 Intercommunity tension ...... 102 Discussion ...... 104 Perceived Discrimination ...... 107 Marked ‘difference’ ...... 109 Neighbourhood ...... 110 Australian government and immigration status ...... 111 Covert discrimination in certain spheres ...... 112 Impact of media portrayal ...... 113 Lack of knowledge about Iran ...... 114 Discussion ...... 115 Acculturation Strategies ...... 120 Ensuring cultural transmission ...... 124 Discussion ...... 126 Host interpersonal relationship ...... 128 Co-ethnic interpersonal relationship ...... 130 Discussion ...... 133 Identity ...... 136 Cultural and ethnic identity ...... 136 Religious identity ...... 139 Intercultural identity ...... 143 Discussion ...... 145 Employment ...... 147 Employment Outcomes of Non-humanitarian Visa Cohort ...... 148 Lengthy transition into the labour market ...... 149 Non-recognition of qualifications and credentials ...... 151 Having local experience, connections/networking ...... 153 Instability of the Australian job market ...... 155 Downward mobility ...... 156 Career development and progression ...... 159 15

Subtle/under the table discrimination ...... 160 Employment Outcomes of Humanitarian Visa Cohort ...... 161 Employment and psychological adaptation ...... 164 Loss of occupational and social Status...... 165 Both cohorts: Gendered Experiences ...... 167 Hijab ...... 169 Cultural identifier ...... 170 Name ...... 170 Nationality and ethnicity ...... 170 Discussion ...... 171 Impact of Demographic Variables on Settlement ...... 176 Language proficiency ...... 177 The humanitarian visa holders ...... 177 The non-humanitarian visa holders ...... 179 Discussion ...... 180 Education level...... 182 Participants on humanitarian visas ...... 182 Participants on non-humanitarian visas ...... 183 Discussion ...... 183 Education level and employment ...... 183 Education level and acculturation ...... 185 Age ...... 185 Discussion ...... 187 Gender ...... 188 Discussion ...... 189 Length of stay ...... 190 City of origin ...... 191 Marital status ...... 192 Discussion ...... 194 Visible differences ...... 195 Summary ...... 197 Chapter 5: Conclusions and Implications ...... 198 Introduction ...... 198 Research Questions ...... 198 Research question 1 ...... 198 Migration pathway ...... 199 Their new context ...... 199 16

Housing ...... 200 Language barriers ...... 201 Iranian community and intercommunity tensions……………………………………………………201 Perceived discrimination ...... 202 Facilitators of initial settlement ...... 203 Research question 1a ...... 204 Research question 1b ...... 205 Research question 2 ...... 206 Research question 3 ...... 208 Contributions of the Study ...... 210 Limitations of Study and Directions for Future Research ...... 210 Methodological limitations ...... 211 Contextual limitations ...... 213 Social limitations ...... 214 Implications...... 216 Implications for Policy and Practice ...... 216 Implications for policy (Employment) ...... 216 Recommendation 1 ...... 219 Recommendation 2 ...... 219 Implications for policy (Cross-cultural adaptation) ...... 219 Recommendation 1 ...... 219 Implications for practice (Employment) ...... 220 Recommendation 1 ...... 220 Recommendation 2 ...... 220 Implications for practice (Settlement services) ...... 221 Recommendation 1 ...... 221 Recommendation 2 ...... 222 Implications for cross-cultural training ...... 224 Recommendation 1 ...... 224 Recommendation 2 ...... 224 Summary ...... 224 References ...... 227 Appendices ...... 266

List of Tables

Table 1 People in immigration detention facilities in Australia ...... 23

Table 2 Key themes and sub-themes of the findings of this stud y...... 94

Table 3 Residency and citizenship status for humanitarian and non-humanitarian cohort ...... 97

Table 4 Religious affiliation of humanitarian visa holders ...... 139

Table 5 Religious affiliation of non-humanitarian visa holders ...... 139

Table 6 Self-rated data on English language proficiency for humanitarian participants ...... 177

Table 7 Self-rated data on Farsi language proficiency for humanitarin participants ...... 178

Table 8 Self-rated data on English language proficiency for non-humanitarian participants ...... 179

Table 9 Self-rated data on Farsi language proficiency for non-humanitarian participants ...... 180

Table 10 Age range for humanitarian visa participants ...... 185

Table 11 Age range for non-humanitarian visa participants ...... 186

Table 12 Length of residence in Australia for humanitarian and non-humanitarian cohort ...... 190

Table 13 City of origin for humanitarian visa participants ...... 191

Table 14 City of origin for non-humanitarian visa participants ...... 192

Table 15 Marital status of humanitarian cohort ...... 193

Table 16 Marital status of the non-humanitarian cohort ...... 193

List of Figures

Figure 1 Iran vs Australia ...... 26

Figure 2 Year of arrival in Australia for Iranian migrants as compared to those born overseas ...... 27

Figure 3 Berry’s acculturation model ...... 266

List of Abbreviations

DIAC Department of Immigration and Citizenship

SHP Special Humanitarian Program

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

UN United Nations

IMAs Irregular Maritime Arrivals

TPVs Temporary Protection Visas

IELTS English language proficiency test called the International English Language

Testing System

SOL Skilled Occupation List

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

LSIA Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia

NAATI National Accreditation Authority for Translators and Interpreters Ltd, Australia MDA Multicultural Development Australia

TAFE Technical and Further Education

HSP Humanitarian Settlement Program

EA Engineers Australia

AMEP Adult Migrant English Program

NESB Non-English Speaking Background

ESB English Speaking Background 20

Chapter 1: Introduction

Australia as one of the major humanitarian and non-humanitarian migrant-receiving countries in the world has been faced with the ongoing influx of migrants over many decades.

Whether ‘push’ or ‘pull’1 factors instigate one’s migration, settling in a new environment is a challenge at the individual and societal level (de Hass, 2010; Kearney, 1995; Massey,

Arango, Hugo, Kouaouci, Pellegrino, & Taylor, 1993). Migrants have continually been confronted with challenges relating to settlement in their new environment (Hugo, 2005).

Such difficulties include maintaining their home country’s traditions, as well as adhering to the host society’s values, norms, beliefs, and expectations (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Monk,

1987; Kim, 1995, 2001).

In the past few decades, a significant number of Iranians have also been a part of this migratory movement to Australia. The next section elaborates on the two major migration pathways to Australia, the migration trajectories Iranian migrants take up to enter Australia, information on Iran as the pre-migration context of the Iranian migrants, and Iranian settlement in Australia.

Migration Pathways to Australia

The initial arrival of refugees in Australia occurred after WWII as a means to resettle displaced persons from Europe and as a response to the international humanitarian crisis

(Jupp, 2002). As part of Australia’s ‘White Policy’, exclusion of non-Europeans coming to

Australia had not only made Australia an “ethnically homogenous society” but resulted in

Australia lagging behind the competitive international market (Jackubowicz, 1989, p.1).

Australia’s need to increase its population as a mean to increase its defence and compete with the global capitalist market exacerbated the need to scrap Australia’s ‘White Policy’ which

1Push factors are factors that drive people away from a place (e.g. war, poverty, unemployment). Pull factors on the other hand are the factors that draw them to a new place (e.g. safety, opportunity, freedom) (de Hass, 2010; Massey et al., 1993). 21

allowed for greater intake of migrants from other parts of the world (Jackubowicz, 1989;

Jupp, 2002). As a result, the trend of migrant arrival from mainly European countries changed with the arrival of more migrants from Asian and Middle Eastern countries which presented new challenges to the governments (Hugo, 2005; Jupp, 2002).

Migrants enter Australia via different migration trajectories. As a result, Australia has developed an immigration program that consists of two major components, that is, the

Humanitarian and the Migration Programme (Department of Immigration and Citizenship2

(DIAC), 2015-2016). Information on both programs is briefly presented below.

The humanitarian program. Those persons who seek refuge in Australia are differentiated based on their mode of arrival. As a result, Australia has developed a humanitarian program that constitutes of different categories. As a signatory to the 1951 United Nations convention and as a member of the international community, Australia is obliged to provide protection to those who seek protection/asylum after their arrival in Australia. For this purpose, Australia developed the onshore protection category under the humanitarian programme (DIAC, 2015-

2016). Another category of the humanitarian programme is offshore resettlement that consists of two major categories known as the Refugee and the Special Humanitarian Program (SHP)

(DIAC, 2015-2016). These are described below.

Refugee. In 1954, Australia became a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention on Refugees (UNHCR) which defined a refugee as anyone who:

Owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion,

nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside

the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to

avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality

and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such

2Note that names for this department have changed over the past few years under different ministers. 22

events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it (Article 1A (2)

of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention).

This category is for those who are ‘subject to persecution’ in their country of origin. A range of visas are granted to these migrants including Refugee and Woman at Risk Visas3.

Special Humanitarian Program. This program is for those outside their home country who have been ‘subject to discrimination’ in their country of origin. The immediate family of these people are also eligible for the SHP program so long as they are supported by an

Australian or New Zealand citizen or an organisation in Australia.

According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC, 2013-2014),

Iranian refugees are among the top 10 biggest nationality groups to enter Australia. Official government statistics show that the number of ‘legal’ Iranian refugees is on the rise in

Australia (DIAC, 2013-2014).

Maritime Arrivals

A significant number of displaced people arrive to Australian shores by boat. These people are referred to as “Illegal maritime arrivals”4 or “Irregular maritime arrivals”. As part of Australia’s immigration and border protection policies, mandatory detention of asylum seekers arriving by boat was introduced (Karlsen, Phillips, & Koleth, 2011). ‘Pacific solution’ is a deterrence measure5 taken by the Australian government to detain asylum

3Woman at risk visa is a visa issued by the Australian government to women who are outside their country of origin, do not have the protection of a male relative, and have been the victim of abuse or harassment due to their gender. These visas are granted as part of Australia’s Humanitarian Program (DIAC, 2015-2016).

4The terms ‘Illegal maritime arrivals’ and ‘Irregular maritime arrivals’ (IMAs) have been used by the Australian government to refer to those who have entered Australia via sea. The use of the term ‘Illegal maritime arrival’ has been contested and thus replaced by the term ‘Irregular maritime arrivals’. However, in the current study I have refrained from using the terms ‘Illegal and Irregular’ and have instead used the term maritime arrival participants to refer to those whose migration trajectory has been via sea. On the other hand, the term humanitarian visa holder is used as a general term to refer to those who have come to Australia via humanitarian pathways as not all humanitarian entrants in this study had entered Australia via sea.

5Other deterrence measures for maritime arrival entrants include turning back the boats, provision of Temporary Protection Visas (TPVs), denial of family reunion (cannot sponsor a family member) and being deprived of citizenship (Effeney & Mansouri, 2014). 23

seekers in Island nations including Nauru and Manus so as to prevent them from coming to

Australia prior to attaining their refugee status (Fleay, Cokley, Dodd, Briskman, & Schwartz,

2016). Fleay et al. (2016) elaborate on mandatory detention as:

[]...... [in] federal legislation in 1992, mandatory detention means that all men,

women and children arriving in Australia without a valid visa can be incarcerated

in detention centres until their refugee claims are finalized. Detention takes place

not only on the Australian mainland but also on the Australian territory of

Christmas Island and offshore in Nauru and Manus Island in Papua New Guinea

(both part of the ‘Pacific Solution’), from where there is no prospect of settlement

in Australia. (p.61)

A significant number of Iranian migrants are maritime arrival entrants who use

Indonesia as a transit country. In 2013, Iranians constituted the highest number of people in detention centres (29%) (DIAC, 2013) as shown in Table 1.

Table 1 People in immigration detention facilities in Australia

Note. Adapted from Department of Immigration and Citizenship (2013, p.7). Immigration Detention and Community Statistics Summary.

The migration program. The migration program consists of three streams of skill, family, and special eligibility components (DIAC, 2018-2019). These are discussed below. 24

Skill. Skilled migrants have been in demand in Australia owing to the ageing

Australian population, reluctance by some Australians to take up jobs in remote, isolated, and rural locations, as well as the shortfall in some professional groups (Cully, 2011; Phillips &

Spinks, 2012; Webb, Beale, & Faine, 2013). Hence, there has been a shift in immigration policy to focus more on recruitment of those who would compensate for the shortage of skilled labour and contribute in boosting the economy (Birrell & Healy, 2008; DIAC, 2014c;

Hugo, 2004).

Skilled migrants in Australia must undergo selection criteria to be granted skilled visas.

Based on the eligibility requirements these migrants get points test scores. These eligibility criteria are: age (Under the age of 45), English language proficiency (The applicants must sit for an English language proficiency test called the International English Language Testing

System (IELTS)), nominated occupation (Nomination of occupation in the Skilled

Occupation List (SOL). These occupations are in demand in Australia), skills assessment

(Assessment of skills by the Australian assessing authority for the nominated occupation) as well as health and character assessment. In 2013-2014, it was estimated that Iranians were the

12th biggest nationality group who entered Australia under the skilled stream category

(DIAC, 2013-2014).

Family. Via this stream, the migrants can bring their spouse and family to Australia.

Most visas in this category are allocated to Partner visas.

Special eligibility. This stream is designed for those who have been former residents of

Australia and those who before 1981 had served in the Australian armed forces.

Summary

The different migration pathways that the migrants take to Australia has led the

Australian government to develop two major programs including the humanitarian program and the migration program. Each program is designed to ensure that it meets not only the 25

needs of Australia but also Australia’s commitment to international community. Further, depending on the migration trajectory that the migrants take they are provided with different services. Iranian migrants in Australia enter Australia under both the humanitarian and migration programs. The next section provides a brief overview of Iran followed by insights into Iranian settlement processes in Australia.

Iran: A Brief Background

Iran is located in Western Asia with a population of 82,207,359 (Worldometers, 2018).

The country is home to people of different ethnic groups since 550 B.C. (Omeri, 1997) such as Kurds, Lurs, Azeris, Gilakis, Bakhtiaris, Mazanderanis, and Baluchis. The perception that

Iran is homogenous in terms of religion and the fact that Iranians are widely identified as

Muslims is not exactly accurate (McAuliffe, 2007a). Iran is the birthplace of major religions such as Zoroastrianism, Baha’ism, and Sufism. Islam, Christianity, and Judaism are also practiced in Iran. About 60 languages and dialects are spoken in Iran, including Farsi/

Persian, Azeri, Kurdish, Luri, Turkmen, Gilaki, Tabari, Balochi, Taleshi, Arabic, and

Armenian; however, the official language of Iran is Farsi/Persian.

Iranians in Australia. The migration of Iranians to Australia has been attributed to

‘push’ factors such as the prevailing conflicts in Iran, beginning with Iran’s revolution and subsequently the war between Iran and Iraq that added to the political, economic, and social instability of the country. This instigated the emigration of many Iranians into Australia over the past few decades. However, there is great cultural diversity between Iran and Australia as seen in figure 1 below. Even though Hofstede’s (1991)6 work has been critiqued by many, the figure below does give a rough picture of cultural differences between Iran and Australia.

6Please also see, House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., & Gupta, V. (Eds.). 2004. Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Sage publication. 26

Iran in comparison with Australia

100 90 80 71 58 61 59 51 60 43 36 41 40 40 14 21 20 Iran 0 Australia

Figure 1 Iran vs Australia

Note. Adapted from http://geert-hofstede.com/iran.html

Iranian migrants came to Australia in four waves making them a well-established community. The first wave of Iranian migrants were service workers who came in the 1970s

(Adibi, 1994; DIAC, 2011). The second wave was during the 1980s when an influx of Iranian migrants arrived mainly under a humanitarian program, including those from the Baha’i faith, who fled persecution and those who fled war as a result of the Iran-Iraq war (Adibi, 1994).

As the economic and the political situations in Iran deteriorated during the 1980/90s, the third wave comprised of professionals coming to Australia under the skilled and family migration programs (DIAC, 2011). More recently, the fourth wave has once again seen a surge in humanitarian entrants from Iran (DIAC, 2013-2014).

According to Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS, 2016) there has been an increase in the number of Iranians in Australia. Between 2006-2010, 10,008 people of Iranian origin arrived in Australia (17.2%). This number increased to 46% between 2011 to 2016 (26,738 people). Specifically, according to the 2006 census, 54.9% of humanitarian entrants who arrived in Australia were from Iran, and close to 24.7% of skilled migrants who came to

Australia were from Iran (ABS, 2008). Thus, on the whole, as depicted in figure 2 below, 27

there has been a steady rise in the number of Iranian migrants coming to Australia since the

2000s (DIAC, 2011).

Figure 2.Year of arrival in Australia for Iranian migrants as compared to those born overseas Note. Adapted from the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (2011, p.3)

Demographic profile. Iranians in Australia are a heterogeneous group. They migrate to

Australia via different migration streams and differ in terms of ethnic, social, educational, and political backgrounds. They also belong to different communities of faith, including Muslims,

Baha’is, Christians, Zoroastrians, and Assyrians (Adibi, 1994). This migrant population in

Australia comprises of 31.2% Muslims, 11.6% Baha’is, 5.3% Christian and Catholics, and

30.3% do not affiliate with any religions (‘no religion’) (ABS, 2016). In the 2016 census, the number of Iranians in Queensland who affiliated with Islam were 31.2%, 10.5% were

Baha’is, and 4.1% were Christian and Baptists. Religious affiliation of 35.8% of Iranians in

Queensland was ‘no religion’. As regards educational qualifications, 43.6% of Iranians in

Australia have a bachelor degree or above. This number is 51.7% for Iranians in Queensland.

The data further showed that 75.6% spoke English very well or well as compared to 16.6% who rated their English proficiency as not well or not at all. 28

Summary

Iranian community is an established community in Australia. It is a heterogenous community that consists of people of different religious, social, political, and linguistic backgrounds. The Iranian migrants’ decision to enter Australia has been instigated by both

‘pull’ and ‘push’ factors especially during the times that the country has been in turmoil. For this reason, Iranian migrants have taken different migration pathways to enter Australia mainly under the two major categories of the humanitarian and the skill and family migration programs. Thus, it is of great significance to see how these migrants fare in Australia. The next section consists of the aims and objectives of the study.

Aims and Objectives of the Study

Given the influx of Iranian migrants into Australia since the 1970s under the humanitarian and migration streams, it is significant to study their settlement and acculturation experiences in the current political climate in Australia. Hence, this study explored the settlement experiences of male and female Iranian migrants (both humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders) living in Australia due to the vast differences between

Iranian and Australian cultures.

By utilizing four important theoretical frameworks from within the intercultural communication discipline, namely theory of acculturation (Berry, 1997), Kim’s (2001) integrative theory of cross-cultural adaptation, Tajfel’s social identity theory (Tajfel, 1981,

1982) and Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, and Wetherell (1987) self-categorization theory, this study explored the acculturation strategies adopted by Iranian migrants, the impact of settlement on their identity, and the ways in which they engaged with or integrated into the host society.

This thesis has contributed to the body of knowledge on settlement of Iranian migrants.

Thus, this study had the following overarching aim and specific objectives. 29

The overarching aim of this study was to investigate the settlement and acculturation experiences of Iranian migrants on humanitarian and non-humanitarian visas in Australia. As a result, the main impetus for this research was to understand and uncover the challenges that confront migrants upon this settlement.

The overarching objectives of this study were: a) To investigate the settlement experiences of Iranian migrants on humanitarian and non-humanitarian visas in the social, cultural, political, and economic context of Australia, b) To determine what socio- demographic variables exert an influence on the experiences of these migrants, and c) To make recommendations in areas of practice and policy for settlement services and policy makers and to improve the prospects of these migrants. These three objectives are an attempt to fill gaps in extant literature as outlined below in the next sub-section.

Gaps in Existing Literature on Iranian settlement

Most social science research on Iranian migrants has been carried out in the context of

Europe and North America (Askari, Cummings, & Izbudak, 1977; Bozorgmehr, 1997;

Bozorgmehr, Sabagh, & Sabbagh, 1988; Chaichian, 1997; Kelly & Hedman, 2016; Khanlou et al., 2008; Mobasher, 2006; Moghaddam, Taylor,& Lalonde, 1987; Mostofi, 2003; Naghdi,

2010; Sadeghi, 2016; Te Lindert, Korzilius, Van de Vijver, Kroon, & Arends-Tóth, 2008). In

Australia where Iranians have been the focus of research there has been more focus on their physical and mental health, as well as their overall well-being (see Khavarpour & Rissel,

1997; Omeri, 1997) and relatively less focus on their cultural adaptation and acculturation.

Conducting the present study in the Australian context, given the rise of Iranian migration, was important in the contemporary social, political, and cultural context of Australia.

This study proposed to fill four gaps in the existing body of literature on Iranian settlement in Australia: 30

1. As part of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia (LSIA), the Australian

government conducted three longitudinal studies (LSIA1, LSIA2, LSIA3) (between

1993 and 2006) to investigate the settlement experiences of three different migrant

cohorts. However, these studies had a number of limitations. LSIA1 and LSIA2

included a small sample, only examined a short period of settlement (1.5 to 3.5 years),

and concentrated on those who applied off-shore (DIAC, 2012). In addition, LSIA3

only included family and skilled stream immigrants (DIAC, 2012). To compensate for

these shortfalls, the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC, 2012) funded

a new project entitled “Building a new life in Australia: A longitudinal survey of

humanitarian migrants”. The project, however, focused only on humanitarian visa

migrants. Thus, this researcher proposed to compare the settlement experiences

of Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders within a single

study that provided comparative and holistic views of the settlement experiences.

2. Literature has shown that employment exerts a great influence on the settlement and

adaptation process of migrants and impacts on all aspects of their life (Ager & Strang,

2008; Burnett, 1998; Colic-Peisker, 2005; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007). However,

employment experiences of migrants is a relatively under-researched area (Al Aris,

Koall, Ozbilgin, & Suutari, 2012; Al Ariss & Syed, 2011; Ramboarison-Lalao, Al

Ariss, & Barth, 2011; Nagel, 2005; Syed, 2008; Syed & Pio, 2010). Mindful that

Iranian immigrants come to Australia wanting to work, and knowing that

employment is one of the major indicators of successful refugee settlement (Ager

& Strang, 2008), this research sought to contribute to the literature by examining

the employment experiences of Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian

visa holders in Australia. 31

3. Also, men and women differ in the way they acculturate and integrate (Berry et al.,

1987; Burnett, 1998; Phillimore, 2011; Rogler, 1994). However, a search of the

existing literature indicates that not much is known about the impact of gender on the

settlement outcomes of Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders.

Therefore, this study also examined the role of gender in the settlement process

of Iranian migrants in Australia.

4. Further, an essential part of the settlement process when moving to a culturally distant

country is to examine one’s identity. Upon entering Australia from Iran, issues such

as identity gain significance and play a significant role in one’s settlement. However,

it is unclear how Iranian migrants construct and negotiate their identity as a result of

their migration to Australia. Although in recent years there has been an increase in

research on migrant identity in general, little research has been conducted with a

specific focus on the Iranian community (see Jamarani, 2009; McAuliffe, 2007a,

2007b, 2008), as well as identity construction among both male and female Iranian

migrants in Australia. Owing to the paucity of research in regard to Iranian

migrants’ identity construction in Australia, this study proposed to fill the gap

by examining identity as it relates to Iranian humanitarian and non-

humanitarian visa holders.

The over-arching research questions are presented below.

Over-arching Research Questions

The over-arching questions that underpin this study are:

1. What are the settlement challenges faced by Iranian migrants in Australia?

a) Are there any differences in acculturation strategies adopted by Iranian migrants?

b) What impact (if any) does their settlement have on their identity? 32

2. What challenges do Iranian migrants (humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders)

face in the employment context?

3. What demographic variables (if any) impact on the settlement experiences of Iranian

migrants?

Significance of the Study

The proposed study is significant as it will contribute to the literature on Iranian migrants’ settlement by addressing four gaps in existing literature as discussed above.

Specifically, the study will facilitate in-depth understanding of the complexities of migration as they relate to male and female Iranian migrants in Australia, as there is a need to enhance knowledge of how migrants manage their life in a new milieu. Examining these issues from a socio-cultural perspective may inform future migration policies. The government can implement policies that eases and facilitates the settlement of these migrants. In addition, policies surrounding settlement needs, welfare services, and employment will help the integration of these migrants into the Australian society.

Outline of Thesis Chapters

This thesis is comprised of five chapters. The chapters are organized as follows:

Chapter 1 Introduction. This chapter is an introduction to the background (Iran) and context of migrant settlement in Australia. The aim and objectives of the study are elaborated, and the research questions are presented

Chapter 2 Literature review and theoretical frameworks. Theoretical frameworks to examine the settlement and acculturation experiences of Iranian migrants are: a) Berry’s acculturation model (1997); Kim’s (2001) integrative theory of cross-cultural adaptation.

Social identity and self-categorization theories (Tajfel, 1981, 1982; Turner et al., 1987) will also be analysed to examine the concept of identity as it relates to Iranian migrants. This chapter will encompass studies on acculturation, scholarly contestations concerning 33

acculturation, and different acculturation models. This chapter also provides a detailed review of literature with regard to Iranian migrants’ settlement in Australia, as well as studies on cross-cultural adaptation, employment, socio-demographic variables, and identity in the migrant context.

Chapter 3 Methodology. This chapter will present the research methodology, beginning with a discussion of research paradigms, followed by survey and interview schedule construction, data collection procedures (participant recruitment, participant profiles, interview protocol), and qualitative data analysis (employing thematic analysis approach).

Chapter 4 Findings and Discussion. This chapter will present the key findings of the study which are entwined with subsequent discussion.

Chapter 5 Conclusion. This chapter will present an overarching conclusion. The findings will be discussed through cross-references to the literature and theoretical frameworks presented earlier in the thesis. The chapter will conclude with an outline of the implications of the study, limitations of the study, and suggestions for future research.

Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theoretical Frameworks

Introduction

There is a dearth of research on Iranian migrants in terms of their settlement and acculturation experiences in Australia. In the very few cases where they have been the focus of research, only a very small sample was studied. One such study that was conducted in

Queensland focused on the acculturation of a very small number of Iranian women (15 women) (Jamarani, 2009). Iranian migrants are a well-established community in Australia with newer waves of migrants settling in the country; therefore, investigating the acculturation experiences and adaptation of this under-investigated population is of value.

Thus, the acculturation strategies that are adopted by these Iranian humanitarian and non- humanitarian visa holders, the extent to which their adaptation takes place, the factors that impact on this adaptation and acculturation before, during, and after acculturation, as well as the impact of their settlement on their identity are what this research explored.

This chapter begins with a critical review of literature that is germane to the present study, along with elaboration of the four major theoretical frameworks that formed the basis of this thesis. These are: (a) acculturation; (b) cross-cultural adaptation; (c) social identity; and (d) self-categorization theories. The first section examines the literature on acculturation as well as its related concepts and terms that are pertinent to the aims of this study. The second section presents a review of various models of acculturation. This is in line with the purpose of this study that examined the acculturation experiences of Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders in Australia using Berry’s acculturation model (1997). The third section examines the second theoretical framework, that is, Kim’s (2001) integrative theory of cross-cultural adaptation and communication that explored the cross-cultural adaptation of these individuals, including the factors that impacted on acculturation and adaptation to find out whether these factors hinder/facilitate their adaptation. Lastly, the 35

fourth section examines social identity and self-categorization theories (Tajfel, 1981, 1982;

Turner et al., 1987) to further our understanding of identity issues that these individuals encounter.

Acculturation Theory: Scholarly Contestations

Defining acculturation

Acculturation is a seminal concept in the context of migration studies; however, its conceptualization has been difficult (Sam & Berry, 2016; 2006b) and controversies still remain with regard to the definition of the term (Lafromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993;

Rudmin, 2009; Weinreich, 2009). Acculturation was initially defined by Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits (1936) as “those phenomena, which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups” (p. 149). Sam and Berry (2006b) regarded this definition as too broad, wrongly equated with assimilation with a focus on group-level changes. Likewise, Rudmin (2009, p.109) believed the definition is not suitable as it “does not admit the possibility of a single person acculturating.”

Rudmin (2009, p. 109) believed that the elusiveness associated with the term acculturation is that “it is both an individual process and a supra-individual process.” Also, further difficulty in defining acculturation lies in the conceptualisation of culture itself

(Berry, 2009; Sam & Berry, 2006b; Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010;

Segall, 1986), as there are diverse definitions of culture in the literature (Berry, Poortinga,

Segall, & Dasen, 2002; Burnett, 1998; Ting-Toomey & Oetzel, 2001). Acculturation has also been used interchangeably with other established terms such as ‘assimilation’ (Sam & Berry,

2016; Berry, 2006). However, Sam (2006) preferred the term ‘acculturation’ and pointed out that equating this term with other terms can have an adverse impact on theory development and interpretation of findings. 36

Weinreich (2009, p. 125) contended the use of the term acculturation and emphasized on the term ‘enculturation’. He believed that through acculturation, more significance is given to the mainstream culture, while diminishing the salience of heritage culture, whereas through ‘enculturation’ there is “continuing incorporation of cultural elements of any available ethnicity, mainstream or otherwise, that are significant to the individual” (p. 125).

However, Sam (2006) noted that enculturation is a process that occurs during acculturation.

Berry (2009, p. 368) also contested the adoption of the term ‘enculturation’ as he believed that through enculturation, competency is gained in only one culture, whereas through acculturation “two enculturation processes” occur; therefore, the involvement of two cultures is most appropriately defined as acculturation. Berry et al. (2002) further made a distinction between acculturation and enculturation in that enculturation takes place through exposure to the culture of origin, whereas acculturation is internalizing the culture of another context leading to culture change (Kurylo, 2012).

LaFromboise et al. (1993) and Rudmin (2009, p.109) further suggested the redefinition of acculturation as “second culture-acquisition” as this term de-emphasized the role of culture change as part of the definition of acculturation. Berry (2009, p. 368) argued against

Rudmin’s (2009) premise and believed that the use of the term ‘second-culture acquisition’ adopted an assimilationist perspective which emphasized the absorption of ‘another culture’, thus disregarding the fact that through acculturation, people move between two cultures.

The operational definition of acculturation adopted in this study is Sam and Berry’s

(2006a) definition which is conceptualised as “contact that takes place at both group and individual levels leading to changes which for the individual entail affective, behavioural, and cognitive changes (or what may be referred to as behavioural changes and acculturative stress), and subsequent long-term modification of psychological and socio-cultural adaptation” (p.21). This definition has been chosen as it is a more comprehensive definition 37

and encompasses those areas that are of interest to this study such as acculturation as well as psychological and socio-cultural adaptation. To provide further insights into the processes of acculturation and adaptation as the primary purpose of this research, different models of acculturation (e.g., unidimensional, bidimensional) are briefly discussed in the following section.

Acculturation Models

The study of acculturation has taken different directions and is based on two different and main theoretical foundations, that is, the unidirectional/unidimensional model (Gordon

1964), as opposed to bidirectional/bidimensional model (Cabassa, 2003; Ryder, Alden, &

Paulhus, 2000).

The unidirectional/unidimensional model

The unidirectional/unidimensional model of acculturation views change as a one-way process (Gordon, 1964); that is, one can immerse completely into one’s heritage culture or relinquish that culture and immerse into the dominant culture. In this perspective, no modification has taken place in the dominant culture, and it is mostly the immigrant who has to adopt the dominant culture (Bourhis, Moise, Perreault, & Senecal, 1997). This process adopts an assimilationist perspective (Flannery, Reise, & Jiajuan, 2001; Lee, Soball, &

Frongillo, 2003; Ryder et al., 2000; Sam, 2006).

This model has been criticized on the ground that there is no balance between the two cultural domains (see Der Karabetian, 1980; Szapocznik, Scopetta, & Kurtines, 1978). Each culture sits at one end of a continuum with a tendency towards one or the other (Cuellar,

Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995; Schwartz et al., 2010). The individual is therefore the carrier of one “cultural luggage” (Cabassa, 2003, p. 133). It is a linear model (Salant & Lauderdale,

2003) that makes no room for bicultural individuals (Ryder et al., 2000). 38

The unidimensional model makes room for only one culture which is the majority group culture; therefore, both cultures cannot co-exist together which leads to the incomplete measurement of the acculturation process (Cabassa, 2003). As a consequence, a zero-sum relationship is formed (Lee et al., 2003). It is further contested in that change in the host majority population is not considered which rejects the impact that their attitude has on the minority population and as such on their acculturation (Bourhis et al., 1997; Jasinskaja-Lahti,

Liebkind, Horenczyk, & Schmitz, 2003; Piontkowski, Florack, Hoelker, & Obdrzalek, 2000).

The bidirectional/bidimensional model

Conversely, the bidirectional/bidimensional model is a ‘two-way process’ in which both groups can go through the acculturation process and change; that is, one cannot only maintain one’s cultural values and beliefs but also adheres to the values of the new society

(Berry, 1997). Hence, the person can simultaneously carry two “cultural luggage” (Cabassa,

2003, p.133). The bidimensional model has also been criticized in that it decontextualizes acculturation by disregarding the social and contextual factors that influence the acculturation process (Cabassa, 2003; Rudmin, 2009; Schwartz et al, 2010). Bidimensional models that focus on proxy measurements of acculturation disregard the fact that acculturation is dynamic and can change over time (Noels, Pon, & Clement, 1996). Bourhis et al. (1997) further claim that bidimensional models do not emphasise the role that the host community plays on the acculturation orientation of the immigrants.

On the contrary, proponents of bidimensional model believe that bidimensional models are a better instrument in the measurement of acculturation (Phinney, 2003; Ryder et al.,

2000). In a comparative study of unidimensional and bidimensional models, the bidimensional model proved to be a better and more complete measure of acculturation of

Korean Americans (Lee et al., 2003), since the unidimensional model only focused on adoption of American culture. Nonetheless, Koreans also showed interest in engaging in 39

activities that were associated with their heritage culture such as eating Korean food and listening to Korean music. The unidimensional model was not comprehensive as it considered an either/or relationship which was either the adoption of American cultural norms or the Korean cultural norms and values.

This study adopted Berry’s acculturation model (1997) which is a bidimensional model, as it considers the maintenance or rejection of both the heritage culture and host society’s culture. Thus, the next section elaborates on Berry’s acculturation model which contributed to a better and deeper understanding of Iranian migrants’ orientations with regard to their heritage culture (Iranian) and the host culture (Australian).

Berry’s acculturation model

Berry’s acculturation model (1997; Berry & Kim, 1988) is a bidimensional model that has been at the forefront of acculturation research. Berry’s model (1997) offered two options of maintenance: a) the maintenance of one’s heritage culture; and b) the acceptance and adoption of host culture values and norms. Therefore, two independent dimensions exist in his model (Flannery et al., 2001). The first dimension is for the migrants to consider if it is of value and significance to retain their heritage culture in their new milieu, and the second dimension is whether it is of benefit to engage and interact with the host society. The answer to these dimensions (Yes/No) leads to the development of four acculturation strategies which show an individual’s attitude towards both their heritage culture and the host society’s culture. These strategies are referred to as: a) assimilation; b) integration; c) separation; and d) marginalization as shown in Figure 3 (Appendix A).

According to Berry (1997), assimilation is individuals’ willingness to immerse in the mainstream culture and to strongly identify with it but showing reluctance in retaining their ethnic culture. Alternatively, the retention of one’s ethnic culture and reluctance to adopt the host culture is referred to as separation. Giving value to and adopting one’s heritage culture 40

as well as adopting the host society’s culture and values is referred to as integration.

Marginalization, on the other hand, is one’s disengagement from the heritage culture and in a similar line from the host society’s culture. Studies have shown that integration is the most preferred and a highly adaptive strategy of acculturation (Berry, 2005; Berry, Kim, Young, &

Bujaki, 1989; Jasinkaja-Lahti, et al., 2003; Van de Vijver, Helms-Lorenz, & Feltzer, 1999).

Integration is associated with less stress (Berry et al., 1987) and positively related to intergroup relations (Zagefka & Brown, 2002). Integrated or bicultural individuals are well- adapted having higher psychological and socio-cultural adaptation (Ward & Kennedy, 1994).

There are however arguments against Berry’s model. Arguments by various researchers against Berry’s model rest on six assumptions:

1) Berry’s model considers cultures as “benign”, ignoring the fact that migrants are faced with racism, xenophobia, and sectarianism in the host society, even if not expressed explicitly and as a result, marginalize themselves from both cultures (Weinreich, 2009, p. 125).

2) Culture is intertwined with identity in which lack of identification with the host or heritage culture leads to loss of identity. Therefore, culture is considered as the manifestation of one’s personal identity; however, with exposure to new cultural values, migrants redefine their identity (Weinreich, 2009).

3) One dimension in Berry’s model, namely marginalization, is either non-existent or only possible if the migrants are rejected by both cultures (delPilar & Udasco, 2004; Schwartz &

Zamboanga, 2008; Schwartz et al., 2010). In addition, rejection of the host society and the origin culture does not necessarily mean marginalization, but entails achieving personal goals

(Bourhis et al., 1997). Referring to a person as marginalized means that the individual is

“cultureless”; nevertheless, an individual’s disengagement with both heritage and mainstream culture is not an indication of being “cultureless” but belonging to a “subculture” (delPilar &

Udasco, 2004, p.172). In a test of Berry’s acculturation model by Schwartz and Zamboanga 41

(2008), marginalization did not emerge as a strategy. While they supported Berry’s acculturation strategies, they also believed these strategies were not distinct but interrelated.

4) As further contested by Rudmin (2009), Berry’s model lacks validity and the plethora of research carried out on acculturation has not had any applicability and coherence. In Berry’s acculturation model, a cultural hierarchy is evident (LaFromboise et al., 1993). Moreover, the second dimension of his model which is related to the relationship with the host society is said to be vague with most focus on adoption of values and norms rather than interaction with the host society (Ward & Kennedy, 1994).

5) Bhatia and Ram (2009) note that the presumption that these strategies unravel the psychological processes of minority populations is another shortcoming of this model. They take a critical approach to acculturation and call for revising the “fixed, invariant and apolitical notion of acculturation” and argue that for acculturation to happen there is no

“universally psychological process” but there are “larger structural forces” and “sociocultural and political contexts” that greatly impact on acculturation (Bhatia & Ram, 2009, pp.140-

141).

6) Cabassa’s (2003) argument revolves around Berry’s strategies on the ground that these strategies are only applicable if the migrants are ‘free’ to choose their acculturation orientation and both the dominant and non-dominant group having equal statues and power

(Weinreich, 2009). Nonetheless, people have different status and power in a society (van

Osch & Breugelmans, 2012), and in many cases, these orientations are imposed and enforced

(Bhatia & Ram, 2009). Schwartz et al. (2010, p. 239) criticize Berry’s acculturation model by saying that, “not all of Berry’s categories may exist in a given sample or population, and that some categories may have multiple subtypes.”

Acculturation does not only occur in the non-dominant group (e.g., migrants), but also happens for the dominant group (Bourhis et al., 1997), thus the acculturation strategies they 42

adopt might differ greatly from one another (Piontkowski et al., 2000). These strategies as preferred and imposed by the dominant group generate four orientations, including assimilation (melting pot), integration (multiculturalism), segregation, and exclusion (Berry,

2005, 2006). These are described below.

Those who opt for the integration of non-dominant group expect migrants to not only retain their heritage culture but also to adhere to the values and norms of the mainstream society. When the dominant group shows reluctance in interacting with the minority population and is not willing to see them adhere to their cultural traditions, exclusion

(marginalization) is preferred. Reluctance of having social interaction with the non-dominant group but acknowledging the need for them to retain their heritage culture is called segregation (separation). Dominant groups who hold an assimilationist perspective while willing to interact with the minority population do not want them to adhere to their culture

(Berry, 2005, 2006).

Initially, the main focus of acculturation models was on the acculturation orientation of the immigrants. Later, it was deemed vital to study the acculturation orientation of the host community too, to observe the reciprocal influence of their orientation (Bourhis et al., 1997;

Jasinkaja-Lahti et al., 2003). Divergence of opinions and attitudes of migrants and the host society can be the building block of intergroup conflict. For this purpose, a new model was presented by Bourhis et al. (1997) called the Interactive Acculturation Model (IAM) which is a variation of Berry’s acculturation model. This is discussed below.

Interactive Acculturation Model (IAM)

The IAM model is interactive as it seeks to find the concordance or discordance of acculturation orientations held by migrants and their host community which can lead to three outcomes that can be: a) conflictual, b) problematic, or c) consensual (Bouhris et al., 1997).

For instance, if there is great divergence between the two orientations, the intergroup 43

relationship would be conflictual (Piontkowski et al., 2002) which engenders discriminatory attitude towards the non-dominant group (Zagefka & Brown, 2002). Bourhis et al. (1997) further refined Berry’s model by substituting the marginalization strategy with ‘anomie’ and suggesting that the rejection of the host society culture and the origin culture does not necessarily mean marginalization, but that these migrants are willing to represent themselves as individuals, rather than belonging to a specific group, so that they can achieve their personal goals. Therefore, the term “individualism” was added to this refined model.

Piontkowski et al. (2002) believed the shortfall of this model is its elusiveness in defining whether the dissonance of orientations is related to the maintenance of heritage culture by the non-dominant group or their social interaction with the dominant group.

Several studies have investigated the convergence and divergence of migrants’ and host nations’ attitude towards acculturation (Jasinkaja-Lahti et al., 2003; Kosic & Phalet, 2006;

Piontkowski et al., 2000; Piontkowski et al., 2002; Tartakovsky, 2012; Zagefka & Brown,

2002). For example, in Dandy and Pe-Pua’s (2010) study of the attitude of Australians toward multiculturalism, cultural diversity and migrants in general, younger females and more educated individuals demonstrated less negative attitudes.

While the review of these studies shows that through contact changes occur for both the majority and minority population, it is the minority populations that not only experience most change but are expected to do so (Berry, 2009; Miglietta & Tartaglia, 2009; Schwartz &

Zamboanga, 2008). Without doubt, the perspective and acculturation orientation of the dominant group exert a great influence on the experiences of migrants, which can also be shaped by the migration policies implemented in the host society (Bourhis et al., 1997). In such a diverse society as Australia, for the dominant group to identify the non-dominant group as belonging to the right ethnic group is of great significance. Since there is no clarity on whether Iranians can be differentiated from other migrant cohorts and as this study is 44

concerned with the individual level experiences of Iranian migrants as the non-dominant group, the focus is not on the dominant groups’ orientation.

Another model of acculturation was proposed by Navas, Garcia, Sanchez, Rojas,

Pumares, and Fernandez (2005) called the Relative Acculturation Extended Model (RAEM) which is discussed below.

Relative Acculturation Extended Model (RAEM)

According to Navas, Rojas, Garcia, and Pumares (2007), this model contests the classical acculturation model proposed by Berry by stating that acculturation is “relative”, that is, acculturation strategies differ greatly as it relates to the domain or arena of acculturation. An individual might prefer integration in one domain (e.g., work) and separation in another (family). Previous acculturation models consider acculturation holistically and do not consider a ‘set of areas’ or ‘domains’ that impact acculturation which are: a) Public or peripheral areas (Political, work or economic); b) Intermediate areas (Social relations); and c) Private areas (Family, religion or way of thinking) (Navas et al., 2005;

Navas et al., 2007).

Acculturation: Summary

As discussed above, many models and scales of acculturation have been proposed each with their own advantages and drawbacks. However, Berry’s acculturation model (1997) has stood the test of research investigations and time and has had a profound impact on acculturation research (Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999). It has also been proved to be an appropriate measure of acculturation strategies. In addition, Berry’s model allows “cross- cultural comparisons across diverse groups” (Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999, p. 423). Further,

Berry’s model has been tested on many accounts and the vast number of studies that have used this model have reported it as efficient (Kim, Lujan, & Dixon, 1998; Safdar, Lay, &

Struther, 2003; Ward, 2008; Ward & Kennedy, 1994). For example, in Ward and Kennedy’s 45

(1994) study of students in New Zealand, all of Berry’s strategies were adopted. Similarly, in

Safdar et al. (2003) study of Iranian immigrants in Canada, all modes of acculturation were present. Other models that have refined Berry’s model integrate its eminent aspects which is an indication of its reliability and applicability. In line with the purpose of this study Berry’s acculturation model (1997) was adopted to investigate the acculturation strategies adopted by

Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders in Australia.

However, contextual factors that impact on acculturation have been overlooked

(Cabassa, 2003; Khoo, 2012a; Sam & Berry, 2006a). A focus on contextual factors would give us valuable insights into the individual and societal factors that impact on acculturation and whether these factors facilitate or hinder acculturation which will further provide a holistic view of the challenges migrants face (Khoo, 2012a). Researching the context of acculturation paves the way for creating new theories of acculturation or modifying the already established ones (Cabassa, 2003). Bhatia and Ram (2009) diminish the role of individual variables in the acculturation process and emphasize the impact of context. In Te

Lindert et al., (2008) study, acculturation context was reported as one of the strongest variables in acculturation and adaptation of Iranian refugees in the Netherlands. To compensate for this shortage and to underpin this study and inform data collection processes, contextual factors were considered.

While Berry’s acculturation model (1997) is of great significance in examining the acculturation experiences of Iranian migrants, it does not provide us with full answers to the research questions proposed in this study (see Chapter 1: Introduction) as its main focus is on psychological transformation (Kim & McKay-Semmler, 2013).

Kim’s (1988, 1995, 2001) cross-cultural adaptation theory is an inclusive theory integrating and incorporating various other approaches and previous concepts and dichotomies (e.g., acculturation-assimilation, acculturation-enculturation) that have been a 46

great source of confusion (Kim & McKay-Semmler, 2013; McKay-Semmler& Kim, 2014).

Kim’s theory is widely applied and has proven to be vital in understanding the complex process of adaptation. This provides an additional theoretical base for this study. The next section elaborates on Kim’s cross-cultural adaptation theory (Kim, 2001).

Kim’s Integrative Theory of Cross-cultural Adaptation (CCA)

Kim’s cross-cultural adaptation theory (1988, 2001) is an integrative ‘open-systems’ theory that regards adaptation as an individual’s accommodation with the environment which is achieved through communication (Kim, 2008). The theory is concerned with both the

‘structure’ and ‘process’ of adaptation (Kim, 1995, p. 170, emphasis in the text) which will provide answers regarding the success or failure of adjustment (Kealey, 1989).

Kim defined CCA as, “A complex, dynamic, and evolutionary process an individual undergoes vis-à-vis a new and unfamiliar environment-a process that “moves” with a structure of multidimensional and multifaceted forces operating simultaneously and interactively” (Kim, 2001, p.xii). According to CCA, an individual is an active participant in the new culture moving from unfamiliarity with the new environment to familiarity with the host environment and the internalization of its norms and values (Anderson, 1994). Thus,

CCA theory focuses on how an individual shifts from being a “cultural outsider” to a

“cultural insider” (2001, p.10).

As migrants settle in their new milieu and want to adapt they realize that they lack the ability to fully communicate and internalize the new norms and values (Kim, 2001). This requires the ‘deculturation’ or ‘unlearning’ of old cultural norms or what Berry terms as

‘culture shedding’ to learning new cultural habits (‘culture learning’) which could be referred to as acculturation (Berry et al., 2002; Kim, 2008). This process of deculturation and acculturation creates a sense of confusion and stress (Kim, 1995, 2008; Kim et al., 1998). To overcome this stress, the migrant tries to create and achieve equilibrium by psychologically 47

activating a ‘defence mechanism’ (Kim et al., 1998). However, this is not long-lasting, and following that, adaptation occurs so as to manage the challenges that lie ahead and to function well in the new environment (Kim, 1995). This strengthens the ability to deal with challenges and paves the way for growth, thus creating a ‘cyclical stress-adaptation-growth’ dynamic

(Kim, 2001, p.59). As new challenges arise, the person ‘draws back’ to stress and then ‘leaps forward’ to adaptation until one reaches a stable stage (Kim, 2001, p.56). Therefore, stress provides an opportunity for growth.

The core element of CCA theory is adaptation as an ‘inherent drive’ in all phases of a person’s life bringing about ‘internal changes’ that happen over time (Kim, 1995). Adaptation occurs once a harmonious relationship between the individual and the environment is developed where there is a relative ‘fit’ between the two (Berry, 1997). It is multifaceted and dynamic in that when a person goes through the process of adaptation, internal and external conditions interact, thus not only impacting on one another but also having “functional consequences” (Kim, 1995, p.173). Hence, adaptation goes beyond mere culture learning and entails overcoming the obstacles through the process of adjustment (Anderson, 1994).

Through cross-cultural transition and acculturation, two interrelated but distinct modes of adaptation occur. This is called psychological and sociocultural adaptation (Searle &

Ward, 1990; Ward & Kennedy, 1994, 1999). Psychological adaptation is concerned with the mental health, self-esteem, and well-being of migrants, as well as satisfaction with life in the new cultural setting or generally the affective domain of adaptation (Berry, 1997; Searle &

Ward, 1990; Ward & Kennedy, 1994, 1999). On the other hand, sociocultural adaptation is understood within a social learning framework (Berry, 1997) which relates to the ability to

“‘fit in’ or negotiate interactive aspects of host culture” (Ward & Kennedy, 1994, p.331).

Participation with host society, competency in social skills, and managing daily activities are key indicators of sociocultural adaptation (Searle & Ward, 1990; Ward & Kennedy, 1999). 48

There is a strong interplay between psychological and sociocultural adjustment and the type of acculturation strategy endorsed by individuals (Ward & Kennedy, 1994). Those who usually prefer separation are socio-culturally maladapted compared to those who adopt assimilation or integration (Hebbani, Obijiofor, & Bristed, 2010). Assimilated individuals have a better sociocultural outcome but lower psychological adjustment (Ward & Kennedy,

1994) whereas integrated individuals, who have developed a bicultural identity, have better psychological adaptation (Ward, 2006).

A study by Noels et al. (1996) of Chinese students in Canada revealed that those who had less intergroup interaction with the host nationals (Canadians) reported more socio- cultural difficulties. In Searle and Ward’s (1990) study of Malaysian and Singaporean students in New Zealand, those individuals who identified with the mainstream society had less difficulty adapting socio-culturally. On the other hand, those who identified with their heritage culture had more socio-cultural adaptation difficulty but less psychological problems.

Studying the socio-cultural and psychological aspects of adaptation reveals the realities of the process individuals go through in dealing with an unfamiliar environment (Anderson,

1994). Most studies with regard to these adaptive outcomes have been based on quantitative data (Gudykunst & Shapiro, 1996; Lewthwaite, 1996; Noels et al., 1996; Searle & Ward,

1990; Ward & Kennedy, 1999; Van der Zee & Van Ouden-hoven, 2001). Also, much of the literature has focused on psychological adaptation of the individuals with less focus on sociocultural adaptation or its social indicators such as social networks and interpersonal relationships of migrants (Colic-Peisker, 2009; Searle & Ward, 1990). By adopting a qualitative approach, this study focused on these adaptive outcomes among Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders in Australia. 49

Communication as the basis of CCA theory (Kim, 2001) is not limited to verbal messages, but also includes non-verbal messages, and encompasses a wide range of social, affective, behavioural, and psychological factors (Ting-Toomey & Oetzel, 2001). According to Kim (1995), successful cross-cultural adaptation means successful communication

(Hammer, Gudykunst, & Wiseman, 1978; Ruben, 1976). The more competent the migrants in communicating, the more successful they are with their adaptation. Communicative competence is of great significance in intercultural adaptation which is associated with how well a person can function in a given society. Lack of competence in host communication negatively impacts on adaptation (Lewthwaite, 1996). Thus, Kim’s cross-cultural adaptation theory (Kim, 1995, 2001) emphasises three important premises, namely :( a) Personal and social communication; (b) Environment; and (c) Intercultural transformation. Each is briefly explained below.

Personal and social communication

Personal communication focuses on the individual and how he/she “acts and reacts”, whereas social communication refers to the interaction of the individual with the others (Kim,

1995, p.180). Social communication is comprised of host communication competence

(competency in the language and norms of the host society), host interpersonal communication (relationship and contact with members of the host society for social support and culture learning (McKay-Semmler & Kim, 2014), and host mass communication

(consumption of mass media in host society).

Interpersonal relationship with local people, the larger society, and as such with one’s own ethnic group, provides the ground for greater social support so as to overcome the stress migrants face during settlement, and to become more aware of the host society (Kim, 1995).

Continuous interaction with the host nation is the prerequisite for successful adaptation (Kim,

2001). Interpersonal and mass media communication, which are a means of transmitting the 50

cultural values and norms of the host society, will further enhance interaction with the host society (Kim, 2001).

Environment

Host receptivity (how receptive the host society is to diversity and interaction with immigrants), host conformity pressure (host society’s pressure on adoption of host society’s values and norms), ethnic group strength (interpersonal relationship and engagement with co- ethnics), and predisposition (personal characteristics such as preparedness to change and openness) are significant environmental factors that are crucial to successful communication and adaptation (Berry, 2001; Kim, 1995, 2001).

In case the society is not receptive to the migrants, and the contact between the minority and majority population is low, integration and adaptation can be negatively impacted and there will be no sense of belonging. “An unfavourable context of reception”

(Schwartz et al., 2010, p.238) and “the treatment by the host society” (Kazemipur & Nakhaie,

2014, p. 628) can restrict one’s integration and adaptation. Cultural differences might be an impediment to integration, as it has been reported that cultural disparity between the host society and the migrants adversely impacts on their adaptation (Hebbani, 2014; Hebbani et al., 2010; Khanlou, Koh, & Mill, 2008). Therefore, considering the presence of these challenges, it was important to see how these Iranian migrants adapt in Australia.

Thus, depending on the host society, the minority population is expected to conform to and adopt the values and norms of the host society which is referred to as host conformity pressure (Kim, 1995, 2001). It is thought that societies that are more tolerant of diversity and multiculturalism place less pressure on the minority population than those societies that are less heterogeneous (McKay-Semmler & Kim, 2014). Notwithstanding this, the issue of conformity is a burden on the shoulders of the migrants rather than the majority group.

Although in multicultural and diverse societies such as Australia, peaceful co-existence of the 51

minority and the majority population is advised, intolerance of the ‘other’ is still prevalent, and it is the immigrant who has to make the most effort to adjust his/her communication with the mainstream society (Gallois, 2003). Of significance to this study was to see whether

Iranian migrants were greatly impacted on by this hostility and xenophobia and whether there has been any pressure on them to conform to the norms and values of the Australian society.

Further, there is no consensus on the impact of ethnic interpersonal relationship on adaptation. While some consider ethnic interpersonal relationship as positively related to adaptation by providing more social support and leading to better psychological health and satisfaction with life (Cheah, Karamehic-Muratovic, Matsuo, & Poljarevic, 2011), others believe it negatively impacts on socio-cultural adaptation and diminishes interaction and participation with host members (Ward & Kennedy, 1994).

A study of 51 educated Asian and European immigrants in the US (Kim & McKay-

Semmler, 2013) found that Asians had more ethnic interpersonal communication. Those who had stronger co-ethnic relationships had less interaction with the Americans. But in both groups, those who had interaction with Americans were socio-culturally and psychologically well-adapted. Those who had higher interaction with Americans reported higher functional fitness (overcoming the challenges of the host environment and performing well), and psychological well-being. No gender difference was observed in functional fitness, psychological well-being, and interaction with Americans.

Acculturation might also vary on predisposition and personality traits (Demes &

Geeraert, 2015; Kim, 2008). Demes and Geeraert (2015) carried out a study on 2,500 exchange students in 50 countries in which personality was a strong predictor of adaptation.

However, as this study was carried out on students, it is not clear whether it would be the same case for immigrants and refugees who reside permanently in a host country or whether their disintegration or maladaptation might be due to only their personal traits. Thus, of 52

relevance to the present study was to find out whether interaction with other Iranian migrants impacted on their settlement and adaptation in Australia.

Intercultural transformation

Intercultural transformation refers to psychological health (psychological well-being of the immigrant), functional fitness, and intercultural identity which leads to intercultural personhood comprise “individuation” (considering the person as an individual and not belonging to a particular group) and “universalization” (seeing the person as belonging to humanity) (Kim, 2008, p.364).

Extensive exposure to the host society culture and relationship with the host community impacts on the “functional fitness” and “psychological health” of the migrant and as a result of these two aspects, an “intercultural identity” is developed (Kim, 1995, p.179). Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data from American Indians in Oklahoma, USA, Kim et al.,

(1998) found that respondents who had developed an intercultural identity and had interpersonal communication as well as prolonged friendships with the “Whites” had better functional fitness and psychological health which engendered less stress. The same results were not observed when communicating with co-ethnics. Further, a study of Hispanic youth in the USA by McKay-Semmler and Kim (2014) on the impact of communication on adaptation showed that those with better host communication competence had better interpersonal relations, better psychological health and functional fitness which resulted in more life satisfaction, and a greater sense of belonging. Communication assisted these youth to move beyond their ethnic enclave and have greater participation with the host society; this study provided support for Kim’s communication-based theory. Cheah et al. (2011) USA study tested all the aspects of Kim’s integrative theory (2001, 1995) on Bosnian refugees. All these factors were positively related and contributed to better adaptation. 53

CCA summary:

To enrich our understanding of Iranian migrants’ settlement experiences in the context of Australia, it was necessary to study the interpersonal communication between the host country members (Australians) and Iranian migrants of this study. Whether there was any engagement and participation with host country members and how much of benefit it was for these migrants to interact with people of their own ethnicity was investigated. This study also added to the understanding of the existing body of research by examining the intercultural transformation of Iranian migrants in Australia. Further, a review of the literature shows that there are many variables and factors that impact on acculturation and adaptation such as age, gender, acculturative stress, cultural distance, host language proficiency, housing, visible difference, perceived discrimination, employment, and length of stay (Ager & Strang, 2008;

Berry, 1992; Burnett, 1998; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007; Hebbani & Preece, 2015;

Richardson et al., 2002; Syed, 2008; Syed & Pio, 2010; Zetter & Pearl, 1999). It is important to see whether these factors facilitate/hinder acculturation. Hence, these factors were investigated in this research and are briefly explained below.

Factors Impacting on Acculturation and Adaptation

Age

The younger the migrant, the more likely and easier it is to acculturate (Phinney, 1990) perhaps due to the fact that full enculturation in the heritage culture has not happened

(Berry, 1997). In a study with Sudanese refugees by Hebbani et al. (2010), parents adopted separation as their acculturation strategy while their children seemed to prefer assimilation.

While surveys were used to gather demographic features of Iranian migrants in this study, in- depth interviews informed us of the impact of this factor through the personal narratives of these migrants. 54

Gender

It can be assumed that those from more traditional and patriarchal societies and families are less likely to have freedom in their choice of integration and adoption of values and norms of the host society compared to those from more liberal familial and social backgrounds (Berry, 2009; Burnett, 1998). While Australia is an egalitarian country

(Thompson, 1994; Hirst, 2010), Iran is a patriarchal society where women might still have traditional roles that could significantly impact their settlement (Moghadam, 1992). Thus, it was worthwhile to explore the impact of gender on the ability of Iranian migrants in Australia to integrate.

Acculturative stress

Acculturation is not always a smooth process and can be stressful which is referred to as acculturative stress (Abe & Wiseman, 1983; Berry 1992). Acculturative stress is

“a reduction in health status (including psychological, somatic and social aspects) of individuals who are undergoing acculturation, and for which there is evidence that these health phenomena are related systematically to acculturation phenomena”

(Berry et al., 1987, p. 491).

For migrants, this stress can lead to poorer health condition and “identity confusion”

(Berry et al., 1987, p.492). In a study by Tonsing (2013) on Pakistani and Nepalese immigrants in Hong Kong, acculturative stress adversely impacted on their adaptation and well-being. Nevertheless, it is believed that this stress will diminish for those who live in multicultural societies that value pluralism (Berry, 1997). However, diversity is not always welcomed and valued even in multicultural societies and is viewed as a threat to social cohesion and solidarity of a nation (Cheong, Edwards, Goulbourne, & Solomos, 2007). In places where there is hostility towards the minority population, it can induce stressful 55

situations and have health consequences which will impact their acculturation (Schwartz et al., 2010).

The underlying argument against acculturation is that acculturation is “intertwined with stress” and associated with mental health issues (Rudmin, 2009, p.107). However, acculturation is a process of culture learning rather than something associated with stress

(Salant & Lauderdale, 2003). There is also inconsistency in reports on the positive or negative impact of acculturation on mental health (Rudmin, 2009).

Although stress usually carries a negative connotation, it can rather be viewed as a positive process of adaptation and growth (Alder, 1975; Hammer, et al., 1978; Kealey, 1989;

Kim, 2001). This research investigated whether acculturative stress (if any) impacted on the settlement experience of this cohort of migrants via their narratives.

Cultural distance

The minority populations who are thought to be culturally incompatible with the mainstream culture are usually viewed as a threat (van Osch & Breugelmans, 2012). There is a hierarchy of minority populations in that those with cultural similarity to the host nation are said to be more desired (Dandy & Pe-Pua, 2010). Thus, many issues arise as a result of cultural disparity including the formation of negative attitudes which engender conflicts

(Berry, 1997). In Lewthwaite’s (1996) study of students in New Zealand, cultural difference with the locals was a great source of stress and an impediment to cross-cultural transition and integration.

It is important to study migration from a cultural angle. Culture defines the way of living that is embedded in the meaning of culture. Culture is a concept that defines and impacts every domain of life including a migrant’s life. Most Iranian studies have failed to address this factor. Investigating the impact of cultural distance in the present study added to 56

our understanding of challenges and experiences of settling into Australia where there is great cultural disparity with Iran.

Visible difference

Visible difference as diversity of appearance, attire, religion, and even accent are important indicators of settlement (Bhatia & Ram, 2009; Colic-Peisker, 2009; Hebbani &

Colic-Peisker, 2012; van Osch & Breugelmans, 2012). In a study by Bhatia and Ram (2009) on the aftermath of the 9/11 incident, Indian migrants’ racial diversity and visible difference negatively impacted on their acculturation experience.

In Dandy and Pe-Pua’s (2010) study, the dominant group in Australia showed more preference for British and New Zealander migrants compared to Muslims. Colic-Peisker’s

(2009) study showed that Ex-Yugoslavs express more satisfaction with life due to being indistinguishable from Australians.

Visible difference is a strong predictor and marker of discrimination which is not confined to the choice of attire, but is also associated with skin colour, and ethnic background

(Khanlou et al., 2008). More insight was needed into the challenges these Iranian migrants have faced and as such are facing due to being a minority population.

Perceived discrimination

Perceived discrimination is one’s “subjective interpretation of events as discriminatory, i.e., perceiving oneself as a target or victim of discrimination by members of a dominant group” (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2003, p. 81). Migrants might be accepted and welcomed or rejected and excluded by the host society. This shapes their interpretation of how the host society views them and in turn treats them (Tartakovsky, 2012). If deemed as unwanted by the host society, it is highly likely to perceive the society as discriminatory and thus separating or marginalizing themselves from the host society (Zagefka & Brown, 2002). 57

Perceived discrimination as a factor impacting on acculturation and adaptation has been the focus of several studies (Jasinkaja-Lahti et al., 2003; Khanlou et al., 2008; Liebkind &

Jasinkaja-Lahti, 2000; Piontkowski et al., 2000; Roytburd & Friedlander, 2008; Schwartz &

Zamboanga, 2008; Tartakovsky, 2012; Tenty & Houston, 2013; Tonsing, 2013; Ward, 2006).

Discrimination is thought to adversely affect the integration of minority population by giving them a feeling of inferiority and a sense of exclusion (Schwartz et al., 2010) with having psychological consequences (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000).

The findings from Te Lindert et al. (2008) study on acculturation orientation and the adaptive outcomes of Iranian refugees in the Netherlands revealed that despite reporting high sociocultural adjustment, perceived discrimination impacted their adaptation. There was also difference between men and women with women reporting less discrimination. The present study relates to Te Lindert et al. (2008) study in that its aim was to investigate the impact of perceived discrimination as experienced by men and women on the psychological and socio- cultural adjustment of the migrants. Concomitantly, it differed from it in that the present study is not confined to refugees but expands to immigrants and their experiences of discrimination in everyday life and at workplace.

In a Canadian study, Khanlou et al. (2008) examined the effect of prejudice and discrimination on Afghan and Iranian youth; the youth who were subject to prejudice and discrimination gave more salience to their cultural identity but in severe cases of prejudice, concealed their cultural identity. In addition to paucity of research on perceived discrimination of Iranians in Australia, there have been ambivalent results in the perceived discrimination encountered by Iranians in those few studies. While Adibi (1994) reports that

Iranians in Australia are subject to discrimination which results in settlement issues, Tenty and Houston (2013) claim that Iranian migrants in Sydney face less discrimination compared to other Muslims due to being highly educated and showing more willingness in engaging 58

with the Australians. Hence, this study intended to fill this knowledge gap by providing personal accounts of discrimination as experienced by Iranian humanitarian and non- humanitarian visa holders.

Employment

There is ample evidence that employment is an indicator of successful settlement and impacts one’s integration in the host society (Atfield, Brahmbhatt, & O’Toole, 2007; Aycan

& Berry, 1996; Burnett, 1998; Foroutan, 2008; Inglis, 2011; Kazemipur & Nakhaie, 2014;

Lovat, Nilan, & Hosseini, 2013). It is even considered as ‘the single most important’ factor of successful settlement (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007).

Although unemployment impacts both the mainstream society and the minority population, these difficulties are compounded when it comes to ethnic minority populations

(Al Ariss, Koall, Ozbilgin, & Suutari, 2012; Syed, 2008). Prior research has shown that unemployment among the migrants in Australia due to factors such as poor level of English, lack of local experience, overseas qualifications, lack or low level of qualifications, country of origin, length of stay, non-recognition of their skills or ‘de-skilling’, downward mobility, waste of talent, and discrimination due to visible differences have been reported as hindering access to employment (Birrell & Healy, 2008; Burnett, 1998; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007;

Foroutan, 2008; Hawthorne, 1997; Hebbani et al., 2010; Ho, 2006 ; Inglis, 2011; Syed, 2008).

Nonetheless, migrants who have high qualifications are also found to be unemployed or overqualified and those who hold a degree outnumber the Australian-born (Massey & Parr,

2012).

It can be presumed that ethnic and cultural diversity in Australia could make adaptation in the labour market easier but ever since the ‘White Australia’ policy, migrants have been viewed as a threat to employment (Jupp, 2002). Further, Australia is reported as a country where migrants face serious challenges based on their ethnicity and race (Birrell & Healy, 59

2008; Colic-Peisker, 2009; Lovat et al., 2013; Syed, 2008). Obstacles to employment and discrimination at workplace are believed to be compounded for Muslims and migrants from

African countries in Australia (Bouma, Haidar, Nyland, & Smith, 2003; Hebbani, 2014;

Lovat et al., 2013). For instance, Sudanese refugees in Australia face challenges in finding permanent employment and experience downward career mobility (Hebbani et al., 2010).

According to Ramboarison et al. (2011, p.117) “migrants’ career experiences are under- investigated at a micro-individual level.” Further, there has been little focus on the migrants from developing countries whose cultural and ethnic background is distant from the mainstream society (Al Ariss et al., 2012). Due to such complexity and the scarcity of research in the area of career experiences (Al Aris et al., 2012; Al Ariss & Syed, 2011; Nagel,

2005; Syed, 2008; Syed & Pio, 2010), the present study investigated this research space and made a contribution to this field by highlighting the diversity of experiences within the category of migration and shed light on and addressed the issue of career experiences of

Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders.

Length of stay

Length of settlement creates an expectation on the part of the host society to expect those who reside permanently or for long-term to adopt the values of their host society and any deviation from this, is deemed inappropriate and unacceptable (Kim, 2001). However, there is no conclusive results on the negative or positive impact of length of stay on acculturation and adaptation. Roytburd and Friedlander’s (2008) work on young Jewish migrants from Russia to the United States revealed that length of time spent in the host country showed their great tendency toward American acculturation thereby leading to their assimilation. Based on Kim’s (1978) qualitative study of Korean immigrants in Michigan, length of time positively impacted the immigrants’ attitude toward the host society who had negative attitudes during first years because of being under pressure. Likewise, findings from 60

Miglietta and Tartaglia’s (2009) study have revealed that length of stay positively impinges on language competence, culture knowledge, and learning. On the other hand, length of stay in Tonsing’s (2013) study of Nepalese and Pakistani immigrants in Hong Kong was negatively related to life satisfaction and adaptation. Those who had stayed longer in Hong

Kong reported higher psychological distress, less satisfaction with life, and were subject to more discrimination. A comparison between the Iranian migrants in Australia based on their duration of stay (shorter or longer) further demonstrated the diversity of experiences.

Factors: Summary

The review of literature exhibits the inevitable challenges that the migrants are confronted with in their new environment. Studying the process of acculturation and adaptation enriches our understanding of the issues that the migrants are faced with especially when there is great disparity between their society of origin and the host society. What also gains significance through this cross-cultural transition is one’s identity. Crossing cultures and national boundaries has altered the notion and concept of identity (Kurylo, 2013). The following section will analyse the issues related to identity by elaborating on social identity theory and self-categorization theory.

Identity

The existence of different cultural groups and multiple cultural identities in plural societies has altered the notion of identity (Piontkowski et al., 2000). There has been a move from the traditional view of identity as static and inflexible to a view that identity is dynamic, multifaceted, and negotiable (Kim, 2007, 2008) with more focus on “becoming” rather than

“being” (Dillon, 1999, p.250, cited from Peek, 2005, p.217). Also, with multiculturalism homogeneity of identities has been contested and rejected on the ground that identities are heterogeneous and multiple (Verkuyten, 2004). That is, most people identify with dual or 61

multiple identities (Devos, 2006) and are constantly negotiating their identity (Lafromboise et al., 1993).

Identity in its general broad term refers to “a person’s subjective experience of her- or himself in relation to the world” (Liu, Volcic, & Galloise, 2011, p.157) or rather “who am I?”

(Kurylo, 2013, p.118). Identity is a very broad term and its conceptualization has led to its elusiveness. Abdelal, Herrera, Johnston, and McDermott (2006, p.696) argue that identity has

‘conceptual issues’ and ‘coordination gaps’ as it does not allow the comparison of different types of identity and lacks a broad analytic framework. Thus, for the purpose of this study the major types and elements of identity including national, ethnic, cultural, religious, and intercultural identity were studied.

Identity can broadly be categorized into individual (personal) or collective (social) identity (Liu et al., 2011; Turner, Oaks, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994). Individual (personal) identity is what distinguishes an individual from the others based on the personal characteristics and the self-image that the person has created therefore reflecting one’s uniqueness in relation to others (Erikson, 1980; Gudykunst & Shapiro, 1996). Collective

(social) identity on the other hand is membership in a group based on shared norms and values or affiliation to a particular group that is distinct from other groups (Hogg & Abrams,

1988). That is, a person affiliates with those who hold common interests, beliefs, values, and norms.

As one’s social context changes, which is the case for refugees and immigrants, one’s social identity changes too which is indicative of the fact that social identity is dynamic

(Tajfel, 1969, 1979). Kurylo (2013) notes that people become aware of their identity once in a crisis, displaced or put in a new context encountering a new culture. Depending on the context, a person can define one’s self differently and therefore can have various self- definitions (Verkuyten, 2004). As migrants reside in their new milieu their identities are 62

impacted by the new social networks they establish and the new economic milieu they experience (Kosic & Phalet, 2006). Hence, as Iranians settle in Australia, their social and individual identity can be transformed and impacted by their new cultural, political, and economic milieu.

Little is known about the identity formation of Iranian migrants in the social, political, and cultural context of Australia. This brings us to the objective of this thesis that examined the identity of Iranian migrants in the context of Australia to see how these migrants reconstruct and negotiate their identity in their new milieu and whether there is a maintenance or shift in their identity or if they develop an intercultural identity. For instance, do they identify with their ethnic identity (Persian) or develop a hyphenated identity (Iranian-

Australian). To examine these issues, social identity, and self-categorization theories were analysed to investigate the issue of identity for this cohort of migrants.

Social identity theory

Social identity theory was proposed by Tajfel and Turner in the 1970s to explain the psychological basis of human behaviour when in society or a social setting and the way people identify themselves as belonging to a group (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) which demonstrates that an individual is both a social and a cognitive being. When an individual is in a group there is a shift from personal identity to social identity which indicates that the group has both a psychological and a social role moving from individual properties to “supra- individual” properties (Tajfel, 1982). Thus, there is both a social and a psychological reality of the group (Turner et al., 1987, p.24, emphasis in the text).

According to this theory, categorization and classification of individuals based on their social group forms their social identity. Through this cognitive categorization, distinctions are made between the ingroup and outgroup which leads to a stereotypical dichotomy of “us” and

“them” (Tajfel, Billing, Bundy, & Flament, 1971). Identification of an individual with a 63

group that is similar is referred to as ingroup. Ingroup is the group that the individual belongs to and identifies with; however, outgroup is a group that the individual does not identify or associate with but rather distinguishes one’s self from (Brewer, 2010a). Thus, those who are dissimilar to the ingroup are considered as outgroup. Outgroups are alien to ingroup and a threat to their cohesiveness; therefore, they discriminate against, show great intolerance, and ascribe negative qualities to them (Tajfel, 1982).

Individuals have a tendency to relate to their ingroup (Tajfel, 1982). Showing preference for and favouritism toward one’s ingroup leads to ethnocentric attitudes resulting in hostility towards the outgroup (Hogg, 2000). Tajfel et al. (1970) experiment on students in

Bristol demonstrated ingroup favouritism. In their study, these students gave more money to the members of their ingroup and less to the outgroup.

Thus, people adhere to the positive characteristics of the group to which they belong so as to reflect their positive social identity (Ellmers, 2010; Tajfel, 1974). Individuals are willing to be judged positively and represent their group positively. In addition, people have a more positive attitude toward those they deem as similar and a more negative attitude toward those they see as dissimilar (Harrison, Price, Gavin, & Florey, 2002). This preference of the ingroup can also be explained in terms of the emotional attachment that these individuals have to their group (Tajfel, 1974). Thus, cognitive, evaluative, and emotional aspects are of great importance in identification with a particular group (Tajfel, 1982).

Social identity theory has been criticized in that its main focus is on group identities, disregarding the fact that personal identity in individuals might be stronger than their social identity (McGarty, 2001). However, this theory is widely accepted and applied (Turner &

Reynolds, 2001) and informs our understanding of intergroup relations. To contribute to the expanding literature on identity and intergroup relations, this study aimed to study the status of Iranian migrants as an ethnic group and how this impacted on their own identity. 64

Specifically, the study explored whether Iranians have a high or low identification with their own cultural group and how this has impacted on their intergroup communication. To have a complete overview of identity construction among Iranians, self-categorization theory is presented below.

Self-categorization theory

This theory has been developed from social categorization and social identity proposed by Tajfel (Turner, 1999). “Self-categorization theory makes social identity the social- cognitive basis of group behaviour” (Turner et al., 1987, p.ix). Self-categorization theory is a refined form of social identity theory and compensates for the limitation proposed by social identity theory which focused on group categorization (Turner & Onorato, 1999). Unlike social identity theory that focuses on groups and their relations, self-categorization theory is concerned with “how individuals are able to act as a group at all” (Turner et al., 1987, p.42).

The basis of self-categorization theory is self-concept with an emphasis on the collective self (Turner & Onorato, 1999). The self is socially categorized and categorizes itself in relation to others, that is, the self is categorized as “‘we’ instead of ‘I’” (Turner et al.,1994, p.457). Once a person’s social identity gains salience, depersonalization occurs

(Hogg, 2000). There is also great emphasis on the social context in that with the change of context there is a shift in the behaviour and cognition of the individual (Ellmers et al., 2002;

Turner et al., 1994).

According to self-categorization theory, a person has different social categories and belongs to multiple identities with some more salient than the others giving the individuals the freedom to categorize themselves (Tadmore & Tetlock, 2006; Turner, 1985). For instance, a teacher can be a woman, Asian, and a Jew. Each one of these categories and self- concepts are activated and gain importance based on the context and the situation in which 65

the individual is in (Turner et al., 1987). For example, the category of woman may gain more significance if all the other teachers are male.

Social identity theory and self-categorization theory have not focused on immigrants and less attention has been given to these theories in acculturation research (Nesdale & Mak,

2003). Social identity theory and self-categorization theory give us an understanding of social and personal identity in intergroup relations and the social context within which they occur

(Ellmers et al., 2002). There is also an intersection of multiple identities including gender, ethnic, religious, and national identity in the migration context (Azmitia, Syed, &

Radmacher, 2008). The less overlapping one’s multiple identities, the less ethnocentrism and group favouritism (Brewer, 2010b). By analysing self-categorization theory, as another objective of this research the socio-cultural issues in group processes were examined (Hogg,

2000). To this end, different types and elements of identity were studied and these are briefly discussed below.

National identity

National identity is one’s identification with a country. Higher identification with one’s ethnic group leads to lower identification with the national identity of the host society

(Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007). Strong ethnic identification and national disidentification may emanate from ‘social rejection’ and ‘devaluation’ (Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007). Self- identification as Australian might be rejected by migrants as they could be faced with discrimination, racism, and downward occupation mobility (Stokes, 1997).

In Ghoraishi’s (2007, p. 335) study of Iranian immigrants in the USA before 9/11,

Iranians reconstructed their identity through celebrating the traditional festivals of Iran to show the similarity and difference of their culture with the American culture; however, in the aftermath of 9/11, there was more emphasis on sameness of Iranian and American cultures to de-emphasize their Islamic or religious identity. Iranians in Los Angeles formed a new 66

national identity “placed within a newly created imaginary space of a nation within a nation”

(p.339).

This study investigated whether Iranians choose to identify/disidentify with and disconnect themselves from the mainstream society and the nation-state.

Cultural identity

Cultural identity is one’s identification with one’s culture and its beliefs and values.

Once in a new society a new culture is added to the already established culture that one has.

The rejection or acceptance of this new culture depends on multiple factors including acceptance of the migrants by the mainstream society, loyalty and emotional attachment to the origin country and etc. (Kim, 1995). The salience and position of the cultural identity of dominant group in all societies exhibits the reality that those with more power and recognition can impose their norms and values (Kurylo, 2013; Stokes, 1997). Although the imposition of norms and values is part of an assimilationist perspective and Australia has passed this stage by moving and progressing into multiculturalism with the recognition of cultural values and identities of the minority groups (Jupp, 2011), there is still a cultural hierarchy with certain cultures more acceptable than the others (Kurylo, 2013). It is also believed that the retention of one’s cultural identity in Australia is difficult (Omeri, 1997).

Thus, it was of great significance to address the issue of cultural identity in Australia by examining the impact of identification with cultural identity amongst Iranian migrants.

Ethnic identity

A salient aspect of one’s social identity in pluralist host societies is one’s ethnic identity

(Santos & Umana-Taylor, 2015; Tajfel & Turner, 1986) as there is more awareness of one’s identity in the migration context (Berry, 2006) whereas in the country of origin one’s identity is taken for granted. According to Tajfel and Turner (1986), once holding a less privileged position in society such as being a minority population, immigrant or refugee, one’s social 67

identity gains more salience. This is further highlighted when the host society holds and exhibits negative and prejudiced attitudes toward migrants and the policies surrounding migration are of exclusion (McKay, Thomas, & Kneebone, 2012; Mughan & Paxton, 2006).

Thus, “macro-cultural politics” can put a group in a devalued, stigmatised, and subordinate position (Thorne, 2004, p.362).

While ethnic and cultural identity have been used interchangeably, they differ in that one’s identification with their ethnic group or ethnicity is referred to as ethnic identity, whereas cultural identity is a more general term that refers to one’s identification with one’s culture and its beliefs and values (Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006; Tropp & Kim,

2010). When immigrants and refugees are in a new context, their ethnic identity gains more salience (Berry, 2006) especially for those who come from culturally distant countries

(Zimmerman, 2007). Identification with an ethnic group can impact a person psychologically, giving the person a sense of security and belonging (Phinney, 1990; Roosens, 1989).

However, discrimination and stigmatization can act as impediment to developing a positive and secure ethnic identity (Verkuyten, 2004).

Roosens (1989, p.15) believes that some individuals place little value to their ethnicity and “never affirm themselves ethnically” (p.26). Hutnik (1986) also believes that an individual’s ethnic identification depends on the stereotypes ascribed to the individual from both the minority and the majority population depending on how negative or positive these stereotypes are.

In a study carried out by Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) among Turkish-Dutch Muslims, the participants had high ethnic identification and neutral national identification. Also, the degree of Turkish identification was much higher among the males as compared to the females. The main reason with high Turkish identification and low Dutch identification was due to great rejection by the host society. As the participants perceived more structural 68

discrimination, they had a stronger identification with their Muslim and Turkish identity.

Der-Karabetian & Balian’s (1992, p. 497) study among Armenians in Turkey, demonstrated higher ethnic identification among older Armenians as compared to women and the younger generation.

It is important “to examine how ethnic identities are socially established and negotiated” and “to ask what belonging to an ethnic group ‘feels like’ or means to a person”

(Verkuyten, 2004, p. 3). What was also of interest to this research was to find out whether

Iranian migrants identified with their own group or they had a low identification with their ethnic group and preferred to identify with the mainstream society.

Religious identity

Religion is thought to have an important impact on ethnic identity and its maintenance

(Sarhadi Raj, 2010; Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007). However, research on identity hyphenation has excluded religion and has diminished its role (Peek, 2005). In Australia and in Western countries alike multiculturalism has been centred on values, and norms, giving less significance to religion (Jupp, 2011). Multiculturalism has made Australia a multifaith country where in many cases the mainstream society and the minority population are religiously different (Bouma & Brace-Govan, 2000). In addition, with the presence of more

Muslim migrants, their religious identity rather than their national identity has been magnified (Jupp, 2002; Stokes, 1997).

There is great variability amongst Iranian migrants in their identification with their religion. Some report low identification with their religious identity while others highly identify with it which is more evident in the case of ‘Muslim Iranians’ (McAuliffe, 2007).

Not all Muslims, however, identify themselves with their religious identity; they might identify themselves more with their nationality or the national identity of the host country, that is, the country where they have been granted their citizenship (Modood, 2003). Studies 69

have shown that Iranians living abroad disassociate themselves from their religious identity

(Jamarani, 2009, Mobasher, 2006). This was the case with Iranian women in Australia who preferred to identify themselves more with their nationality (Jamarani, 2009). “A study of religious identification can make a contribution to our thinking about the important process of group (dis)identification” (Verkuyten &Yildiz, 2007, p.1461). Thus, the impact of religious identity on this migrant cohort was examined.

Intercultural identity

Through cross-cultural adaptation, intercultural transformation can occur and an intercultural identity can develop (Kim, 1995, 2001, 2008). According to Kim (2008, p.359) intercultural identity comprises of two categories of “universalization” where the focus is on humanity and “individuation” where the focus is on the individuals rather than the group category they belong to. Research on native Indian Americans indicated the development of an intercultural identity where aspects of both Indian culture and American culture were incorporated. Thus, universalized and individualized attitudes towards White Americans were developed (Kim et al., 1998). Prior research has failed to address the development of an intercultural identity amongst Iranian migrants. To contribute to the literature, the present study addressed these issues.

Identity: Summary

Crossing cultures leads to a change in identity which can also indicate one’s sense of belonging. While identification with both the nation-state and one’s ethnic culture is the desired outcome, various factors exert an influence on one’s identity and self-identification as discussed above.

Key findings

A review of the existing literature in this section shows that settlement in a new society impacts all aspects of a migrant’s life. The literature shows that individuals go through 70

acculturation process when they settle in a new society and they adopt different strategies in order to acculturate (Berry, 1997) but these strategies might also differ depending on different domains of life including the public or private spheres of life (Navas et al., 2005). Also, the migration context and the historical background between home and destination countries play a role (Bourhis et al., 1997; Gallois, 2003). The end result of the acculturation process is adaptation and the basis of this adaptation is communication. Communication competence leads to better psychological and socio-cultural adaptation (Kim, 1995, 2001; Ward, 1994).

Different demographic variables such as age and gender have shown to be influential in the process of acculturation. Also, identity as an indispensable part of migration is contested and reformulated in the migration context. Multiple identities including religious, ethnic, and cultural identity gain salience in the migration context and thus identification or disidentification with these multiple identities is an indication of the extent of integration and adaptation.

Summary

Various models have been devised to measure and explore the acculturation process as well as the identity formation of the migrants who settle in a new milieu. The theoretical frameworks that were chosen to guide this research project (Berry’s acculturation model,

1997; Kim’s integrative theory of communication and cross-cultural adaptation (2001);

Tajfel’s social identity theory (1981); and Turner et al. (1987) self-categorization theory) allowed for a comprehensive analysis and review of the acculturation process of the participants of this study. Applying these well-grounded theoretical frameworks also allowed for the analysis of the social, cultural, and psychological dimensions and aspects of migration and added to the knowledge of the acculturation and adaptation process. In addition, these theoretical frameworks supported the findings of this study with regard to the acculturation 71

process of Iranian migrants (see Chapter 4). The next chapter outlines the methods proposed for the study.

Chapter 3: Methodology

This chapter consists of five sections. The first section elaborates on the methodological paradigms and approaches in immigrant studies including the research approach employed for the present study. The second section outlines the data collection methods of the present study and the justification of the same. The third section discusses participant sampling and recruitment followed by data collection procedures. The fourth section presents some methodological issues associated with conducting research on Iranian community. Lastly, the fifth section explains the data analysis processes.

Research Paradigms

Different research paradigms exist in social science research including the; a) positivist, b) interpretive, and c) critical tradition (Creswell, 1998). These different paradigms and traditions are associated with different research approaches. The positivist tradition believes in objective reality which can be observed and understood through empirical procedures, and thus, it is associated with quantitative research (O’Leary, 2014). In this tradition, different variables are adopted so as to find out the cause and effect relationship between these variables; therefore, quantification of data is deemed appropriate which can be achieved through the use of surveys or experiments (O’Leary, 2014). On the other hand, in the interpretive paradigm, there is a subjective interpretation of the world as it exists – this paradigm is associated with qualitative research, and qualitative interviewing is one of the research methods adopted. And lastly, the critical tradition believes in the critical reflection of the data believing that ideology and power underpin our social experience – the prevalent research methods adopted within this paradigm are textual and discourse analysis (Creswell,

1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 2011).

As the current research is concerned with the subjective experiences of individuals, the interpretive paradigm was deemed most suited with data gathered via qualitative methods. 73

The next section briefly elaborates on the methodological approach used for the current study.

Methodological Approach

Various methodological approaches have been used in migrant studies including quantitative, qualitative, and mixed method approaches. As Jacobsen and Landau (2003) state, “every approach has its strengths and weaknesses depending on the research questions and the conditions under which they will be explored” (p. 202). As the overarching purpose of this study was to gather data on the subjective experiences of migrants who have unique individual experiences due to their different modes of entry into Australia (Crotty, 1998), qualitative research methods were considered more appropriate for the research questions being examined than quantitative methods.

There are multiple reasons why qualitative methods were deemed more suitable to gather data required for this study. Unlike quantitative studies, qualitative methods are useful in exploration of the world views of research participants and can be used to draw multiple perspectives (Obijiofor, 2015). As a result, qualitative methods allow the researcher “to delve into social complexities in order to truly explore and understand the interactions, processes, lived experiences, and belief systems that are a part of individuals, …[ ] and cultural groups”

(O’Leary, 2014, p. 130). In refugee studies “quantitative measures are used to examine the relationship between psychosocial factors (which may act as risk or protective factors) and health and wellbeing outcomes, while qualitative methods are used to generate a richer picture of the contexts and processes that influence settlement and wellbeing overtime”

(Gifford, Bakopanos, Kaplan, & Correa-Velez, 2007, p.418). In addition, qualitative methods have been proven more reliable in gathering data from the refugee population with low/nil literacy as compared to quantitative surveys which require higher levels of literacy and comprehension (Bloch, 2004). Another reason for choosing qualitative methods over 74

quantitative methods is difficulty in recruiting participants as quantitative methods require hundreds of participants for reliable and valid analysis (this point is elaborated below).

In addition, previous studies that examined acculturation strategies mostly adopted quantitative approaches (Berry et al., 1987; Buriel, 1993; Chirkov, 2009; Cheung-Blunden &

Juang, 2008; Cuellar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995; Demes & Geeraert, 2014; Kosic, 2004;

Piontkowski et al., 2002; Schwartz & Zamboanga, 2008; Ward, 2006) but did not present a comprehensive, in-depth picture of the settlement process. In response to this limitation, this study utilized qualitative methods to explore and present deeper understandings of both the

‘structure’ and ‘process’ of cultural transition among migrants (Kim, 1995).

Data Collection Methods

Scholars have used various methods to draw data from migrant populations. Surveys have been used extensively in various contexts in immigrant and refugee studies including

Australia (Tilbury, 2006), the UK (Bloch, 1999; Erens, 2013), the USA (Smith, 2013), Spain

(Duque, Baliano, & Perez, 2013; Mendez, Ferreras, & Cuest, 2013; Rinken, 2013), the

Netherlands (Heelsum, 2013), Sweden (Myrberg, 2013), Denmark (Deding, Fridberg, &

Jakobsen, 2013), and Switzerland (Lipps, Lagana, Pollien, & Gianettoni, 2013). Longitudinal surveys have also been used extensively in Australia (LSIA1, LSIA2, and LSIA3) (DIAC,

2012) to draw data from migrants as “surveys tend to be a versatile means of data collection in terms of both the arrays of topics that can be covered and adaptability of questionnaire and sample designs to address a particular research question in a particular setting” (Font &

Mendez, 2013, p.15). However, there are various shortcomings associated with the use of surveys which are also applicable to this study such as defining the target population, low/non-response rates, lack of a sampling frame, translation issues, cost, and reluctance of people to take part in surveys (Erens, 2013). Due to such shortcomings, many studies employ 75

face-to-face interviews as a means to increase the response rate considering it as “extremely valuable” (Myberg, 2013, p. 137).

The use of face to face interviews in refugee and migrant studies is more beneficial than questionnaires or surveys due to higher response rates and greater use of open-ended questions (Bloch, 1999). For instance, in a study by Mansouri, Leach, & Traies (2006) on the impact of visa category of Iraqi migrants in Australia, semi-structured interviews were deemed more appropriate means of data collection on the settlement experiences of the Iraqi migrants as it allowed “fuller expression of refugee’s experiences” (p. 398).

Further, questionnaires and surveys are known to exclude those who are not competent and proficient in English and have low levels of literacy. Also, surveys are regarded as

“complementary data source” when it comes to drawing data on issues such as migrants’ labour market participation (Font & Mendez, 2013, p.14), whereas, in-depth interviews “can give a rich store of descriptive and anecdotal data, which suggest patterns, variables and hypothesis for further study….[ ] the descriptive data reveal much about how forced migrants live, the problems they encounter, their coping and survival strategies, and the shaping of their identities and attitudes” (Jacobsen & Landau, 2003, p.190). Thus, in the present study data were specifically gathered via individual semi-structured interviews along with brief demographic questions.

Other methods of qualitative data collection such as focus groups were also considered

(The following paragraph looks at the issues associated with the use of focus groups to study

Iranian migrants); however, face-to-face semi-structured interviews were deemed most appropriate due to potential sensitivity associated with the heterogeneous Iranian participant population such as: a) Political orientation: Iranian migrants come from different political orientations (e.g., some participants may oppose the current government regime, e.g., those 76

who are in support of the Monarchy, or those who are in support of the Green Movement7 in

Iran). Previous social and political experiences may result in reluctance in participation and unreliable answers to the questions asked (Tilbury, 2006). Pernice (1994) suggests that in cases where the community is “nonhomogeneous, politically or otherwise, care must be taken to give appropriate attention and extend separate but similar recognition to different factions and political divisions within the community” (p.211), b) Ethnic affiliation: As mentioned previously, Iran is not a homogeneous society but a diverse community with people from varying ethnic, social, and religious backgrounds, which may at times, lead to uneasiness among the various groups, c) Day to day complexities: As some topics to be discussed may be sensitive in nature requiring disclosure on issues such as employment status, income, family pressures, etc., a focus group setting might not solicit honest answers due to cultural restraints such as saving face in front of other members from within the known local community (see Pernice, 1994; Yu, 1985). Also, Iranians have the tendency to give socially desirable answers to the questions asked; in a study by Tilbury (2006) on the employment experiences of African, ex-Yugoslavian, and the Middle Eastern migrants in Australia, the

Middle Eastern cohort’s highly optimistic answers to certain questions was an indication of either saving face or politeness associated with the Middle Eastern culture, and lastly, d) as compared to interviews, focus-group discussions on sensitive issues can also jeopardize the safety of the refugee population and impact their status not only within the host community but also within their own ethnic community (Mackenzie, McDowell, & Pittaway, 2007).

According to Jacobsen and Landau (2003) there is no confidentiality in focus-group discussions thus impacting the ethical issues in research. In addition, not all views would be

“captured” in focus-group discussions (Ganassin & Holmes, 2013, p.348) as there are people

7Iran’s Green Movement or Persian Spring is a political movement that arose as a result of the re-election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (Iran’s President) and people demanded him to leave office. 77

who are more introvert and thus less likely to present their views in groups; therefore, those who are more articulate may easily take precedence over others.

Participant Recruitment and Sampling

Participant sampling has been identified as one of the practical problems encountered in refugee and immigrant studies (Pernice, 1994; Tilbury, 2006). For instance, “the lack of a sampling frame” and “the hidden nature of the population can make access and representativeness difficult to achieve” (Bloch, 2004, p.140). The sampling has been difficult as most sampling techniques that have been utilised have not worked (Pernice, 1994) due to high mobility of refugees and their unwillingness in taking part in research in fear of their private information being revealed (Yu, 1985). It is also difficult to obtain lists of refugees from government or settlement agencies due to privacy issues (Pernice, 1994).

Participants for this study were recruited through ‘snowball’ sampling method (Patton,

2002). Through snowball sampling (Sarantakos, 2005):

The researcher chooses a few respondents, using accidental sampling or

any other method, and asks them to recommend other people who meet

the criteria of the research and who might be willing to participate in

the project. This process is continued with the new respondents until

saturation- that is, until no more substantial information can be acquired

through additional respondents- or until no more respondents are

available. (p.165)

Even though there are some drawbacks associated with the snowball sampling method such as having ethical and methodological issues (e.g. it is a method that is believed to be biased by drawing participants who belong to one group that share similar characteristics and thus excluding the participants who do not belong to that particular group as well as the possibility of revealing private information about that particular group) (Jacobsen & Landau, 78

2003), it is still commonly used to reach migrant populations, including refugees. As Bloch

(1999, p. 371) states, “research with refugees often uses snowballing as a method to locate respondents because refugees are difficult to locate using other means.”

In order to be eligible to participate in the study, respondents had to be: a) permanent humanitarian or non-humanitarian visa holders or citizens of Australia, b) have been living in

Australia for a minimum of two years, as we know that the first two years can be challenging for all migrants, and more so for refugees (Hebbani & Colic-Peisker, 2012), and c) their country of origin must have been Iran.

Initially it was intended to recruit the participants for this project through a range of strategies including the Iranian community, social media platforms, settlement agencies, and personal contacts. Information about this project was sent to members of the Iranian community via multiple channels: a) the Iranian Society of Queensland, b) via social media platforms such as Facebook, c) via local refugee settlement agencies (e.g., Access

Community Services Limited), and d) through personal contacts within the local Iranian community. However, eventually the participants replied through social media platforms and personal contacts and were also referred by other people. Participation in the study was voluntary; once the participants indicated willingness to participate, they were provided with a project information sheet (Appendix C English version and Appendix D Farsi version).

Participants were also asked to complete a consent form (Appendix C English version and

Appendix D Farsi version) prior to being interviewed.

Participants’ profile

Forty Iranians who came to Australia on humanitarian visas (10 men and 10 women) and non-humanitarian visas (10 men and 10 women) and lived in the Greater Brisbane

Region in Queensland, Australia, participated in this study. As men and women have different settlement experiences, it was hoped that the divergence/convergence of their 79

experiences would shed light on the complexity of migration (Bloch, 2004). Participants had varied reasons for migrating to Australia. Literature shows that reasons for migration are often attributed to economic conditions, political upheaval, oppressive regimes, escaping war, violence, and poverty as well as lack of government support (Massey et al., 1993). In this case, the rationale for migration stemmed from five major interrelated reasons, each of which is briefly discussed below. On the whole, humanitarian participants primarily fled to escape the political regime, religious persecution, and social stigma, whereas the non-humanitarian participants left to explore better employment and educational opportunities, and for familial reunion.

Humanitarian participants. As discussed briefly in chapter one, the fear of persecution as well as unequal opportunities had instigated the migration of the Baha’i participants. Other humanitarian participants fled the country due to the ongoing political upheaval in Iran starting from Iran’s revolution to the current political movements which had triggered the migration of those who oppose the current Iranian regime. Five of the 10 female humanitarian participants were resettled in Australia under the Woman at Risk Visa. Had they stayed back in Iran, these women either experienced or faced social stigma and/or backlash due to marital conflict, harassment or abuse.

Non-humanitarian participants. One of the key reasons for the migration of this cohort was to seek better employment and educational opportunities. Australia was a desirable destination as a first-world country with no sanctions, with political and economic stability, and an open trading market as well as quality educational institutions. Moving to

Australia would enable the pursuit towards better employment opportunities and they would gain international experience as a result of lack of such an opportunity in Iran (i.e., closed market). Some participants also chose to migrate to reunite with other family members who were already in Australia such as to be reunited with their spouses who were already 80

permanent residents or citizens of Australia or to provide a better future for their children in a democratic first-world country.

Methodological Issues in Participant Recruitment

While the above-mentioned procedures were considered for recruitment of the participants, I, the researcher from Iran, was confronted with difficulties in recruiting participants. Below is an elaboration of the various challenges I was confronted with and the methodological issues that arose when conducting the research demonstrating the challenges of carrying out cross-cultural research (Bloch, 1999).

I was confronted with various challenges and dilemmas during data collection

(Czymoniewicz-Klippel, Brijnath, & Crockett, 2010). Research can be challenging with regards to working with certain cultural groups as Tilbury (2006) mentions, “key challenges for any research about refugee issues include questions of access, language barriers, sampling difficulties, funding constraints, and a bevy of ethical issues including relevance, possibilities for doing harm, confidentiality, consent etc.” (p.1).

The challenges in gathering data for the present research were multi-fold in relation to: a) participant recruitment, b) cultural issues, and c) funding constraints – each of these is briefly explained below.

Participant recruitment. While multiple channels were used in recruiting participants as noted above, participant recruitment was one of the most challenging phases of the study in which culture also played a significant role. Most researchers may face issues with participant recruitment as part of their research processes, but there was significantly more difficulty in recruiting Iranian participants, and more so recruiting those on humanitarian visas than non-humanitarian visas. One reason for showing reluctance to participate in the study was that Iranians are not comfortable and very familiar with surveys and being interviewed extensively. Anecdotally speaking, unlike in Australia where people 81

may be more accustomed/and or desensitized to taking part in surveys and interviews whether informally or formally, in Iran, people are less likely to take part as they do not like much information to be disclosed about them due to the nature of their lifestyle and the diversity of their social, political, and ethnic backgrounds. Also, Iranian people are private people thus many from the community assume that these questioning techniques could jeopardize their safety and status even though they are currently residing in Australia. The fear of government officials and the consequence of disclosing information still exists when residing in Australia.

Another reason is that the Iranian community is not a tight-knit community.

Intercommunity tensions exist amongst the humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa migrants with regard to the presence of Iranian refugees in Australia. In fact, the interview data suggest that this was highly resented amongst the non-humanitarian visa migrants that their reputation as Iranians and the image of the Iranian community would be and has been questioned by the presence of the refugees whom to the eyes of the non-humanitarian visa holders are “queue jumpers” or “boat people”.

On the other hand, the humanitarian entrants reported that they had been stigmatised, called names and rejected in their own [Iranian] community; therefore, such perceptions made it difficult to recruit humanitarian visa migrants since they believed if their identities were revealed as refugees, they would lose face and would not be accepted in the local

Iranian community. Likewise, being recognized as refugees would put them in a less socially desirable level and status within the Iranian community – hence, there was resistance to take part in this research even though they were reassured that the information they provide is confidential but these perceptions still remained within the humanitarian cohort.

Declining to take part or reluctance to engage in research could also be due to the fact that Iranian immigrants and refugees expressed concerns that the findings of the research will 82

not help in instantaneously improving their current situation, even though in the same breath, many potential participants regarded this study as highly valuable.

In addition, refugees are regarded as vulnerable people (Leaning, 2001) and therefore their recruitment is difficult through government offices in Australia such as the immigration office. The Department of Immigration and Citizenship in Australia does not disclose any information about the refugees in Australia due to confidentiality. To assist with the recruitment, all the community organizations that deal with refugees and asylum seekers in the Greater Brisbane Region in Queensland, Australia, were contacted. These multiple gatekeepers were approached so as to avoid “interviewing refugees from one network”, to increase “the diversity of the sample” (Bloch, 2004, p.149), and to “enhance the reliability and validity of the investigation by providing their cultural expertise” (Ellis et al., 2007, p.472). I contacted these various refugee settlement agencies via emails and also had meetings with key governing members who also disseminated information about the study through emails in their networks with no success. Thus, the selection and recruitment of the participants was confined to personal networks and via social media platforms.

Farsi-speaking women in Brisbane also held monthly meetings. At these meetings, I had to make several presentations about the research, its aims, and the ethical procedures involved in conducting the research, repeatedly ensuring the participants that the research was confidential.

The Iranian community organization in Brisbane, Iranian Society of Queensland, has a committee board. I attended several meetings that the Iranian community members held so as to not only familiarise myself with them and vice versa, but to also discuss my research, and ask for assistance in recruiting any potential participants. Members of the committee board were approached in recruiting the participants as it was initially thought that with their assistance as the heads of the committee board, who are more established and trusted in the 83

community, more participants would take part. However, this did not assist with participant recruitment as they were not supportive, and they stated that they do not have the authority within the Iranian community and were mainly people who were voluntarily in charge of organizing events. They also advised me that they did not have the capacity to recruit participants thus I had to only rely on the snowball sampling method of recruitment. This challenge is supported by Bloch (1999) who mentioned that, “reliance on community groups for sampling purposes can be problematic” (p.371). While promises were made to assist in face to face meetings, but when it came to service delivery, there was no assistance.

Another great difficulty was with the recruitment of refugees from the Baha’i faith and community. Since Iranian Baha’is are highly persecuted in Iran (Martin, 1984), there is a great mistrust towards those who are from outside their community and faith. I approached two local Baha’i leaders to disseminate information about the study and to recruit participants from within their faith. One leader immediately refused any involvement and contribution to the study and the other questioned me extensively and later on declined to take part in the study since I did not belong/affiliate with the Baha’i community. Therefore, my Baha’i colleague assisted with recruiting a participant from the Baha’i faith and that participant recommended other people.

To approach Iranians of the Muslim faith, I also contacted various local mosques but were advised that Iranians do not come to the mosque. The two underlying reasons for that being that Iranians who come and live abroad are mostly from the egalitarian section of the

Iranian society, and that most of the mosques in Brisbane are Sunni mosques and most

Iranians are Shi’ite Muslims.

Cultural issues. Culture and cultural differences also have a pivotal role in the responses provided by the participants and should also be considered in the way the questions are devised and constructed (Tilbury, 2006). Cultural and social differences and issues of 84

communities within the Australian society bring challenges for the researchers in obtaining qualitative data from these communities (Czymoniewicz-Klippel et al., 2010); thus, prior knowledge about culturally sensitive issues is of great significance (Bloch, 1999) which was achieved by the researcher being Iranian herself and aware of cultural and social issues as regards the Iranians.

It was highly important to consider these cultural, political, and religious factors in approaching, selecting, recruiting, and interviewing the participants. “Given the magnitude of the refugee population in the world today, and the increasing number of the non-western refugees taking asylum in western host countries, future research needs to emphasize a better understanding of culturally sensitive practice in ethical terms” (Ellis et al., 2007, p.477). I would refrain from any questions or any further questions that made the participants feel uncomfortable. As regards religion, since it was deemed a sensitive question, as suggested by

Milner and Khawaja (2010) indirect questions were asked. Also, during pilot study, in cases where questions or concepts were unclear for the participants they were modified and reformulated (Bloch, 1999). For the pilot study, I did a purposive sampling through which I selected five people. The demographic and interview questions were first pilot tested on these five participants. The questions that were asked were the same as what was finally employed.

Further, some information was provided “off the record” and whether to include or not include the significant information that was provided by the participants was another challenge (Hugman, Bartolomei, & Pittaway, 2011, p.665). The type of information that was provided ‘off record’ was a follow up to ‘on record’ information where many participants expressed similar views. For instance, non-humanitarian visa holder participants provided more information as to why there were intercommunity tensions amongst humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders. While the participants wanted their voices to be heard, this information was not provided ‘on record’. To resolve this “dilemma” notes were taken and 85

the information was used at the request of the participants. Also, two humanitarian visa participants who initially agreed to be recorded while being interviewed, refused to be recorded on the interview day. Therefore, after they signed the consent form and gave written consent, I took notes of their answers to the interview questions.

Funding constraints. To resolve the issue of the recruitment of those on humanitarian visas in the Greater Brisbane region, and to broaden the study as many refugees are also located in Melbourne and Sydney, I then contacted the Iranian community leaders in Sydney and Melbourne for the purpose of participant recruitment. Due to funding constraints they were advised that the interviews can be carried out via Skype. However, the leaders warned that through Skype no trust would be established and no participant would agree to contribute. Thus, due to the financial constraints the possibility of participant recruitment from Melbourne or Sydney was dismissed.

Ethical Considerations

Before any data collection took place, appropriate ethical clearance was sought from the School of Communication and Arts Ethics Officer at the University of Queensland (see appendix B). Prior to the interviews, participants were informed about the study, and given the consent form (see appendix C for English version and appendix D for Farsi version) so as to ensure that the research is carried out ethically as it was also concerned with vulnerable groups (Jacobsen & Landau, 2003). As part of this process, the participants were informed about the voluntary nature of their participation. Confidentiality was assured by assigning pseudonyms rather than using real names in the interview transcriptions.

Both supervisors are experienced in working with refugee populations and I, the researcher, being Iranian myself, was familiar with Iranian cultural norms. Hence, all research procedures followed appropriate cultural practices being cognizant of the participant population. All data gathered are securely stored in my password-protected computer, to 86

which only I access. All hardcopy data are stored in a locked cupboard in the researcher's office in the School of Communication and Arts, to which only the researcher will have access. All audio files will also be erased upon downloading. There was no major issue in obtaining written consent from the participants since they had already been informed of what the research involved.

In areas where the participants needed clarification the researcher elaborated on the research process and procedures and what the research involved. Some participants asked to be provided with the interview questions and the demographic survey questions before giving consent to participate in the study. The researcher sent these information to them so that they would be aware of the type of the questions they would be asked. This also helped with building trust with the participants which had a pivotal role in the success of the research process (Gifford et al., 2007, p.419). “Trust is particularly important in the recruitment process because it increases the likelihood of receiving an “honest” response, allows for sensitive questions to be asked, and affords researchers the opportunity to shift from interviewer to interlocutor” (Czymoniewicz-Klippel, et al., 2010, p.336).

Trust was built and established through attending Iranian community events and gatherings and for me to familiarize myself with the potential participants; however, the participants on humanitarian visas were initially very suspicious with what the research involved. They were unsure whether any government agencies were involved in gathering this information. For instance, I was extensively asked questions such as whether I had been to Iran lately or whether I travelled frequently to Iran or I studied under Iranian government scholarship. There were also participants who looked for the potential benefit that the research would bring for them including the process of visa (whether it can be eased) or even helping them find jobs. Often in research the participants consider the benefits that the research can bring them (Mackenzie et al., 2007; Ellis et al., 2007). 87

Data Collection

To collect data this study utilized: a) a few questions gathering participant demographic data, b) followed by semi-structured interviews.

Demographic questions

After signing the consent form, the participants completed the brief demographic survey, and then took part in in-depth semi-structured interviews (see appendix G) to gather narratives on their migration and settlement experiences. Participants answered a few questions which gathered basic demographic data prior to commencing the interview – this was made available in Farsi and English (see appendix E for the English version and appendix F for the Farsi version). Demographic data such as age, gender, English proficiency, education level, religion, marital status, length of residence, employment status in Australia, employment status in home country, and city of origin in Iran were collected.

Eliciting demographic information is crucial as more holistic knowledge of the background of the participants through these variables will guide the analysis and will indicate the reasons for taking up different migration trajectories and having different settlement experiences

(Sam & Berry, 2006).

Translation and conceptualization of words in the data collection material was challenging as similar meaning needs to be transferred and conveyed when it comes to the translation of certain concepts, proverbs, and slangs from one language into the other

(Holmes et al., 2013). Pernice (1994) supports this by saying, “……. [ ] some terms are difficult to translate if the concept is foreign to a particular cultural group” (p.209). For instance, the concept of ‘sleepover’ is foreign to Iranians, as it is not part of Iranian culture.

There was also difficulty with some of the concepts and words such as the word “visible difference” as there is no word by word translation and in cases where literal translation of the words was possible it did not necessarily transfer the meaning of those words (Bloch, 88

1999, 2004). To resolve this issue, these words were either changed or clarified, paraphrased, and defined through the use of examples within the Iranian culture to make it clearer and understandable for the interviewees so that the correct meaning of the concepts is conveyed

(Ganassin & Holmes, 2013).

Semi-structured interviews

The interviews included open-ended questions which guide the interview process

(Saunders, Saunders, & Thornhill, 2011). Interviews also provide an opportunity to both the participants and the researcher to probe more responses and direct the interview (Kvale,

2008; Nunan, 1992). The use of face-to-face interviews within this community population was of great benefit.

Face-to-face interviews were conducted in each participant’s preferred language (Farsi or English) at a safe place (e.g., public cafe, university, association meetings) and during safe hours (daylight hours) which was convenient to both participants. The research process and analysis would be more challenging when more than one language is used to gather data from the informants (Holmes, Fay, Andrews, & Attia, 2013). Participants believed that expressing themselves in English was difficult especially when it came to addressing cultural issues and practices (Ganassin & Holmes, 2013). Most participants in the present study opted for the interviews to be carried out in Farsi so as to diminish language barriers. The choice of Farsi was also due to the cultural sensitivity associated with saving face in order not to be judged based on their English proficiency. Very few participants expressed that their preference with the use of Farsi was because they were not proficient in English.

Interviews were audio-recorded for transcription purposes. All data were simultaneously transcribed and translated. Since the interviews were mostly carried out in

Farsi, the task of transcribing and at the same time translating was very time-consuming. 89

Where interviews were conducted in Farsi, they were translated into English. Interviews were conducted till such time that saturation was reached.

After the interviews, the participants were sent summaries of the discussion for them to confirm accuracy, and to invite more reflective thinking on the issues that might have been omitted or misrepresented. Respondent validation was sought to add to the validity and credibility of data (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Respondent validation is a process whereby

“the researcher asks participants if the themes or categories make sense, whether they are developed with sufficient evidence, whether the overall account is realistic and accurate. In turn, researchers incorporate participants’ comments into the final narrative” (Creswell &

Miller, 2000, p.127). However, no participant came back with any changes to their original conversation.

Validity in qualitative research can also be achieved through three means that is the researcher, the participants themselves, and the reviewers of the study (Altheide & Johnson,

1994; Creswell & Miller, 2000; Hoijer, 1990). I, the researcher in this study was an insider being Iranian myself. The use of insider researchers has been questioned by claiming that

“….[ ] using insiders can also create confidentiality problems in small communities, and produce biased results as members of the same community ‘safe manage’ their responses” further suggesting that, “an outsider with no assumed political, national or ethnic affiliation would produce a more representative sample” (Tilbury, 2006, p.5). Being an insider researcher can come with its own set of issues. Iran is a heterogenous society that is home to people with different political, ethnic, and religious affiliations. An insider might have a religious affiliation or a political orientation different to the participants and thus might bring one’s bias into the research. In addition, it would be difficult to establish trust within a heterogenous society like Iran where people come from varying political, religious, and 90

ethnic backgrounds. Also, participants might want to save face in front of an insider researcher who belongs to their own community and therefore might not give honest answers.

However, my role as an insider was an asset. My role as an insider researcher and as an

Iranian was crucial in dealing with socio-culturally sensitive issues or even questions.

Researchers who do not belong to the ethnic minority group under research might have some presumptions with regard to those ethnic minority groups thus impacting the research process

(Pernice, 1994, p.211). While I was an insider, I did not have any friendship or relationship with any of the Iranians who took part in the study. In Bloch’s study (1999) the Tamil interviewer “felt that the interviews went better when the interviewer and interviewee had not had any previous contact, because there would be no threat or question of her relaying information back to mutual friends and acquaintances in the Tamil community” (p.380).

Neutrality was attained by not showing any political stance or view on the matters discussed

(Ellis, KIA-Keating, Yusuf, & Lincoln, 2007). The participants who took part in this study were happy and showed great appreciation that an Iranian within their own community was conducting a research that would unravel and highlight the challenges that Iranian migrants are faced with in their new context, Australia. Further, they pointed out that having someone who can culturally relate to them and understand them was of great significance.

Data Analysis

Data was transcribed verbatim and simultaneously translated by me, the researcher.

Ideally, in cross-cultural research settings, back-translation8 is adopted (Brislin, 1970).

However, given the financial constraints associated with hiring multiple translators to perform this accurately, as I am proficient in English and Farsi and am also a professional

8“Back-translation” is when an already translated document is received by a second independent translator and then translated again into the original language. The original document is compared to the back translation so as to ensure the same message has been transferred. 91

translator of NAATI (National Accreditation Authority for Translators and Interpreters Ltd,

Australia), I translated the interviews from Farsi into English myself.

I did not need to recruit any translators or interpreters as I am an interpreter and a translator myself making the bilingual ability of the researcher a “research resource”

(Ganassin & Holmes, 2013, p.353) and added to the validity of the data (Holmes et al., 2013).

“[ ]…….When the multilingual researcher fulfils a double role, as both translator and interpreter, this also brings opportunities” (Holmes et al., 2013, p.287). In addition, “only someone who is very familiar with the culture and language would be in a position to identify problematic concepts” (Bloch, 1999, p.375). In cases where there is an additional translator or an interpreter working with a researcher there would be issues as regards confidentiality and bias (Mackenzie et al., 2007). In Tilbury’s (2006) study, translations done by the assistants often resulted in various interpretations “resulting in different types of responses”

(p.4). This issue in this study was minimized by the researcher being both the researcher and translator. In addition, individuals who were not translators but were native speakers of Farsi were asked to give their opinion about the meaningfulness of the questions in Farsi (Bloch,

1999) as it was useful to ask individuals “not involved in the translations or the administration” of the interview questions “what they understood by each question to ensure that the translations were satisfactory in meeting the cross-cultural dimension” (Bloch, 1999, p. 376).

All demographic data were entered into an Excel spreadsheet. Given that the data collected was very basic and descriptive in informing the settlement context, and given the number of participants, the use of SPSS software was not required.

When saturation was reached, and all the interviews were transcribed and translated, data was analysed manually to code and identify the relevant categories and themes. All data were coded using a thematic analysis approach (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Neuman, 2011). 92

This approach is one of “the key strategies informing interpretation of qualitative data”

(Gifford et al., 2007, p.434) where identified patterns facilitate the exploration of the extent of convergence and divergence of individual participants’ views. Hence, data were coded using open coding where themes are brought to “the surface from deep inside the data”

(Neuman, 2011, p.511) as open coding does not impose predetermined categories (see Miles

& Huberman, 1984).

There were five stages in the thematic analysis of the data (Creswell, 1998). First, the audio-recorded semi-structured interviews were translated and transcribed. Second, the transcription was read several times in order for the researcher to be familiarised with the data. Third, initial coding and categorizing of data occurred. Fourth, the data were reviewed again and the researcher looked for themes to see if new themes emerge; and lastly, in the fifth stage, the themes were defined and interpreted. The codes were discussed with the advisors and a journal of the data collection journey and the challenges of data collection was kept.

Summary

As this research was concerned with the individual experiences of Iranian migrants in the context of Australia, the qualitative methods that were adopted in this study including the semi-structured interviews and the demographic questions as elaborated above were of great significance in drawing data from the participants of this study. The findings provided insights into the challenges that confront Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holder migrants, as well as the ways in which they disengage or integrate into the Australian society. The next chapter presents the findings of the research that emerged through the narratives provided by the participants in this study.

Chapter 4: Findings and Discussion

Introduction

This chapter discusses key findings emerging from this qualitative study which explored settlement experiences encountered by Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian migrants in Australia, in addition to the factors that impeded, facilitated or accelerated their integration and adaptation into Australia. The study also explored the employment trajectories of both cohorts and the structural barriers they faced in Australia. The impact of socio-demographic variables such as age, gender, length of stay, education level, marital status, religious affiliation, language competence, and mode of migration were also examined to investigate if these variables affected participants’ socio-cultural and psychological adaptation.

The findings presented in this chapter inform the following research questions:

4. What are the settlement challenges faced by Iranian migrants (humanitarian and non-

humanitarian visa holders) in Australia?

c) Are there any differences in acculturation strategies adopted by these two cohorts?

d) What impact (if any) does their settlement outcome have on their identity?

5. What challenges do Iranian migrants (humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders)

face in the employment context?

6. What demographic variables (if any) impact on the settlement experiences of these

migrants?

The key themes that emerged from these narratives are outlined in the table below which will subsequently be discussed.

Table 2 Key themes and sub-themes of the findings of this study Key themes

1) Barriers and Facilitators to Initial Settlement a) Migration pathways b) Their new context c) Housing d) Intercommunity tensions 2) Perceived Discrimination a) Marked difference b) Neighbourhood c) Australian government and immigration status d) Covert discrimination in certain spheres e) Impact of media portrayal f) Lack of knowledge about Iran 3) Acculturation Strategies a) Ensuring cultural transmission b) Host interpersonal relationship c) Co-ethnic interpersonal relationships 4) Identity a) Cultural and ethnic identity b) Religious identity c) Intercultural identity 5) Employment A) Employment outcome for the non-humanitarian visa cohort a) Lengthy transition into the labour market b) Non-recognition of qualifications and credentials c) Having local experience, connections/networking d) Instability of the Australian job market e) Downward mobility f) Career development and progression g) Subtle/under the table discrimination B) Employment outcomes of humanitarian visa cohort a) Employment and psychological adaptation b) Loss of occupational and social status C) Both cohorts a) Gendered Experiences b) Hijab c) Cultural identifier 6) Impact of Demographic Variables on Settlement a) Language proficiency b) Education level c) Age d) Gender e) Length of stay f) City of origin g) Marital status h) Visible differences 95

Barriers and Facilitators to Initial Settlement

Migration pathways

The difference in migration pathways of Iranian migrants in Australia prompted the comparative study of the experiences of humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa participants of this study in contemporary Australia. The convergence or divergence of the experiences of these two cohorts highlight the impact of migration pathways on the settlement, and subsequently, the adaptation of these migrants.

While I did not ask questions regarding participants’ past history or life in detention centres, some participants (7/20) in the humanitarian visa category themselves shared their experiences with regard to the huge impact that life in detention has had on their socio- cultural and psychological adaptation upon resettlement in Australia. For the humanitarian visa participants, time spent in detention camps during the processing of their refugee cases heavily impacted on their integration experience in Australia. A major concern expressed by these participants was how time spent in detention centres deteriorated their mental health and further made their adaptation in the host society lengthier even when they had attained their refugee status. Three quotes presented below highlight the trauma faced by the humanitarian visa participants in this study who spent time in off-shore detention:

I was in detention for nine months and during that time I saw things that I had

never seen in my life. The self-harm, the hangings, the riot. It had an extremely

negative impact on me. It took me 2 to 3 years to get the experience out of my

head. I do not interact with other refugees simply because I do not want to be

reminded of the past. I don’t want to go back to those bad memories. I want to

move on. (Amin, male, 31, humanitarian visa holder)

I would like to tell you about the depression that the camp environment gives you

and makes everyone sick mentally no matter your age or your education

background. There were very educated people there who were alright one day, but

the next day, would self-harm. They used to call me with a number and I have

become very sensitive towards my name. Ever since I resettled, I tell everyone my

Iranian name and would never change it even if they pronounce it badly. There

are scars and wounds on us from detention that would never heal. (Arman, male,

43, humanitarian visa holder)

Each one of us is like a bomb clock that might burst at any time. My friends and I

are not the same people and will never be. We might explode at any time. I am

very sorry to say this, but many of the things that happen in the world, and they

associate them with refugees is because of what refugees have endured in

detention, and its impact on our mental health. They claim they [Australian

government] protect you, but in reality, they torture you. Had we stayed in Iran,

we would have endured less. (Hadi, male, 32, humanitarian visa holder)

The prolonged waiting period for Australian citizenship was also an issue raised by participants who had arrived as humanitarian visa holders and how it had adversely affected their long-term settlement and adaptation. At the time of data collection, only 6/20 participants who had arrived on humanitarian visas had been granted citizenship; of these, 5/6 were Baha’i and one was a Muslim. The Christian participants were still awaiting news of their citizenship when interviewed. The higher number of Baha’i participants being granted citizenship could be due to the fact that they had stayed longer in Australia than the Muslim and Christian participants. Thus, it could be said that there is no connection between religious affiliations and being granted citizenship status, however, there may be a connection between length of stay, migration pathway, and citizenship status (warrants further study). 97

Table 3 Residency and citizenship status for humanitarian and non-humanitarian cohort Female Male Female Non- Male Non- Humanitarian Humanitarian humanitarian humanitarian Residency or Citizenship Status (n=10) (n=10) (n=10) (n=10) Citizen 3 3 9 6 Permanent Resident 7 7 1 4 Other 0 0 0 0

On the other hand, as shown in the above table (Table 3) the number of non-

humanitarian visa participants being granted citizenship was much higher (15/20) as

compared to the humanitarian visa participants (6/20).

Migration pathway also impacted on the settlement experiences of the non-humanitarian

visa participants. Non-humanitarian visa participants did not receive any support from

government at initial settlement owing to their voluntary mode of migration and had to rely

on their own resources to overcome the barriers of initial settlement.

Their new context

Navigating a new environment can be challenging for all migrants whether migrating

voluntarily or involuntarily. Participants of both cohorts, that is, the humanitarian and non-

humanitarian visa holders, found initial settlement challenging due to the vast cultural divide

between Iran and Australia. Lack of cultural familiarity with the new context and associated

rules and regulations in Australia made initial settlement challenging. Pardis (Female, 32,

humanitarian visa holder) talked euphemistically about the challenges of settlement into a

totally new society as an adult who was brought up in Iran, “you know, we are like a vase

that has been shaped in a pottery. The vase has already been shaped and has dried. You can’t

take it back in and make it all over again.” Similarly, Shadi (Female, 29, non-humanitarian

visa holder), likened the displacement at this stage of her life to replanting a flowering plant: 98

When you immigrate, you are like a flower that has developed roots and then you

take it out from the flowerpot. When you put it in a new pot it takes a long time to

have new roots or the roots might dry. I think many of my roots have dried.

Even though humanitarian visa participants are provided with caseworkers to assist with and ease their resettlement into Australia, their new host society, some of the participants (7/20) commented that the kind of support they received upon arrival was insufficient. For instance, Mahsa, had been provided with a caseworker upon resettlement in

Australia but still found initial settlement to be quite challenging. She believed that her lack of knowledge about Australia made things more difficult for her upon arrival in Australia:

It happened to me so many times that because I didn’t know the rules, my bills

had doubled and tripled. I couldn’t even understand a bill because of not knowing

English. My already difficult life had become more difficult because there was no

one to give me the correct info. At the beginning, they gave us a caseworker on

behalf of UN who took me to Centrelink, did my bank work and left. That’s it.

My first two years were a waste of time. If only someone was there to tell me you

have to study this and look for a job like that I would have progressed much more

and have been ahead of where I am now. (Female, 27, humanitarian visa holder)

Similarly, Hasti (Female, 46, humanitarian visa holder), who was a single mother and had been resettled in Australia with her children had been provided with a caseworker but found it challenging. She said, “they gave me a caseworker. My experience with this caseworker who was constantly questioning me telling me your family is here why are you getting help from us was very bad. My caseworker was not helpful at all.”

For some participants (8/40) lack of information sessions about life in Australia compounded the difficulties associated with initial settlement. For example, Navid, a 28- 99

year-old male university-educated non-humanitarian visa participant believed that lack of sufficient information about Australia and the unrealistic portrayal of the country does not equip the migrants with the challenges that lie ahead. He said that, “it is true that there is internet and everything, but that is not enough, and they often do not represent the difficulties with life in Australia. Information sessions could greatly help us with life in

Australia.”

Only one participant in the non-humanitarian cohort had attended a course (self- funded) in Melbourne to learn about Australian culture and only two out of 40 participants had joined the migrant forums9 before moving to Australia. These two participants talked about the positive impact that those forums had on their initial settlement. For instance,

Keyvan (Male, 43, non-humanitarian visa holder), was one such participant who had settled in Australia with his family; he talked about the benefits of such forums, “before coming to

Australia, I joined the Migrant Forum and it was great. When we came, the friends we had found on the Migrant Forum helped us with housing and all the other things we needed help with.”

Housing

The narratives revealed that housing was one of the key challenges associated with initial settlement. For participants who had arrived on humanitarian visas, lack of sufficient legal documents was an obstacle to finding residential accommodation. For instance, one participant, Arman, who was a maritime arrival entrant said lack of legal documents was an impediment to finding residential accommodation which caused him great stress:

Finding a house was different here. You’ve got to have 100 points. For us who

have come illegally with no passport, nothing, not even an ID card, it is very

9Note that these forums which were informal forums were created by Iranian migrants who reside in Australia for the Iranians who intended to immigrate to Australia. 100

difficult. Red Cross who was responsible for taking care of us printed a list of

houses and said now go find a house. Now imagine in a city where you don’t even

know what their transportation system is like, and you don’t know where to go.

(Male, 43, humanitarian visa holder)

There were also variations which emerged in the interviews between Australia and Iran in regard to housing-related rules and regulations. For instance, in Iran as long as the two parties who sign a contract agree and the initial bond is paid that is sufficient to rent a residential accommodation; whereas in Australia references from workplace, provision of bank statement, provision of utility bills or other documents from Australia are required. This variation was a cause of confusion for both cohorts of migrants and was not confined to humanitarian visa holder participants. Hasti, who was resettled in Australia with a Woman at

Risk Visa, found lack of familiarity with the rules and regulations highly challenging:

When I arrived in Australia, a Brisbane-based settlement service provider10

welcomed me for housing. The person responsible for my housing was not helpful

at all. I was not aware of the rules and regulations. It was very strange for me

because the laws concerning housing and renting is very different to Iran. When

you enter Australia, you do not know many of the rules and laws and then this

confuses you because there are huge differences. (Female, 46, humanitarian visa

holder)

Likewise, Peyman, a 37-year-old male non-humanitarian visa participant who had settled in Australia as a skilled migrant had encountered issues in finding residential accommodation:

10Settlement agencies or settlement service providers are organizations that provide settlement support to humanitarian entrants to help them with transition into life in Australia. 101

Initially, when you settle, they require documents that you do not have as a newly-

arrived migrant. They ask for utility bills from Australia or references from

Australia. They make it extremely difficult. A multicultural country that hosts a lot

of migrants from other countries must not make things this difficult.

Ali, another non-humanitarian visa participant, who had settled in Australia with his family only relied on his own financial resources regarding residential accommodation which had created great distress for him and his family as he was unemployed:

Housing is very expensive in Australia. Because we are skilled migrants the

government won’t support us if we are unemployed in the first two years of

settlement and with the money we bring from Iran we won’t survive. My family

and I went through a lot as we also had kids. (Male, 44)

On the other hand, the humanitarian visa participants who were provided with subsidised residential accommodation at initial settlement found it a great source of support11. Sima, a 34-year-old female who was a maritime arrival entrant and had travelled alone said, “they gave me a house with all the white ware. It was really good for a woman like me who didn’t have anyone with her”. Or elsewhere Mahsa, who had fled Iran as a teenager talked about the benefit of being provided with subsidised housing:

They supported me financially and if I was not provided with a house I would

have had to return to Iran. Not having a house meant going back to Iran, and for

this, I really appreciate the Australian government. (Female, 27, humanitarian visa

holder)

Intercommunity tension was another theme that emerged in the narratives provided by the participants of this study. This is described below

11It is worth noting that only some female humanitarian visa holder participants talked about being provided with subsidised housing by the government. 102

Intercommunity tension

Interpersonal relationship with co-ethnics can be a great source of emotional and social support. However, there were numerous cases that highlighted the tensions that exist within the Iranian community in the Greater Brisbane region, on grounds such as inequality of distribution of welfare support by the Australian government and the image of the Iranian community. For instance, one participant, Sassan (Male, 33, humanitarian visa holder), who was a maritime arrival participant was very critical of the treatment he had received from other Iranians owing to his migration pathway. He talked about the discrimination he faced within the Iranian community, “in my own community they call me ‘boatie’. They say whoever comes illegally is this and that. They [other Iranians] look at us differently and treat us differently.” Likewise, Zohreh (Female, 39, humanitarian visa holder) another maritime arrival participant, believed that other Iranians are not willing to interact with her owing to her migration pathway, “Iranians who are not refugees do not let us in their group, they don’t want to mix with us.”

On the other hand, non-humanitarian visa participants provided different explanations as to why they were reluctant in interacting with the humanitarian visa migrants. For instance,

Mehri, who had been living and working in Australia for more than 30 years believed that the recent arrival of Iranian refugees has negatively impacted on the attitude of the host society towards the Iranian community as a whole:

Previously, not at all, but recently yes, I have experienced discrimination because

of the [Iranian] boat people. We speak the language of the boat people and they

see us as an extension of these boat people. Since Tony Abbot has come to power,

we are seen as the extension of these boat people because of the things these

people do and this has impacted us as well. We have to constantly remind

everyone, we are [Iranian] professionals, because if you don’t tell them, they 103

forget who we are, and they treat us badly. (Female, 61, non-humanitarian visa

holders)

Likewise, Nasrin who was a more recent non-humanitarian visa holder migrant (having lived in Australia for 9 years) as compared to Mehri who had been in Australia for 30 years also had a similar opinion about the migrants whose mode of migration were different to hers by referring to them as “illegal or illegitimate”. This reflects that stigmatization and vilification of refugees through political rhetoric and media has exerted great influence on the perception of not only the wider society but also within a community.

In 2008, when we came, it was really good. Iranians were viewed very positively.

They were considered as educated, but through the years, I can feel the negative

attitude toward us because of the [Iranian] refugees and also the media. (Nasrin,

female, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Kia, was also very critical of the presence of Iranian refugees in the local community and believed that the image of the entire Iranian community has been “ruined” by the presence of what he called the ‘unauthorised’ Iranian maritime arrival migrants:

I really want my voice to be heard. Australian government is to blame for the

illegitimate [Iranian] refugees who come here and ruin our reputation. I want my

voice to reach the Australian parliament and government so that they know how

we feel about those who pretend to be refugees from Iran. There are so many

Iranian engineers and doctors here who are greatly contributing to the society and

then they are looked down on because of these “boaties”.12 (Male, 35, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

12The term “boatie” is a common term used amongst the Iranian community for those who have come by boat to Australia. 104

Another participant, Lili, who had experienced great difficulty in the employment sector as a skilled migrant questioned the Australian government’s role in creating inequality in the distribution of welfare support as skilled migrants are eligible for welfare support only after two years of their settlement. Her quote presented below is quite powerful and captures her hostility towards what she sees as preferential treatment to humanitarian visa holders:

If you come as a skilled migrant, you don’t get most of the advantages that the

refugees get. As a skilled immigrant, you have been eligible and you have had

certain standards that Australia requires, but they don’t support you in the work

system and if you are unemployed there is great distress. Refugees get free

childcare, their electricity is subsidized, and they even get help with housing. But

as a skilled immigrant, I don’t get any money from the government. TAFE13

courses are free for refugees, but I have to pay and when you don’t have a job,

how are you gonna manage all the expenses? If I have a child, I have to pay for

my childcare. Refugees get government support for childcare. You [Australian

Government] are spending a lot of money on the refugees so that they reach a

certain level so why don’t you use me as an educated experienced person?

(Female, 36, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Discussion

Being uprooted from one’s home country as a result of migration (whether willingly or unwillingly) exposes people to various challenges. Leaving the familiar and facing the unfamiliar can result in great confusion (Kim, 1995; 2001). Lack of familial and social support exacerbates great stress especially during initial settlement (Berry et al., 1987). The involuntary nature of migration for the humanitarian entrants in Australia has provided them

13Technical and Further Education Courses which provide vocational and educational training and courses are recognized nationally throughout Australia. 105

with more settlement support so as to help them with integration into the Western context of

Australia (Colic-Peisker, 2009). In this study, allocation of settlement support by the

Humanitarian Settlement Program (HSP)14 assisted the humanitarian visa participants with their resettlement into Australia. The support that these participants received at initial resettlement came from the Australian settlement services and agencies (e.g. Red Cross, and

Centrelink). Support received from the government (e.g., TAFE, language classes, access to interpreters, etc.) made the transition less challenging.

Following the Tampa incident15, certain deterrence measures have been taken by the

Australian government to stop the flow of the migrants who arrive in Australia without visas or with invalid visas (Fleay et al., 2016). One of these measures is the detention of these migrants so as to stop them entering Australia before attaining their refugee status. As previous literature has indicated, serving long periods of time in detention centres and being in limbo creates great mental health issues for asylum seekers (Fleay & Hartley, 2016; Mann,

2001; Steel & Silove, 2001) highlighting the difficulty of their social inclusion in their society of settlement (Colic-Peisker & Walker, 2003). Research has shown, mandatory detention as part of the Australian government ‘Pacific Solution’ has been a major inhibiting factor on integration and adaptation and has altered the resettlement experiences of those who have experienced detention (Richardson, 2010). Literature has shown that successful settlement into the new host society is often lengthier for refugees due to the trauma experienced prior to migration and in detention (Richardson et al., 2002) as well as the huge cultural differences (Colic-Peisker, 2009) bringing long-lasting effects for these refugees

14The Humanitarian Settlement Program (HSP) provides support to the newly arrived refugees including the arrival reception, accommodation, and the onshore orientation program. They also assist with employment, education, housing, community engagement, family, language and interpreting, and justice. (Department of Social Services, 2018)

15Australian government’s refusal of allowing a Norwegian Freighter, MV Tampa, to enter Australian waters in 2001 was termed as the ‘Tampa incident’. The vessel was carrying rescued refugees who were mostly Hazaras of Afghanistan. 106

when resettled. The findings of this study also revealed the adverse impact of detention on the settlement and integration experiences of maritime arrival participants.

Subsequently, housing is one of the major categories of settlement (Zetter & Pearl,

1999). Ager and Strang (2008) consider housing as one of the indicators of successful settlement. Obstacles in finding residential accommodation impeded the successful settlement of both the humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa participants of this study and created great distress at initial settlement. The provision of subsidised and affordable rental accommodation by the government for some of the humanitarian visa participants eased their socio-cultural and psychological adjustment. As indicated from the findings of this study, housing allowed these participants to establish themselves in the society and facilitated their integration. Nonetheless, lack of this support at initial settlement for non-humanitarian visa participants created great distress. Unaffordable housing for the non-humanitarian participants who had a lengthy transition into the labour market and relied on their own financial resources adversely affected their family life and life satisfaction.

Further, the negative reception and treatment of humanitarian visa holder participants fostered by the local Iranian community who collectively refer to them as “boat people” is a reflection of how these humanitarian entrants are perceived in the wider Australian community. One possibility is that this perception stems from the policies and the political rhetoric of the Australian government which is carried by the media. Negative stereotypes attributed to the humanitarian visa participants was an inhibiting factor in building relationships with their co-ethnics who had come via a different migration pathway.

Likewise, it could be assumed by the government or government agencies that non- humanitarian visa holders have a smoother transition into the host society due to their higher language proficiency, higher level of education, and probably access to more financial resources and thus providing them with less support, had also instigated these tensions. 107

The next section examines how perceived discrimination emerged as another theme through the narratives of the participants of this study as another barrier to settlement and the ways in which it impinged on their social, cultural, political, and economic integration.

Perceived Discrimination

A third of the participants (12/40) perceived that they had been discriminated against and/or experienced racism in Australia. This is in line with Tenty and Houston’s (2013)

Sydney-based study which investigated the experiences of discrimination of recently arrived

Iranian migrants wherein the reported incidents of perceived discrimination and racism

Iranians faced were low compared to other Muslim diaspora in Sydney. They postulate that this may be due to the relatively higher levels of education among the Iranian population, in addition to being relatively less visibly identifiable as Muslims, and being financially stable.

It is somewhat reassuring that two-thirds of participants said that they had not experienced any discrimination or racism themselves, but a few did say that though they had not had any experiences, they had heard about it from others. This is reflected in accounts provided below:

I really haven’t [experienced any discrimination]. Everyone keeps talking about it

but seriously I haven’t. I’ve never felt like an outsider at all. I feel like I belong

here. That’s what I really like about Australia. Racism has been non-existent for

me. Well, discrimination, I can’t say that it has never happened but more at

workplace than in the society. (Atena, female, 33, non-humanitarian visa holder)

In fact, I have not felt it. To be honest ever since I have been in Australia no not

even in the society or at workplace. I cannot refer anything that happens to racism.

For instance, when they pass by in the street they greet by nodding and this is very

nice for me. (Navid, male, 28, non-humanitarian visa holder) 108

Interestingly, 6/12 participants who reported perceptions of being discriminated against, attributed experiencing the same from other non-Caucasian ethnic minority populations. So as illustrated in the quotes below, these Iranian participants faced discrimination not from

Anglo-Australians but mostly from others who were of non-Caucasian heritage and perhaps were immigrants themselves.

For me, discrimination and mostly racism have never come from the Caucasian

Aussies but people of other ethnicities. I must say that Caucasian Aussies are very

diplomatic in how they go about these issues so you hear much less comments

from them. I think as it is well advertised in this regard they don’t dare to express

it. Most of it is hidden. (Marjan, female, 42, non-humanitarian visa holder)

At work, there was a Vietnamese guy who would say things to me when

Ahmadinejad [the then Iran’s president] was elected. Or another time, when I was

at Uni with a lady from Venezuela. But I have never experienced such things with

White Australians. (Sanaz, female, 38, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Likewise, Mahsa who had come to Australia 7 years ago as a 20-year-old female humanitarian entrant, was very critical of the treatment of minorities toward each other. She said, “what is sad is that mostly it is the minority populations themselves who are racist to each other.”

In cases where the above participants identified and reported acts of overt and covert discrimination, these were attributed to the following factors and sources, each of which is briefly discussed below: a) Marked ‘difference’, b) Neighbourhood, c) Australian government and immigration status, d) Covert discrimination in certain spheres, e) Impact of media portrayal, and f) Lack of knowledge about Iran. 109

Marked ‘difference’

Reports of experiencing racism and/or perceptions of overt discrimination were higher among humanitarian participants (8/20) as compared to their non-humanitarian counterparts

(4/20). For instance, Zohreh (Female, 39, humanitarian visa holder), held the view that

Australians were more racist towards the migrants, and especially refugees. Although she could not be visibly identifiable as a refugee, one day when she went to drop her son off at his school, she got into a conversation with an Australian man who she thought was racist,

“there was no sign prohibiting parking. When I was getting out of my car, the owner of the house ran towards me and said you have come and invaded our country. He was very angry and was continuously assaulting me. It made me depressed and really impacted me.” Perhaps

Zohreh’s foreign (Iranian) accent was a giveaway and it made her identifiable as a migrant, just like Mahsa, who albeit being 27, had encountered more racism than many other participants due to her accented speech which immediately categorized her as ‘the other’:

Oh yes, I have been discriminated against multiple times. Once, I was denied an

employment opportunity simply because I was not proficient in English and also

in society. I was once cursed at when I was taking a photo in a farm we had

visited, and the guy asked me where I was from and when I said Iran he said no

surprise go back to your country. (Female, humanitarian visa holder)

In one case, being identifiable as a Muslim via clothing became a marker of difference as illustrated by Hasti’s quote below; she was the only participant in this study who wore the

Hijab:

These things are happening globally towards Muslims and the Middle Easterners.

I was standing behind a traffic light when a man brought his head out of his car

and said hello microbe or a couple of times when I went out with my Arab friends

they treated them badly. I heard them saying go away you Arab. Yes, I have seen 110

it a couple of times but you cannot generalize it to all the Australian society.

(Female, 46, humanitarian visa holder)

These participants also talked about the health consequences of perceived discrimination and the fear of experiencing similar incidents by using words such as, “it really made me depressed”, or “I cried for 3 days”, “I get stressed when I want to ask them a question in fear of being treated badly.”

Neighbourhood

The region of residence and neighbourhood were also considered by the participants to influence their experiences of discrimination. In Brisbane, certain neighbourhoods have become ethnic enclaves for people of a certain ethnic background to live together (Harte,

Childs, & Hastings, 2009). Specific neighbourhoods are also focus areas for refugee settlement such as Logan, Woodridge, Moorooka (Hebbani, Colic-Peisker, & Mackinnon,

2017). Also, a few studies have found that geographical location of discriminatory incidents is of great significance (Dunn & McDonald, 2001; Dunn et al., 2009; Hebbani et al., 2017;

Poynting & Noble, 2004).

A few humanitarian visa participants (5/20) recounted experiencing discriminatory and/or racist remarks in their neighbourhood. Sima, a 34-year-old female humanitarian visa participant who lived alone in subsidised housing provided by the government in Annerley,

Brisbane, talked of how she continues to be treated by her Anglo-Australian neighbour:

I have a very racist neighbour. When he found out that I am Iranian he kept

swearing at me and calling me names. I have lots of issues with the guy

downstairs, and by the time I open my mouth, he shows me a finger and verbally

insults me.

Another participant, Pardis (Female, 32, humanitarian visa holder), who had come to

Australia 6 years ago talked about her experience of living in Nundah, Brisbane, “my neighbour 111

was unbearable at times. He would harass me verbally. He would find an excuse to argue with me. That really hurt.”

Non-humanitarian visa participants did not report and identify any experiences of discriminatory behaviour in their neighbourhoods. The negative experiences were attributed to general neighbourly behaviour such as ‘loud music’ or ‘late night parties’. Some, however, pointed out that their neighbours are not interested in interacting or that they do not have much interactions with their neighbours.

Australian government and immigration status

A recurring theme that featured in the narratives of some participants with humanitarian visas was the role of Australian government in fostering covert discriminatory practices.

These participants said the government discriminated against refugees and that refugees were stigmatized and treated like criminals. For instance, Behnam and Arman, said they had attained their refugee status after arriving in Australia from Indonesia by boat, but indicated that they had been deprived of the right of family reunion due to their refugee status and mode of migration (not via UNHCR but via offshore detention); this led to great psychological distress as highlighted in their narratives:

A refugee is a person who has been discriminated against and as a result seeks

asylum and refuge. The biggest discrimination comes from the Australian

government against a refugee like me who has been told that if discriminated

against you are permitted to live here. All the arrows are towards me because I

came by boat. If I have wife and kids in Iran, I cannot bring them here unless I

become a citizen but the person who has come through UN can. Whatever

happens they say, “it is a refugee who has come by boat”. This by itself is

discrimination. (Behnam, male, 32, humanitarian visa holder) 112

At the time of being interviewed, Arman was suffering from cancer. He too had not experienced any discrimination on the street but was convinced that the Australian government had discriminated him:

My family does not know how sick I am. My mum applied to come to Australia

but got rejected. Their only explanation was that he is a refugee and has come by

boat and it is likely that if his mother goes there she would stay there too. Both

health wise and mentally I need my mum to be next to me. This a country that

claims it cares about the physical and mental health of the people, but this is not

the case in reality. (Male, 43, humanitarian visa holder)

According to the participants, covert discriminatory behaviour can also be seen in other spheres. Below is a discussion of this.

Covert discrimination in certain spheres

The participants further pointed that covert discriminatory behaviour or racism might be more evident in certain spheres of society such as the workplace or school settings perhaps due to being spaces of prolonged multicultural contact. For instance, Marjan who was a stay at home mum said that she did not personally experience discrimination/racism and instead narrated the experiences of her husband and son experiencing discrimination at workplace and school respectively:

The person responsible for enrolling my son had told him they fight racism

completely and if he experienced it, he should inform them. One day, his

classmate told him, “oh, so you are from Bin Laden!!” They handled the situation

very well and that kid never repeated it. Or my husband at work several times.

(Female, 42, non-humanitarian visa holder) 113

On the other hand, Omid who had worked as a researcher at a university in Brisbane believed that a more covert and subtler form of discrimination existed at work:

Sometimes, it is obvious that they do not want the foreigners especially at

workplace. If you look at it from the political point of view it is still in the hands

of the Anglo-Saxons and you know after centuries the Italians still haven’t been

able to do anything but in general they are smarter than what you and I think.

They would not explicitly crush you down. (Male, 32, non-humanitarian visa

holder)

For a few participants (7/40) it was difficult to identify the discriminatory acts at workplace. For instance, Keyvan (Male, 43) a non-humanitarian visa participant said,

“to be honest I don’t know whether what they do is discrimination or not. I cannot easily tell.” In a similar line, Peyman (Male, 37, non-humanitarian visa holder) reported:

We can’t say whatever they do is discrimination or racism. If for instance my boss

or my colleagues do something I don’t know whether it is discrimination or not. It

is very difficult to say whether it is discrimination. In many cases I wouldn’t

know whether what they do is discriminatory or not.

The impact of media in instigating discriminatory behaviour was a theme that emerged in the narratives provided by the participants. This is elaborated on below.

Impact of media portrayal

Participants (10/40) also believed that news coverage of Muslims and the Middle East and the negative media representation of migrants greatly influenced the development of hostile attitudes of Australians toward migrants. Mozhdeh and Omid narrated how they felt that the media created a frame through which to portray/understand Muslims, while also dividing Australian society (us versus them). 114

The funny thing is their people don’t even know where our country is on the map.

All they show on TV about the Middle East is ISIS, war, killings, you name it.

They never show the Western involvement and their hunger for the natural

resources there and the fight over the oil. This hugely impacts the perception and

attitude of their people toward us. (Mozhdeh, female, 36, non-humanitarian visa

holder)

This [discrimination] is because of the concept of ‘us’ and the ‘other’. They

[Australians] are scared. The mainstream media here is very experienced in

creating the meaning of otherness which they like and it is a new form of

violence. Unlike the dictators who use violent tools, in democracies this violence

is the responsibility of media. It is all around the world. As long as there are

human beings some of the issues and instincts exist. (Omid, male, 32, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

As described below lack of knowledge about Iran and the Iranian culture was believed by the participants to be a source of discriminatory behaviour.

Lack of knowledge about Iran

It appears that Australians lack knowledge about Iran and the diversity within Iranian culture. This, coupled with skewed media portrayals as discussed above, may have resulted in some Australians developing hostile Islamophopbic attitudes towards some participants who were not Muslim but from other religious faiths. Mehri, was a Baha’i and had come to

Australia 30 years ago. She narrated one such experience showing that despite her long length of residence in Australia, she was not exempt from still being mistakenly viewed as a

Muslim migrant:

You know they consider all Iranians as Muslims. They are not aware of the huge

diversity that exists within the Iranian community or even society. Therefore, as a 115

non-Muslim, you will also be impacted by these anti-Muslim hostile attitudes.

(Female, 61, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Mitra (Female, 57, humanitarian visa holder), another participant who belonged to the

Baha’i faith also believed that Iranians are all viewed as Muslims in Australia, “you know we all come from Iran and Iran means Islam for them. They think we are all Muslims so they would view us the same.”

Discussion

The significant impact of discrimination on the health of migrants in general and on their mental health in particular has been well documented in the literature (Khanlou, Koh, &

Mill, 2008; Schnell & Fibbi, 2016; Tonsing, 2013; Viruell-Fuentes, 2007). Research suggests that perceived discrimination can negatively impact on individuals (Tonsing, 2013) and as a result can “lead to discouragement and lowering of aspirations consequently blocking social upward mobility” (Schnell & Fibbi, 2016, p. 1089). The findings of this study revealed that participants experienced different forms of discrimination. These included, social, cultural, racial, religious, and institutional forms of discrimination. Verbal and non-verbal harassments were amongst the most identified forms of perceived discrimination incidents. Owing to the difficulty in measuring discrimination and the qualitative nature of this study, the subjective perception of discriminatory behaviours and prejudiced attitudes were considered.

Queensland has been recognized as a highly conservative state where major political parties such as ‘One Nation Party’16 which is a far right-wing nationalist party in Australia has received the most support, polling 9.19% (australianpolitics.com, 2016). In the 2016 election for the nationwide primary vote of the Senate, One Nation Party polled the highest in

16One Nation Party is a political party in Australia that is led by Pauline Hanson who holds anti-Muslim and anti-immigration viewpoints (australianpolitics, 2009). 116

the state of Queensland. In the House of Representatives, it polled 5.52% in Queensland as compared to 1.29% nationally (australianpolitics.com, 2016).

The demographic composition of Queensland as compared to Sydney and Melbourne is also different. As compared to Sydney and Melbourne, Queensland has less overseas-born residents. Against this backdrop, incidents of discrimination or racism might be higher as compared to Sydney and Melbourne that are highly multicultural cities. Babacan and

Hollinsworth study of racism in Queensland Australia (2009) showed that Brisbane had the highest percentage of reported racism incidents (37%) as compared to other areas in

Queensland.

The participants in this study perceived they experienced both forms of overt and covert discrimination or racism from both other ethnic minority populations and Anglo-Australians who comprise the majority population. As indicated by the participants of this study Anglo-

Australians mostly exhibited subtle forms of discrimination. There could be two reasons for that. One possibility is that unlike other ethnic groups, Anglo-Australians are more aware of the laws and regulations surrounding racism or discrimination and the consequences of exhibiting explicit and direct discriminatory behaviour. Hence, these prejudiced attitudes or discriminatory behaviours could be more covert and indirect as “contemporary manifestations of racism” have taken a more implicit and indirect form (Babacan & Hollinsworth, 2009, p.9).

Previous literature is also illustrative of this (Junankar, Paul, & Yasmeen, 2004; Syed & Pio,

2010). In addition, as a result of the limited interpersonal interactions of the participants in this study with Anglo-Australians, hence there could be less reports of these incidents.

As this study was also concerned with the employment experiences of Iranian migrants, the participants were asked about their experiences of institutional form of discrimination such as workplace incidents of perceived discrimination or racism. The underreport of institutional discrimination whether in provision of employment or at 117

workplace by the participants was partly because it was difficult for the participants to identify whether these incidents were true acts of discrimination. This indicates that many of these participants might be unaware of what constitutes institutional discrimination and also unaware of their rights. The often covert and implicit nature of racism made it difficult for these participants to identify a racist act or behaviour. While Anti-Discrimination Act 1991

(Queensland) is at place, Babacan and Hollinsworth study (2009) indicates the implicit form of institutional discrimination and experiences of racism are commonplace.

The underreport of these incidents by the participants can also be a perceived fear of government officials as this type of criticism often has consequences in Iran. For instance,

Tilbury’s (2006) study of three migrant groups in Australia including Africans, Ex-

Yugoslavs, and Middle Easterners indicated that the Middle Eastern cohort were very cautious in their criticism of discrimination and tended to rationalize these incidents. For instance, their lack of employment was mostly attributed to the “competitive market” in

Australia (p.7). These Middle Easterners also tended to provide more socially desirable answers or answers that would help them maintain a positive face. Similarly, Dunn and

Nelson’s (2011) study on racism in Australia demonstrated that denial of racial discrimination was higher among people from the Middle East and South Asia.

Subsequently, as highlighted by the findings, family reunion was a difficulty experienced by the maritime arrival participants. Family is a great source of emotional support for migrants (Mansouri et al., 2006). Previous literature on the impact of visa category on the settlement of Iraqi refugees in Australia showed that lack of right to family reunion had an adverse impact on successful settlement (Mansouri et al., 2006). The findings of this study reinforce prior findings that detention and lack of right to family reunion have great health consequences and subsequently impact adaptation (Newman et al., 2008; Steel et al., 2011). 118

Further, the findings of this study highlight the gendered experiences of perceived discrimination. Higher experiences of discrimination by female humanitarian entrants (8 women as compared to 4 men) of this study is indicative of this fact. One possibility for the higher reports of perceived discrimination and racism by the female participants could be that women were more willing to share their experiences of perceived discrimination. Men showed greater reluctance in revealing or sharing their experiences and also had more difficulty in identifying these incidents. Similarly, in Babacan and Hollinsworth’s comprehensive study on racism in Queensland (2009) women experienced more racism

(59%) as compared to men (39%). Denial and reluctance in disclosure of experiences of discrimination or racism are also aspects of contemporary racism (Dunn & Nelson, 2011).

Participants of this study believed that media has shaped the perceptions of the host society towards migrants. There are studies that have shown how the negative depiction of certain ethnic groups in Australian media has shaped the perception of the public

(Akbarzadeh & Smith, 2005; Jakubowicz, 2007; Manning, 2004; Poynting & Perry, 2007).

Stigmatization of migrants from the Middle East as well as anti-Muslim and Islamophobic sentiments are prevalent in Australia (Dunn et al., 2009). Australia as an Anglo-Australian majority nation intends to strengthen the basis of national identity and social cohesion (Colic-

Peisker & Farquharson, 2011). The xenophobic rhetoric of the One Nation Party as a right- wing populist party in an attempt to preserve the Anglo-Australian values has gained popularity in Australia (DeAngelis, 2003).

Likewise, Lowy institute polling of 2018 reports a great rise (50%) in anti-immigration sentiments in Australia exhibiting the reluctance and opposition of Australians with the great intake of migrants (Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), 2018). A comparison of the 2016 and 2018 data of the same institute shows the contrast between the positive attitudes of

Australians toward immigrants in 2016 to a more negative attitude in 2018. As reflected in 119

the findings of this study, these negative stereotypes had also impacted Iranians of other religious backgrounds including Baha’is and Christians. Racialization of Islam in Australia has shown to impact those who are not Muslims (Dunn et al., 2009). Depiction of these rhetoric through the media has reshaped the attitude of the members of the host society which can in turn result in disintegration and social exclusion of immigrants as had done so in the adoption of the acculturation strategy of one of the participants in this study (Roya, see acculturation strategies section).

Literature has also shown that neighbourhoods can be ‘including’ or ‘excluding’ places

(Spicer, 2008). Hebbani et al.’s (2017) study of three former refugee cohorts from Ethiopia,

Burma, and Congo in Brisbane, Australia, showed the vital role that interaction with neighbours can have on social and economic integration of these migrants. For instance, nice neighbourly gestures for these migrants who had moved from a collectivist culture where neighbours were a great source of emotional and social support to the individualist culture of

Australia exerted a great influence on their perception of host society. Likewise, in the current study the ‘excluding’ neighbourhoods and negative neighbourly interaction made settlement difficult.

The limited incidents of discrimination or racism experienced by Iranian migrants in this study could also be due to their limited social interaction with Australian citizens. As these interactions were limited in nature, were not prolonged or deeply rooted, it can be concluded that incidents of discrimination or racism may not easily be identified. Likewise, it is not clear whether this group of migrants ‘downplay’, normalize, and ‘rationalize’ these behaviours as a coping strategy to survive in their new context. Previous research has shown that the denial, rejection, and lack of report of racial discrimination are prevalent among stigmatized groups or ethnic minority populations (Krieger & Sidney, 1996) and these experiences tend to have health consequences (Clark et al., 1999). 120

It is also worth noting that the limited incidents of discrimination for the first- generation Iranian migrants in this study do not reflect the experiences of second-generation

Iranian migrants. Viruell-Fuentes’s (2007) study of first and second-generation Mexican immigrants in the US highlighted the different experiences of discrimination and stigmatization between the two generations where second-generation migrants experienced more discrimination and racism as a result of more interaction with the majority group. The same results were reported in Khanlou, Koh, and Mill’s study (2008) of Iranian and Afghan youth experiences of discrimination in Canada. This could provide an explanation for the more frequent report of discriminatory behaviour towards migrant family members at school or in the workplace, as narrated by migrants in this study. Also, in cases where there were more interactions with host nationals and the wider society, there tended to be more reports of prejudiced attitudes.

Are there any differences in acculturation strategies adopted by these two cohorts? This study also explored the acculturation strategies adopted by the participants of this study which highlighted their settlement and adaptation in their new context. This is discussed below.

Acculturation Strategies

One of the key challenges facing migrants in Australia, especially humanitarian migrants, has been their reported lack of ability to acculturate fully into Australian society and the negative attitudes toward them (McPherson, 2010; Pickering, 2001; Schweitzer,

Perkoulidis, Krome, Ludlow, & Ryan, 2005). As much debate has centred on aiding and facilitating this integration, the pathways and the processes through which these migrants integrate, including their experiences, are of great significance (Phillimore, 2011). Hence, this research question was formulated to gauge the acculturation strategies adopted by Iranian humanitarian and non-humanitarian participants settled in Australia. 121

As outlined in Chapter 2, according to Berry’s acculturation model (1997), immigrants may adopt various strategies such as assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization when they come into contact with other cultural groups in their new host society and want to adapt. These acculturation strategies are indicative of the individuals’ attitude in maintaining their heritage culture and the extent of interaction and relationship with the host nationals

(Berry et al., 2006). Analysis of interview data revealed that 33/40 participants who took part in this study indicated integration as their preferred acculturation strategy as they believed in maintaining positive elements of their home culture (Iran) while also adopting certain elements of their host culture (Australia). Integration is widely regarded as the most desired strategy wherein migrants adopt aspects of both their heritage culture and the host society’s culture (Berry, 1990; Berry, 1997; Berry & Kim, 1988; Zagefka & Brown, 2002). For instance, Kasra, who had been in Australia for 20 years, believed that successful integration occurs when there is a balance between the home and host cultures:

I cannot change the culture of this country. Once you accept this you have the

choice to either assimilate or stay home and isolate yourself. You must have

something in between. You have your own values but you have your relationship

with other people as well. I have always tried to keep that balance. (Male, 55,

humanitarian visa holder)

Similarly, Neda also believed in balancing into the new culture, but also felt that it required ‘shedding’ of some aspects of the home culture:

Some of the cultural practices we have are not translatable to the life here. Here

you have a new life and it is not necessary to bring everything you had and close

all the doors on you and say I want to live like Iran. Australia is not Iran. We have

chosen to have a different life. It is a different country and we have to accept the 122

differences. I think I accept it with open arms and try to keep the balance.

(Female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Participants (15/40) did not view cultural differences as a negative per se that would adversely impact on their integration and adaptation, but instead, they believed that moving to a culturally distant country like Australia provided them with the opportunity to not only reflect on their own culture but learn another culture. Nasrin (Female, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder) who had been in Australia for 9 years embraced cultural difference by not seeing it in a negative light. She said, “what we might not approve of in their culture is not necessarily something bad. It is just a matter of learning them.” In fact, Mehran (Male, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder) really liked how Australian culture valued humility, and how

Australians were “easy-going and not having ego and attitude.” Sanaz, who was working as a project consultant explained how she appreciated certain aspects of Australian culture

(gender equality, not being as status conscious as Iranians, “…I love this culture because this culture is better than what I have. I think we should update ourselves” (Female, 38, non- humanitarian visa holder).

Previous experience living in other Western/first-world cultures (Gudykunst, 1985) also seemed to ease difficulties associated with cultural difference in Australia for the participants of this study, and therefore lessened acculturative stress resulting in a smoother transition.

Saman (Male, 60, non-humanitarian visa holder) had come to Australia having lived in New

Zealand for 6 years so to some extent he found it easier to integrate into Australian society as he was somewhat familiar with the culture “I used to live in New Zealand before coming to

Australia. Life in New Zealand greatly helped with integration into Australia. I think familiarity with the culture in New Zealand greatly helped with cultural acceptance in

Australia.” 123

Only 2/40 participants adopted the separation strategy and one adopted the marginalization strategy. Leila was one such participant who adhered to Iranian cultural values, despite having been in Australia for 9 years. Perhaps this is due to the fact that she came to Australia as a refugee, and not by choice. Her forced displacement as a result of persecution, appeared to play a significant role in why she refused to integrate into Australian society:

You know I am a refugee. I had no choice but to come here and I think that plays

a great role. My life is confined to my house and my own Iranian community. I

want everything to be very Iranian. I just like my Iranian lifestyle and community.

(Female, 51, humanitarian visa holder)

One participant’s acculturation stance changed over time as a result of what she perceived as anti-migrant sentiments in Australia. Roya, who also came to Australia as a refugee 6 years ago, was initially excited about integrating into Australian society but she found herself separated from the host society due to how she was treated by Australians:

When I first came to Australia I was so excited with the new challenge and

chapter in my life but then I realized their great resentment for the migrants and I

was treated differently because I was an immigrant. This just made me decide to

cut ties with the Australian side of life. (Female, 34, humanitarian visa holder)

As mentioned in Chapter 2, some narratives also demonstrated examples of how acculturation strategies can be shaped by different domains/spheres. Navas et al. (2005) have identified these domains/spheres as peripheral, symbolic and intermediate (see Chapter 2); this implies that while one can be fully integrated in one domain, can be separated or marginalized in another domain (Navas et al., 2005). Applying Navas’ theoretical framework there were 4/40 participants who claimed that from a socio-cultural standpoint, they had 124

integrated very well into the society. However, when it came to forming interpersonal relationships, they had excluded themselves from both the Iranian and Australian communities. The following quote illustrates such a case:

When it comes to obeying rules and laws of Australia I definitely follow them but

when it comes to communities, I neither engage with the Iranian community nor

the Australian community simply because I have not seen any Iranians who are

like-minded, and with the Australians at work or neighbours, they are not

interested. (Ali, male, 44, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Or elsewhere Atena (Female, 33, non-humanitarian visa holder) reported, “at work I engage with the Australians very well but when it comes to family and celebrations I engage with our Iranian friends or better say live life the Iranian way.” This shows that in the public sphere Atena chooses to adapt and integrate but in the private sphere that involves family she chooses her Iranian way of life. Further, transmission of cultural values of Iran to the next generation was deemed significant which is explained below.

Ensuring cultural transmission

When it came to raising their children in Australia, all participants who were parents

(19/40) were proactively ensuring that certain aspects of Iranian culture were transmitted to the next generation. Hebbani, Obijiofor, and Mackinnon (2018, p.10) define intergenerational cultural transmission as, “the transfer of certain aspects of one’s culture from one generation to the next.” Elsewhere it is defined as, “the way values, knowledge, and practices that are prevalent in one generation are transferred to the next generation” (Trommsdorff, 2009, p.126).

When there is great dissimilarity between the culture of one’s society of origin and host country, cultural transmission as a means of cultural maintenance poses great challenges for families (Hebbani et al., 2018). This study revealed that ensuring cultural 125

transmission took place as it was considered an important aspect of parenting in Australia to ensure that certain Australian parenting practices were not applied within their family unit as it clashed with Iranian values. Nazanin, who had an 8-year old daughter believed in keeping a cultural balance so as to ensure that her daughter was exposed to certain aspects of Iranian culture:

I sometimes think us Iranians integrate too much. My husband sings the

Australian national anthem at home, likes to eat Australian barbecue, follows

Australian sports teams and wants to speak English at home. I tell him, no, I want

my child to know the Iranian culture as well because it is part of her identity.

(Female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Zohreh and Mitra, who had slightly older sons, were especially adamant that their sons were brought up in line with Iranian parenting norms. They displayed adopting the separation strategy when it came to raising their sons as they were vocally critical of Australian parenting norms such as dating, sleepovers etc., as demonstrated through these two quotes below:

I like the culture here but I don’t like too much freedom. High school students

here smoke and have girlfriends. They are underage and they have sexual

intercourse. This worries me a lot because it was not like this in Iran. I have told

my sons to be careful not to go after those who smoke or take drugs or are in a

relationship with girls as we are originally Iranians. (Zohreh, female, 39,

humanitarian visa holder)

Sleepover, a big no. I tell my sons their friends are more than welcome to come to

our house for a sleepover, but you are not allowed to. Because I do not know from

what family background they come from and what they are really like. I wouldn’t 126

even allow them go camping. I am very Persian in my parenting. No sex before

marriage, no drugs, and no alcohol. (Mitra, female, 57, humanitarian visa holder)

Regardless of religious faith or mode of migration, some parent participants held a view that intergenerational conflict occurred within the family unit as a result of their concerted efforts to transmit Iranian cultural values via their parenting. This reflects the tendency of some Iranian parents to perhaps not learn and/or be open to new parenting strategies in

Australia in times of conflict. In two interviews, namely with Kasra and Ladan, it was evident they attempted to resolve potential conflict with their respective children via open communication about the underlying reasons for their parenting the Iranian way. As Kasra and Ladan said:

I have a lot of discussions with my 17-year-old daughter sometimes up to 12 at

night. I have gone through a lot of things with her, things like alcohol and sexual

matters. I have informed her of our Iranian values and standards as opposed to

these values in Australia ….. She is not fighting with herself anymore and is

happier. (Kasra, male, 55, humanitarian visa holder)

I know that there are certain things that I wouldn’t be able to control later in life

but as I am very much in favour of my religious principles and values as a Baha’i

and also being an Iranian, I have really used those in my parenting. (Ladan,

female, 40, humanitarian visa holder)

Discussion

As reflected through these narratives, the most preferred acculturation strategy adopted by most participants from both cohorts was integration. Participants displayed capabilities to adapt to their new home country and become truly bi-cultural by following “the patterns of their heritage culture” and also by opening themselves and their families “up to the novelties 127

and contributions of the host society culture” (Navas et al, 2005, p.28). This is what Navas et al. (2005, p.29) term as “selective or relative adaptation”. Through “selective or relative adaptation....[] each individual devises a cultural synthesis accepting or rejecting elements from both cultures” (Navas et al., 2005, p.29). This finding is consistent with a handful of previous studies from Europe (Naghdi, 2010; Te Lindert et al., 2008) and Australia (see

Jamarani, 2009) where Iranian migrants adopted integration as their preferred acculturation strategy. We also see that parents chose the separation strategy when it came to the central sphere (e.g. family: in raising their children). Thus, while at a societal level participants preferred to integrate, when it came to their children they chose to separate to ensure cultural transmission of Iranian values and beliefs. However, one must also note that this study identified that mode of migration can potentially influence migrants’ choice of acculturation strategy. ‘Forced’ migration of refugees for instance could be an inhibiting factor on their adjustment and successful settlement post migration.

Reflecting on this study’s finding, the fact that at a societal level most participants embraced cultural difference to successfully integrate into Australian society can be understood via multiple potential explanations. One such explanation could be the disapproval of the current social, political, and cultural spheres in Iran. Despite taking great pride in Iran’s history and cultural background, participants believed that Iran has deteriorated in all the spheres mentioned above. In Iran, culture and religion have become very intertwined and politicized and religion has had a great influence on the culture.

Australia, on the other hand, does not persecute its citizens on religious grounds unlike in

Iran, and supports freedom of speech which is prohibited in Iran. Hence, coming from a country which is trying to control cultural and religious beliefs and practices, participants could be happy to be out of Iran and living in a safer, democratic country where they could practice their own culture and religion in a democracy. 128

One’s acculturation attitude and orientation can also be impacted by the amount, nature, and quality of host and ethnic interpersonal relationships that one keeps (Berry, 2005). The next section elaborates on host and co-ethnic17 interpersonal relationship of the participants of this study and the role it played on their settlement and adaptation in Australia.

Host interpersonal relationship

In this study, participants of both visa categories showed willingness in going beyond their ethnic enclave to seek relationships and friendships with the host nationals as they believed socializing facilitates integration and more host interpersonal interaction can lead to culture learning. Participants (27/40) indicated that, “you need to be open to change” and

“have more egalitarian views” to assist you with more acceptance by the locals. This is reflected in a participant’s (Arman’s) description of his adaptation experience:

If you want to live here you have to adapt to this culture. You cannot stand in

front of it and say no I have been like this I have been like that because it is me

who has come to this system and who has to match and adapt to this system.

(Male, 43, humanitarian visa holder)

Another participant, Sanaz, who was employed full-time and had validated and embraced the cultural values of Australia also believed that it is the responsibility of the migrants to change for better acceptance:

You have to update yourself and change. I enjoy the equality and the peace that

exists here. People don’t judge you here for what you have or you don’t have.

They smile at you. These things are really important for me. (Female, 38, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

17The term co-ethnic refers to people of the same ethnicity. Hereafter the term co-ethnic refers to other Iranians. 129

Neda, who was satisfied with her social and occupational status in Australia, perceived the drastic change in her acculturation orientation from being very Iranian to becoming more

Australian as successful integration:

For them to know that I have integrated into their society, I speak and understand

their language. To see my job and my car, the way I dress, the way I talk. I eat like

you because you know some of them are very ignorant. I know what is a pie and a

ginger beer, I think really impacts the way they look at us, but if you show

yourself excluded, then you would be considered as a burden to their society. If

we can present ourselves in such a way that we are also part of your society, we

never see such [negative] attitudes. (Female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

In spite of this, the host interpersonal relationships of the participants were confined to very few casual acquaintances and friendships. While these few casual acquaintances with host nationals did provide the ground for better integration and adaptation of the participants; nevertheless, the limited nature of these interactions reduced the sense of belonging. The individualist culture of the Anglo-Australian majority population as compared to the collectivist culture of Iran illuminated the difference in communication and interaction between the host nationals and the participants of this study. The participants also perceived that the personal characteristics of the host nationals impinges on host interpersonal interaction. This is narrated by three respondents:

Generally, Australians are not eager to have friendly relationships with migrants.

My neighbours are only happy with a hello and how are you. They have never

opened up a conversation or haven’t shown themselves eager for a warmer and

closer relationship as was the case at workplace even when I initiated those

interactions. This is due to Australians’ personal attitude and characteristics and

them being introverts. (Ali, male, 44, non-humanitarian visa holder) 130

Australia is not a collective society with warm relationships. Usually Australians

are introvert people and have an introvert culture. You can’t see continuous

relationships amongst Australians with their family, neighbours and friends. The

neighbours do not have any special relations with each other. Family relation is

very limited which is completely opposite to Iran. (Kia, male, 35, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

Australians themselves have a lot of issues in communicating with each other.

Two people might be classmates for 3 years but never talk to each other, then how

do you expect them to come and talk to us or make friends with us? (Amin, male,

31, humanitarian visa holder)

For the humanitarian visa holders, limited interaction with Australians was also associated with low language proficiency. For instance, Mandana (Female, 46, humanitarian visa holder) said that, “because I am not proficient in English and cannot communicate, this limits my interactions with Aussies.” Similarly, Ramin (Male, 32, humanitarian visa holder) said, “when I can’t engage with them in their conversations then the interaction gradually fades away.”

Also, relationship with the co-ethnics as a source of emotional support for settlement into the host society is of great significance. The next section elaborates on this theme.

Co-ethnic interpersonal relationship

More than half of the participants of this study (25/40) had limited interaction with other Iranians. When asked why they have limited interaction with other Iranians, reasons such as lack of mutual interests, difference in cultural, educational, ethnic, religious, political and social backgrounds, difference in mode of migration as well as not being able to find like-minded people were said to be the factors that have prevented them from developing a 131

close relation with their ethnic community. These factors presented difficulties in engaging with other Iranians and hindered the community from uniting together.

Further, social and cultural issues of Iran and within the Iranian community in Australia limited their interactions with co-ethnics and made them more accepting of the Australian culture. Ali and Omid explained their limited interaction with other Iranians as follows:

Iranians here are very cautious in building relationships. Since we come from

different areas and backgrounds and we are not similar in terms of education, job,

and background, thus we are careful in building relationships, and if we don’t find

like-minded people, we won’t mingle. (Ali, male, 44, non-humanitarian visa

holder)

Unfortunately, I mostly interact with Australians. The reason that I mingle with

the Westerners more who are not necessarily Australians is that I haven’t found

Iranians here who are strong in terms of education, manner, and behaviour and

these things are more important for me than similarity in language and food.

(Omid, male, 32, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Likewise, diversity within the Iranian community in Australia limited the interaction with the co-ethnics which was more evident in the narratives provided by the female humanitarian visa participants. One of these female humanitarian visa participants, Mandana, who was a maritime arrival participant said she preferred to interact with Australians:

Unfortunately, I interact only with a few Iranians. I do invite Australians over but

because of language issues, I can’t further these relationships. I really wished I

had more interaction with Aussies than Iranians. (Female, 46, humanitarian visa

holder) 132

Pardis who was another maritime arrival participant described her interpersonal relationship experience with her co-ethnics and the host nationals as follows:

I do not interact with the Iranian community that much because I try to divert

from the very deep cultural and patriotic feelings that us Iranians have, so that it

would be easier for me to adapt into the new society. However, this has not

resulted in friendships with the Australians either. I cannot say that they are not

friendly people, but I can say that they do not want to make friends that much.

(Female, 32, humanitarian visa holder)

Mitra, also showed greater preference for interacting with the Australian community:

I interact with Australians more. Not that I have anything against the Iranian

community. I go to Iranian functions when they invite me, but I think I engage

more with the Australians, mostly because we tend to interact with like-minded

people. I associate with the like-minded people no matter where they come from.

(Female, 57, humanitarian visa holder)

Participants (15/40) who said they were engaged more with the Iranian community indicated that it was due to commonality in music, food, and generally common issues to talk about. Also, Iranian Baha’is and Christians in this study said they interacted more with

Iranians of their own religious community because “their religious rituals and events have played a significant role.” For instance, Arman (Male, 43, humanitarian visa holder) said that, “we have a very strong relationship with other Iranian Christians from the church.”

Kasra (Male, 55, humanitarian visa holder) also talked about his interaction with the Baha’i community as such, “we are surrounded with a large Iranian Baha’i community and we also have family and friends here. We do have some Australian friends but it is basically mostly the Iranians because we are surrounded by lots of Iranians.” 133

Discussion

Interpersonal relationship and interaction with the host country’s citizens helps to ease migrants’ adaptation into their host society (Kosic, 2004; McKay-Semmler & Kim, 2014) and is a great source of emotional and social support (Searle & Ward, 1990). Contact with the host nationals reduces prejudice and increases positive attitudes towards the outgroup (Davies et al., 2011).

Berry’s acculturation model (1997) is concerned with two issues. One is the degree of heritage culture maintenance and the second is the degree of involvement with the host nationals where relationship and contact with the local people provides the ground for adaptation and a better sense of belonging. The degree of psychological and socio-cultural adaptation is also a reflection of the impact of host and ethnic interpersonal relationship

(Searle & Ward, 1990) and communication (Kim, 2001). Stronger engagement and interaction with members of the host society leads to better socio-cultural adaptation and stronger connection and interaction with co-ethnics leads to better psychological adaptation

(Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999). Also, one of Kim’s (2001) four theoretical constructs, that is host interpersonal relationship, paves the way for culture learning and learning of social skills

(Kim, 1978; Searle & Ward, 1990) which in turn impact on the psychological health of migrants, their life satisfaction, and their sense of belonging (McKay-Semmler & Kim,

2014).

Bringing all the above theoretical constructs together, the findings of this study suggest that while host communication competence and proficiency in the host language is indeed influential in host interpersonal relationships, there are other factors such as willingness of the host nationals that help to develop these interpersonal relationships with minority groups

(Bourhis et al., 1997; Piontkowski et al., 2000, 2002). The findings of this study lend further support to an aspect of Kim’s (2001) theory, that is, host receptivity which refers to the 134

willingness of the host nationals in interacting with the minority population. ‘Host receptivity’ plays an important role in making the migrants feeling welcomed into Australia.

Also, immigration policies implemented in the host society and the historical backgrounds and relationship of the migrant sending and receiving countries impinge on host receptivity (Galloise, 2003; Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2003). In addition, the ideologies of the settlement context as well as the political rhetoric impact on intergroup relations (Bourhis et al., 1997). Even though literature shows that the general view toward migration and multiculturalism in Australia seems be not as negative as compared to the past and reveals a more positive attitude towards cultural diversity and multiculturalism, there is preference for certain migrant groups than the others (Dandy & Pepua, 2010). Middle Easterners and

Muslims are amongst the groups that are less preferred in Australia (Dandy & Pepua, 2010).

This is due to the perception that Muslims have values incompatible to the secular values of the West (Modood, 2007) and are a threat to the national identity of their host societies

(Verkuyten, 2004).

Literature suggests that interpersonal interaction with the host nationals increases with the passage of time (Kim, 1978), however, the findings of this study revealed that through the passage of time with the current global incidents starting from the 9/11, attitudes toward migrants have changed and hence have impacted on their interactions with the host nationals.

Despite believing that Australian people are friendly and accepting, the participants of both cohorts emphasized that the generalized negative views towards ‘migrants’ and ‘refugees’ have adversely impacted on building relationships with local people. Host nationals’ reluctance in mixing and communicating with the migrants was perceived to be also the result of the prevalent negative global attitudes towards the Middle Easterners and Muslims. This led to more interaction with Australians of other ethnic backgrounds (those who have 135

themselves previously held an immigrant status such as Italians, South Americans, and

Indians).

Subsequently, deep-level differences, that is, differences in values, norms, and beliefs pose great challenges for migrants who come from culturally dissimilar societies to their host society (Van Vienan et al., 2004). Cultural differences can be conflictual and create more acculturative stress and adversely impact on socio-cultural adaptation (Searle & Ward, 1990).

However, participants in this study showed willingness in accommodating these with the contemporary life in Australia and what is appropriate and practiced in Australia. For these participants, cultural distance was not raised as an issue that would prevent them from building relationships with the locals but it was rather believed that what restricted the communication of Australians with them could also be the lack of mutual cultural backgrounds.

As discussed above, interaction and affiliation with one’s ethnic community is positively related to psychological adaptation and negatively related to socio-cultural adaptation (Berry, 2006). The findings of this study also highlighted the interaction and affiliation of Iranian migrants with their ethnic community. Iranian community in Queensland is called ‘Iranian Society of Queensland’. It is a registered community organization in

Queensland. While the community is engaged in organizing cultural events to promote

Iranian culture and aims to support Iranian migrants and refugees by providing these newcomers with information, participants said that they have not received any support in any form from this community during their settlement process. They believed that an Iranian community does not exist in Queensland and Iranian Society of Queensland is mainly engaged in organizing cultural events. In addition, participants of this study belonged to different communities (for instance, Iranian Christians and Baha’is engaged with their own religious-based communities which did not necessarily consist of other Iranians) thus making 136

it a non-cohesive community. Adibi (1994) also contends that Iranians in Australia can belong to different communities due to the great diversity that exists within the Iranian community. Further, social status and class are an integral part of the Iranian culture which are indicative of the social hierarchy that exists within the Iranian community even post- migration, thus impacting the nature of these relationships even in Australia.

Further, identity formation and/or reconstruction is an important aspect of immigration

(Phinney, 2003). Once migrants establish their life in their new milieu, their multiple identities are contested, reconstructed, and negotiated within their new social, political, economic, and cultural context (Hopkins et al., 2007) as the fluid and dynamic nature of identity allows for the construction and reconstruction of one’s identity contextually (Turner et al., 1987). To find the answer to another research question of this study (What impact (if any) does their settlement outcome have on their identity?), the next section elaborates on the identity formation of the participants in this study.

Identity Cultural and ethnic identity18

Two-third of participants (27/40) identified themselves as ‘Iranian’ while one-third

(8/40) identified with their hyphenated identity of ‘Iranian-Australian’, and the rest of the participants identified with an ‘intercultural identity’ (5/40). One participant, Omid (Male,

32, non-humanitarian visa holder), who had come to Australia in his late twenties switched between having an Iranian identity and the hyphenated identity of Iranian-Australian depending on the context of the interaction. He said, “I identify as Iranian. It actually depends on the place and the policy I want to apply. In many places, it would be beneficial for me to say I am Iranian-Australian but in general I am 100% Iranian.” Another participant, Ali, who

18While cultural and ethnic identity are often used interchangeably there is a difference between the two terms wherein the term cultural identity is a more general and broad term that refers to shared values and beliefs of a society whereas ethnic identity refers to one’s ethnicity and attitude towards their ethnic group (Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006). 137

had immigrated to Australia 4 years ago opined that his identity was tied down to a cultural lens:

I cannot tell you that I am an Australian because I can say I am an Australian

when my culture becomes completely like an Australian’s culture and because of

the cultural differences I can never fully become an Australian. First, I am an

Iranian and second, I try to act as an Australian citizen in the Australian society.

(Male, 44, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Lili (Female, 36, non-humanitarian visa holder) talked about the significance that place of birth played in framing her choice of identity, “[I am] 100% Iranian. I was born in

Iran and I was raised in Iran. All the major milestones of my life have also happened in Iran.

I identify as nothing but Iranian.”

Furthermore, in previous studies, Iranians have identified themselves mostly as

“Persians” owing to Iran’s political instability and the attitude of Western countries toward

Iranians (Jamarani, 2009; Mobasher, 2006). But surprisingly, in contrast to such studies, most participants in this study (22/40) identified themselves as “Iranian” rather than

“Persian”, indicating that the term “Persian” encompasses only one ethnic group in Iran which is the majority group and that is the Persians, whereas the term “Iranian” encompasses all the ethnic groups in Iran, and Iran is home to all those ethnic groups and not solely to “Persians”. For instance, Behnam (Male, 32, humanitarian visa holder) associated ‘Persia’ with history and considered Iran as the more appropriate term, “no, I identify as Iranian. I know some Iranians use Persian but no it is Iran. Persia was in the past.

I say Iran and I am proud of it.” Nazanin, also contested the use of the term Persian when labelling one’s identity:

I have heard some people saying Persian to the question of ‘where are you from?’

I am always against this because we don’t have a country called Persia. We have a 138

country called Iran. Iran is Iran with all its good and bad things. Yes, our history

dates back to 10000 years ago and we are proud of it but it is Iran and we are

Iranians. We should be proud of this, why should we hide ourselves? (Female, 34,

non-humanitarian visa holder)

It is not clear why there has been a shift from the use of the term Persian to Iranian but one possible reason for this difference could be that Iranians of all ethnic backgrounds and not just “Persians” participated in this study. On the other hand, the adoption and re- emergence of Iranian identity as compared to Persian identity by ethnically Persian participants could possibly be that recent Iranian migrants recognize the rights of Iranian minority populations more.

When asked whether they would choose the term “Persian” as a way to distance themselves from the current political status of Iran in the international community, only three female and two male participants of both cohorts agreed that the term “Persian” would be used contextually depending on where they are and when it is of benefit to them. This is how

Leila, a participant, expressed her preference for the term ‘Persian’ as opposed to ‘Iranian’:

I say Persian because the political news is in such a way that they have a bad

feeling towards Iran but they have read about Persia in their history. I remember

when we first came here a nurse told me, “it must be very difficult for you with

the war and all that.” My English was not good enough to tell her we don’t have a

war in Iran and my self-confidence as an Iranian was low. I prefer the Persian

identity. (Female, 51, humanitarian visa holder)

For some participants (5/40), there was a contextual shift in their identities illuminating the fluid nature of identity; that is, they would identify themselves as Iranian within Australia and Australian outside Australia. Peyman (Male, 37, non-humanitarian visa holder) provided the following explanation as to why he does not use the Australian identity in Australia, “well 139

I guess because they won’t consider me as an Australian in Australia even though I am a citizen of Australia, so I’d rather use the term Australian outside Australia.”

Another possibility could also be that in other contexts there is less/no stigma associated with the Australian identity whereas Iranian identity is a more “stigmatised identity” (Khosravi, 2012).

Religious identity

The three major religions that are practised in Iran namely, Islam, Christianity, and

Baha’ism were the religions that the participants in this study affiliated with. The tables below

(Tables 4 & 5) show the religious affiliation of the participants of this study (both cohorts).

Table 4 Religious affiliation of humanitarian visa participants Female Male Humanitarian Humanitarian Religion (n=10) (n=10) None 1 4 Muslim 3 1 Christian 2 3 Baha'i 4 2 Jew 0 0 Zoroastrian 0 0 Sufi 0 0 Other 0 0

Table 5 Religious affiliation of non-humanitarian visa participants Female Non- Male Non- Humanitarian humanitarian Religion (n=10) (n=10) None 4 6 Muslim 5 3 Christian 0 0 Baha'i 1 0 Jew 0 0 Zoroastrian 0 0 Sufi 0 0 Other 0 1 140

As shown in the above tables (Tables 4 & 5) 15 out of 40 participants from both cohorts did not identify with any religious groups and reported their religious affiliation as ‘no religion’. Likewise, according to the 2016 census (ABS, 2016), 35.8% of Iranians living in

Queensland reported their religious affiliation as ‘no religion’. A total of 12/40 participants identified as Muslim, 7/40 as Baha’i, and only 5/40 participants identified as Christian. One participant was reluctant to answer the question in regard to his religious affiliation; therefore, he did not answer the question in regard to his religion.

The findings of this study reflected the reconstruction of religious identity for the participants of this study. Iranian Christians, Baha’is, and Muslims in this study exhibited different degrees of attachment to their religion. Iranian Baha’is and Christians showed strong affiliation with their religious organizations and had stronger connection with their religions. Baha’i participants said that they approved of the cultural values of Iran and also their religious values. They believed that migration exerted a great influence on their strong attachment to their religion:

I think immigration has made my connection to my religion much stronger. I

think my religion [Baha’ism] balances tradition and modernity and has some great

teachings. Migration has made me value my religion more and has let me see how

it is consistent with today’s world. (Kasra, male, 55, humanitarian visa holder)

Muslim participants, however, showed their affiliation with their ethnic organization more than they did to their religious organizations. They mostly observed the traditional

Persian events such as Norooz (Persian New Year)19, Chaharshanbeh Suri20, and Sizdah

19Norooz is a national Iranian celebration for the Iranian New Year. Persian New Year or Norooz is an ancient national holiday which is observed on March 21st and marks the first day of spring. This event dates back to the pre-Islamic era of Persia (Iran). 20Chaharshanbeh Suri or Persian Festival of Fire is an ancient Persian ritual. This event is held on the last Wednesday of the year before Norooz. Iranians celebrate this event by jumping over fire. 141

Bedar21 rather than the Islamic religious/traditional events such as Eid. However, the Baha’i and Christian participants said they adhere to and observe both their religious and ethnic events.

In this study, reluctance of Iranian Muslims in affiliating with their religious organizations was perhaps to distance and disassociate themselves from their religion. While some of the Muslim participants indicated that upon settlement in Australia, they practiced their religious rituals such as praying and fasting, they said that after settlement they became non-practicing Muslims and no longer practiced their religious faith. The Muslim participants attributed this to two factors. First, the secular context of Australia does not impose or enforce religion on people in social affairs; instead, Australia recognises and acknowledges secular rights for all citizens. Second, Australia as a secular country provides migrants with sufficient resources to study and practice different religions and this has given them the space to reflect on their own religion and religious practices.

As participants noted, Australia and the Australian society are reshaping the religious views of Iranians and allowing Iranians to take a liberal stance in their religious beliefs and practices. The following narratives showcase the same:

You know, Australia is a free, secular country and there are so many resources

here. No one questions you. I can read books from any religion that I want and

look into other religions. There is no censorship or threat, therefore your mind is

free to reflect on many things. (Amin, male, 31, humanitarian visa holder)

Australia is a secular country where religion is separated from politics and the

current affairs of the country and people of different religious backgrounds have

equal rights. I have not seen any disrespect from them. I don’t drink and they

21Sizdah Bedar or nature’s day marks the end of Norooz and is celebrated on the thirteenth of Farvardin (Persian calendar). Iranians spend the day picnicking outdoors. 142

never humiliate me. Iranians humiliate [me] more. (Ali, male, 44, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

Initially, when I came to Australia, I practiced Islam. I would fast and pray but as

time went by, I reflected on my religious practices and now, I don’t fast and pray

anymore. I don’t drink alcohol [anyway] because of its [negative] health

consequences. (Neda, female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

I was religious before, but it gradually faded away. Australia is an egalitarian

country. I am very interested in looking into other religions and I have no fear to

do that. If for instance, I am interested in Buddhism functions, I am not worried

what would happen to me. When my mum comes to Australia she wears the

Hijab. She attends all the religious Islamic functions and she says if I come here

one day I would not have any issues. (Marjan, female, 42, non-humanitarian visa

holder)

Another reason for Iranian Muslims in this study to distance themselves from their religion could be the prevalent negative views about Islam among many Australians-at-large.

Participants of this study who believed that their religious identity has devalued them tended to modify or conceal this identity as a survival or coping strategy. Concealment of religious identity was not observed in other religious groups such as Christian or Baha’i Iranians, as there is less social stigma attached to those religions in Australia than for Muslims. The following two participants talked about why they made a conscious choice to conceal their religious identities:

I definitely conceal my religious identity. I am so exhausted. On a daily basis if I

tell them I am Muslim I have to give them explanations or they would treat me

differently. I always say I have no religion but down inside I am a Muslim. 143

Definitely a Muslim but I think I am better off telling them no religion. (Roya,

female, 34, humanitarian visa holder)

It is not easy to be a Muslim here even though there is religious freedom. Now if

some people pray here in the grass they would be looked at with suspicion and

differently. At home, I practice Islam but I do not really tell anyone I am a

Muslim. (Kia, male, 35, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Further, past studies show that Iranians’ ethnic identity is often times conflated with their religious identity, wherein their religious identity impacts their ethnic identity construction (McAuliffe, 2016; 2008; 2007). One participant, Mandana, discussed this point below:

I am always identified with my religious identity. I mean they mostly think of me

as a Muslim than an Iranian. I place more value on my Iranianness than my

religious identity. Some of my non-Iranian friends throw Arabic words at me here

and there thinking they are making me happy but in fact I don’t understand a word

[of Arabic] and I find it quite offensive. (Female, 46, humanitarian visa holder)

Most participants also reported taking part equally in Australian religious and national events. Christmas and New Year’s Eve were the most celebrated events in the local Iranian community especially for families so as to give their children a sense of belonging in

Australia.

Intercultural identity

When an intercultural identity is developed, there is a focus on humanity and the individual rather than the group to which one belongs (McKay-Semmler & Kim, 2014). Kim

(2007, p. 243-244) describes intercultural identity as such: 144

When [ ]...... an individual’s original cultural identity undergoes a gradual

transformation. This identity transformation is described as an emergence of an

‘‘intercultural identity” that is increasingly more ‘‘universalized’’ and

‘‘individuated’’ in self-other orientation, one that is more flexible and less rigidly

bound by group categories.

Kim et al. (1998, p. 266) also talk of the “universalized” and “individuated” identity:

A universalized identity means that one’s self-conception and conception of

others moves closer to the broadest social category of humanity itself, beyond

more conventional social categories by race, ethnicity and culture. An expanded

identity orientation, in turn, allows for a greater appreciation for each individual’s

existence in which ethnicity is only one of many facets. Indicative of

transcendence in identity orientation are the phrases often used by highly

intercultural participants, including “we are all humans”, “people are people”, and

“there are good people and bad people in all groups.”

A few participants (5/40) appear to have adopted a truly intercultural identity. Ladan,

(Female, 40, humanitarian visa holder) had developed an intercultural identity by focusing on her individual self, “I identify as a woman who stands for her rights.” Likewise, Arman had developed a “universalised” identity. He said, “it is not important what I identify as what is important is that we are humans and we need to be good human beings (Male, 43, humanitarian visa holder).

This was also evident in the identity construction of a few of the Baha’i participants as

Baha’is first consider themselves as ‘world citizens’ in line with Baha’i teaching rather than having a specific identity, and this is how one Baha’i participant clarified this point:

As a Baha’i, I identify as a world citizen. I think these are political lines. I stand

with planet earth. I think we are one family on this planet. We don’t have a choice 145

where we are born so we shouldn’t have prejudice against people based on the

places they are born. (Mitra, female, 57, humanitarian visa holder)

These narratives demonstrate the emergence of an intercultural identity amongst some of the participants in this study. While this was reflected in a few narratives, the likely shift in identity construction and moving towards the development of an intercultural identity can also be seen among the Iranian migrants.

Discussion

Participants of this study showed great pride in their cultural and ethnic identity by engaging in their cultural activities ensuring ethnic maintenance. Retention of cultural identity through observing cultural activities was significant for the Iranians who place great value on their cultural and ethnic identity. While identification with their ethnicity was stronger as compared to the national identity of the new society, these participants were open to adoption of the host society’s national identity as it gave them a great sense of belonging. Literature confirms that adoption of both ethnic identity of the migrants and the national identity of the host society yields to the best adaptation (Phinney et al., 2001).

Consistent with McAuliffe’s study (2007) on Iranian diaspora in Sydney, London, and

Vancouver, many participants in this study described themselves as secular, non-practicing, or non-religious. Non-identification with one’s religious identity or portraying oneself as secular was also reported in Mobasher (2006) and Bozorgmehr’s (1997) studies of Iranian migrants in the USA. Without doubt the current political climate in Australia and its national discourse surrounding migration and immigrants, the prevalent Islamophobic sentiments, and the hostile public attitude towards certain religious and ethnic groups exert great influence on the construction of one’s religious identity (Aslan, 2009; Poynting & Mason, 2007). This suggests that religious identities are impacted by “political persuasions” in which religion and religious practices and identity are contested and politicized (Ehrkamp, 2007, p.23). 146

While the impact of discrimination and racism on ethnic identity has been frequently cited (Azmitia, Syed, & Radmacher, 2008; Fuller-Rowell, Ong, & Phinney, 2013), less significance has been accorded to the impact of discrimination and hostile attitudes on religious identity and the change in this identity. Even though participants in this study comprised of Iranian men and women from different religious backgrounds, depiction of Iran as a “homogenously Islamic” country and its association with fundamentalist Islam have posed challenges to Iranians of different religious backgrounds and have adversely impacted on their identity reconstruction and negotiation (McAuliffe, 2007, p.38).

The findings of this study also demonstrated the concealment of religious identity for some of the Muslim participants in this study. It could therefore be concluded that the concealment, loss or maintenance of one’s identity is profoundly affected by the way migrants are perceived and treated in their host countries.

Australia as a multicultural society has integrationist policies where along the peaceful existence of other cultures, there is an emphasis on a core value and national identity.

However, the development of a civic identity rather than a national identity is advised (Dendy

& Pepua; Verkuyten, 2004). Also, the development of an intercultural identity (Kim, 1998) where the emphasis is on the individual and humanity rather than the group to which he/she belongs can reduce ethnocentrism and outgrouping the ‘other’.

On the other hand, Iran is a country in which religion is heavily associated with politics, thus for the migrants to distance themselves from religion also means distancing themselves from the politics of Iran. Thus, the social and political situations within Iran have also impacted on Iranian migrants’ identity formation and reconstruction in Australia. Religion may be playing a less prevalent role in the lives of the newer waves of Iranian migrants in

Australia. In addition, not affiliating with any religions might be part of their Australian acculturation where “no religion” was the most frequent response on the 2016 census. 147

Employment is another theme that emerged through the narratives of the participants which is discusses below.

Employment

Employment is one of the most vital aspects of integration and adaptation into the host society and an indicator of successful settlement (Ager & Strang, 2008; Atfield, Brahmbhatt,

& O’Toole, 2007; Aycan & Berry, 1996; Burnett, 1998; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007;

Foroutan, 2008; Kazemipur & Nakhaie, 2014; Lovat, Nilan, Hosseini, Samarayi, Mansfield,

& Alexander, 2013). As part of this study and to answer the second research question, the employment experiences of the humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa participants were explored. Results from this study showed that being employed was positively associated with having a sense of belonging and enhanced integration. Being employed seemed to have a positive impact on mental health and life satisfaction. Two participants, Atena and Neda, explained how having work had a positive impact on them:

Having a job really really helped me because it helped me engage with the society

and allowed me to restructure the self-confidence that I had lost during initial

settlement. My character was built bit by bit as a woman; but that character was

lost when I did not work. (Atena, female, 33, non-humanitarian visa holder)

I cannot stress enough how happy I am to be working as an Iranian woman. I

mean I somehow have an effective role in the Australian society. As a foreigner, I

am playing an important role that is why it is fulfilling, and I am somehow proud

of myself. (Neda, female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

However, this study’s findings also indicate that while Iranians appear to be well- integrated in the Australian social and cultural domain, their labour market integration is yet to be fully achieved. Labour market integration has been defined as, “securing a job appropriate to one’s qualifications, skills and experience” (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007, p. 148

3). It appears that the most frequently cited concern for migrants of both cohorts in this study was the lengthy transition into the labour market, non-recognition of credentials, lack of local experience and social networks, instability of the Australian job market, divergence of pre- migration and post-migration employment, downward mobility, unemployment, as well as a resulting loss of social status. Also, structural barriers and inequalities surrounding employment were major indicators of unemployment and career development. These will be elaborated on subsequently.

As there are differences in the employment outcomes for humanitarian and non- humanitarian visa holders and as the participants narrated different experiences, the following section addresses the divergence and convergence of employment experiences of humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders separately.

Employment Outcomes of Non-humanitarian Visa Cohort

As mentioned in the methodology chapter, 20 migrants interviewed in this study held non-humanitarian visas (10 men and 10 women). Ten of these non-humanitarian visa holders

(5 men and 5 women) came to Australia under the skilled migration stream. The remaining non-humanitarian visa participants settled in Australia under partner or student visas but were now permanent residents of Australia. In the non-humanitarian cohort, the participants who had entered Australia under the skilled migration stream faced more issues in the employment context as compared to those who had arrived under other non-humanitarian visa streams.

This study found that one of the main “push factors” that instigated the migration of non-humanitarian visa participants of both genders was better employment opportunities

(More detail of the context has already been outlined in Chapter 3). However, they talked about non-recognition of their educational qualifications and credentials, underutilization of their skills, deskilling, as well as unemployment/underemployment (As discussed below). 149

Please note that in the 2016 census, the unemployment rate for the Australian population was down .2% from the 2011 census, from 5.6% to 5.4 per cent (ABS, 2016). According to

Australian Bureau of Statistics (2016) the unemployment rate for Iranians in Queensland is

18.7%. In the 2011 census, this unemployment rate for Iranians in Queensland was 14%.

The themes that emerged from the narratives of the non-humanitarian visa participants regarding employment are presented below.

Lengthy transition into the labour market

This study found that the non-humanitarian visa participants experienced a lengthy process of transition into the Australian labour market. For example, the time frame between initial settlement and labour market participation was lengthy, sometimes taking up to two years for these participants to join the Australian labour market. Here is how two participants explained the problem:

At Uni, I would sit in the library for two hours looking for jobs. I still have the

folder of the jobs that I applied for. More than 700 or 800 jobs that all of them

said “unfortunately”. After one year, I found a part-time job. (Sanaz, female, 38,

non-humanitarian visa holder)

When I came to Australia, for nearly a year and a half I had difficulty finding a

job. It was really really difficult to get a job. I think I applied for 150 or more

jobs. Then when you don’t hear back from them you have to accept any job that

comes up even if it is much lower than what you used to do. (Mehran, male, 40,

non-humanitarian visa holder)

The results of this study showed that transition into the Australian labour market has been particularly ragged for skilled migrants who came to Australia as non-humanitarian visa holders. The following views highlight the experiences of three participants Babak, Ali, and 150

Nazanin who had entered Australia under the skilled migration stream; they were engineers in Iran, but were now unemployed and looking for work:

I really question my decision for immigrating [to Australia]. The greatest

challenge that I have been impacted by is employment. They ask for skilled

migrants to come and work here but then it is a completely different story. Getting

a job is extremely difficult. All these highly qualified skilled migrants are working

in casual jobs which hugely impacts their family life. We should be given jobs

based on our experience and skills rather than name and connections. (Babak,

male, 39, non-humanitarian visa holder)

I am leaving if I don’t find a job. I am not going to waste even one more minute of

my time. Do they think I would stay here and drive taxis for them or sell pizzas? I

came here to have better employment opportunities as Iran is always under

sanction and is not a very international country. They say we want skilled

migrants and then when we come here we realize the reality is far from what they

promise. (Ali, male, 44, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Our biggest challenge is finding a job especially because we all have the skills and

expertise. Finding a specialized work is really difficult. For both me and my

husband. Two years ago, he lost his job and it took a long time for him to be able

to find a job again, now think of how you can deal with those expenses with the

currency we bring from Iran. (Nazanin, female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

One reason for the lengthy transition into the labour market was the non-recognition of skills. This is explained below. 151

Non-recognition of qualifications and credentials

A recurring theme in the interviews regarding employment was that transition into the job market was made more complex by requirements set by the government and employers

(e.g., engineers need to be assessed by Engineers Australia [EA]). Even though all engineers who desire to work in Australia need their qualifications assessed by EA, this requirement imposed extra financial burden on migrants, especially at the initial stage of settlement. This is how one participant, Lili, an engineer in Iran who was now unemployed in Australia, described this procedural barrier surrounding employment:

Finding a job similar to your Iran’s job requires learning certain standards. I mean

an engineer in Australia and Queensland has to get the required registration from

engineering organizations and all these need to be certified by Australian

engineers. How can I be approved by Australian engineers when I have never

worked as an engineer in Australia and they do not know me? They have

organized the system in such a way that someone like me who comes from

another country cannot easily get the registration and above all, I cannot afford it.

(Female, 36, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Participants also talked about the negative impact of educational credentials from Iran on their success of finding employment. Literature suggests that qualifications from developing countries are considered as “less worthy” and therefore impede labour market integration (Syed, 2008). Most of the participants (17/20) said while the qualifications and degrees they obtained from Iran were initially recognized during visa processing, when it came to allocating jobs to those with overseas qualifications they perceived that Iranian degrees and qualifications were looked at as having less value/reliability as compared to degrees obtained from Australian, European, and/or North American educational institutions. 152

To overcome such barriers, participants who had been unsuccessful in finding employment adopted various strategies to increase their chances of securing employment such as undertaking further studies in Australia to get Australian qualifications. They believed quite strongly that they had to obtain academic degrees from Australian universities to increase their employment chances, even though this also meant they were sometimes overqualified. Here is how two participants explained this experience:

If someone graduates from Australian universities everything is easier for them

because upon graduation, they have priority in employment. Once they start their

first job, they would be able to get the required certification. Unless you have a

degree and work experience from Australia or similar countries like the USA,

Canada and Europe, the condition for getting these qualifications becomes harder

thus people are diverted towards the jobs that are at a lower level or certain

registrations are not required. (Kia, male, 35, non-humanitarian visa holder)

If I had gotten a good job I would have never studied. I only did a PhD because I

couldn’t find a job and I was getting depressed because of unemployment. As you

know when you get a PhD you will be overqualified. I have applied for two jobs

which are not related to my expertise, but I do know that if I write PhD in my

resume, I would get rejected and would be considered overqualified. (Nazanin,

female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

The participants who held Australian degrees and qualifications fared much better in getting employment. Also, participants who held Australian degrees or degrees from other developed countries such as Canada, the USA, or European countries experienced relatively less loss of occupational status in Australia; they were also more likely to be employed in their areas of expertise. For instance, Mehri (Female, 61, non-humanitarian visa holder) pointed out that, “I had qualifications and work experience from both the UK and the USA 153

and that really mattered. Within two weeks I found a job at the time. They really value degrees and qualifications from European or North American universities.” Also, Atena

(Female, 33, non-humanitarian visa holder) who had pursued further studies upon settlement in Australia said, “you know my Masters is from Australia in environmental engineering and now I have a government job in the environmental department. I also had connections that helped me with my employment.”

Another participant, Kamran, who was employed full-time in the area commensurate with his degree said he obtained all his degrees from Australian educational institutions and did not encounter any issues in finding employment:

You know all my degrees are from the Unis in Australia including Sydney

University and universities in Perth. I have never had an issue finding employment.

I think what is evident is that the key to employment is degrees from here. (Male,

35, non-humanitarian visa holder)

On the flip side, the participants who had not sought higher education in Australia were more likely to be unemployed. For instance, 5/10 skilled visa participants who had no degrees from Australia were unemployed and struggling to find employment.

Having local experience, connections/networking

The participants also elaborated on their lack of work experience and social networks from Australia as a major impediment to their labour market integration. The findings show that for participants who worked previously in other developed countries, their occupational status remained the same. Saman’s (Male, 60, non-humanitarian visa holder) previous work experience from New Zealand not only placed him in the same occupational status in

Australia but helped him to have a smooth transition into the labour market, “I had worked in

New Zealand previously and upon settlement in Australia, I had no issues whatsoever in 154

finding employment.” Below is a comment from another participant which reinforces this point:

I used to be a language teacher in Europe and when I came to Australia I was

hired in the same area. Mind you, I had 10 years of experience from Iran as well

but when they wanted to pay me, they said they would only consider my work

experience in Europe so all those years of work were not taken into consideration.

(Nasrin, female, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Some of these participants believed that lack of local experience compelled them to apply for lower jobs [underemployment]. This is the reason, they said, why they had remained in lower paying jobs. The comments reproduced below highlight the difficulties migrants face in regard to employment:

Finding your first job is very difficult because you have no work experience and

work history from Australia and then you have to work in an area that is unrelated

to what you have done before. This will keep you stay in those low-level jobs.

(Mehran, male, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Most employers care about the previous work history from Australia. They are

reluctant to accept otherwise. If there are two applicants with similar

qualifications and one was Australian, there is no doubt that the employer would

choose the one with the Australian background simply because he has had a work

history from Australia. (Keyvan, male, 43, non-humanitarian visa holder)

My first priority was to find a job related to my expertise and previous experience.

Being a migrant and finding a job related to your specialization is difficult and to

be given priority by the Australian employers you’ve got to have local experience 155

and when you don’t then you apply for lower jobs. (Kia, male, 35, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

Similarly, participants Mozhdeh and Sanaz who had a lengthy transition into the labour market upon settlement in Australia talked about the huge impact that connections/networking could have on securing employment:

I have suffered a lot for not having the connections. Coming here I had this idea

that here everything is based on rules and regulations. There is a job application

you just fill in and you are equal as the other people. Then I realized oh no what

we call connections and relations exists here too. To be honest, I was shocked.

(Mozhdeh, female, 36, non-humanitarian visa holder)

You know you expect these things to happen in Third World countries but when

you come to a First World country and you see that it is the same, relations and

connections are still very important it just amazes you. (Sanaz, female, 38, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

What is apparent from the narratives provided by the participants is that the Australian job market places great value on local experience which has made it difficult for the migrants who lack such experience. On the other hand, having connections increases the chance of labour market participation. However, once employed the instability of the Australian job market brings another challenge for these migrants. This is discussed below.

Instability of the Australian job market

Instability of the labour market is another theme that emerged in the narratives. Some of the participants (10/20) spoke about the difficulty of maintaining employment in Australia.

They said instability in the job market had become a source of distress. They highlighted the continuing challenges associated with employment in Australia, such as finding employment 156

and in maintaining the job once employed. It is worth noting that all Australians work in this culture of uncertainty and contracts. However, this is specifically important for migrants’ survival in their new milieu. Below are two of the comments relating to this experience:

Here in Australia finding a job is something and keeping a job is something else.

There is no guarantee that the contract that they have made for 1, 2, or 3 years

they wouldn’t come and tell you sorry you have been made redundant and we

don’t need you for this job. When the time of our contract extension approaches,

we are worried whether our contracts would be extended or not (Atena, female,

33, non-humanitarian visa holder)

My next challenge is that there are not many projects and it is not clear whether

we would have the job or not. In the last one and a half years this has been a

challenge and every week we are waiting to see whether there will be a job or not.

Thank God, we have moved forward so far but it is not certain whether this job

would last or not. (Keyvan, male, 43, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Instability of the job market for the participants of this study meant that they were constantly unsure of what the future holds for them causing distress not only for themselves but also for their families. These participants further talked about their loss of occupational status which is discussed below.

Downward mobility

The participants also talked about loss of skill and loss of occupational status where, for instance, they took on jobs as labourers or drivers despite being skilled. Financial hardship and lack of welfare support for skilled visa participants in the first two years of settlement left them with no choice but to apply for low-skill jobs which of course led to downward 157

mobility. Two participants, Nazanin and Kia, who were engineers in Iran said financial constraints compelled them to work in lower level jobs:

You know I studied Chemistry and worked as a pharmacist in Iran, but when I

came here, I worked in a paint company. I have 11 years of experience and then

suddenly all my skills and qualifications are not considered. I had no choice but to

remain in the job because of the high expenses of Australia. (Nazanin, female, 34,

non-humanitarian visa holder)

Australia is a very expensive country and if you don’t find a job you would

practically receive no payment from the government because based on the social

security laws of Australia, a skilled migrant has to survive in the country for the

first two years without receiving any financial help from the government. (Kia,

male, 35, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Babak, who was an engineer in Iran and had worked in Australia as a driver said he chose to work in a job that was completely different from his job prior to migration in order to avoid the psychological consequences of unemployment:

I was a mechanical engineer, a supervisor, in Iran. They offered me a position in

an embassy in Canberra. I said ok what should I do there? They said just a driver.

I said a driver? I am not doing that, but after a while I thought to myself it is better

than just sitting at home thinking and getting distressed. I should start from

somewhere. (Male, 39, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Likewise, Mehran, with his long engineering work experience and high qualifications from Iran said he remained in lower level job loop for years:

I was an engineer in Iran but started working as a technician in Australia. Because

I started as a technician the jobs that I applied for later on came to the attention of 158

employers in the same area. I remained a technician and now I am unemployed.

(Male, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Another participant, Marjan a 42-year-old female participant, who was a skilled migrant herself and was unemployed also talked about her husband’s loss of occupational status. She believed the fact that her husband’s job in Australia was not commensurate with his job in Iran adversely affected him. This is how she described their experience:

He was a specialized psychiatrist in brain and mental health and was a very

successful doctor. He had his own office and was a member of different

organizations in Iran. When we came here, he was not happy at all because he had

come from a higher position into a lower position. He is just a consultant now. He

thought he would be on the same job, the same level. It was very difficult for him

to accept it. He still has the same situation. It took him one and a half years to get

used to this situation. (Non-humanitarian visa holder)

The participants showed great reluctance in working outside their area of expertise feeling that they were wasting their skills, disregarding their long experiences and qualifications. Here is how one respondent expressed that feeling:

Of course you don’t bring all those skills and qualifications to work as a tradie or

a labourer here. I don’t know what the Australian government or the employers

think. Why bother taking skilled migrants when in fact all they need are tradies

and then they expect us to do any job that is out there. (Ali, male, 44, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

The results of this study confirm quite clearly the impact of employment on the psychological and socio-cultural adaptation of the participants of this study. The barriers and difficulties associated with employment caused distress and anxiety and also had 159

psychological consequences. This was reflected in a comment by a participant, Keyvan, who narrated his experience thus:

I have been on pills for depression because what I am in Australia is nothing

compared to what I was in Iran in terms of employment and social status. It is very

different. I try to convince myself that ok this country is better for my daughter so

as to avoid any further psychological issues but as regards my job and position, no,

I’m not happy. (Male, 43, non-humanitarian visa holder)

The participants who were employed believed that there are barriers in career development in Australia especially for those who move from developing countries to the developed countries. This is elaborated on below.

Career development and progression

As expressed by non-humanitarian visa participants of both genders (15/20), they faced barriers in career development, promotion, and progression all of which they said highlighted their position as a minority group or migrants in the society. Glass ceiling was a term used by these participants to describe the difficulties they had experienced in employment in

Australia. Glass ceiling is “a type of discrimination that limits career development beyond a certain level” (Syed, 2008, p.35). Omid who had been working at a university in the Greater

Brisbane region had encountered difficulties in getting a promotion; this is how he explained the situation:

The invisible glass window, they have it a lot and they have lots of it. They have

their own group and do not let you in. I mean at workplace, they will not let you

be promoted from a point unless you are in their group. When the resources are

divided, they will divide them among themselves. As an immigrant, you have to

work twice as much. To build that background, I have to work harder. The world

does not move around justice. (Male, 32, non-humanitarian visa holder) 160

Two other participants, Kamran and Peyman, also believed that their position as non- natives negatively impacted on their career progression and development. Peyman (Male, 37, non-humanitarian visa holder) said, “in fact, because I am not a native, there is a glass ceiling or an invisible ceiling that you cannot go further than that especially for us the first- generation migrants.” Kamran (Male, 35, non-humanitarian visa holder) reiterated the same issue, “I feel like there is a ceiling there for sure for us. They won’t let us go up.” Two women, Mozhdeh and Sanaz, said despite having similar work experiences and skills as their workplace colleagues, they had not been able to reach the level they had hoped for:

I have worked for this Uni for 12 years and I am still casual. I always feel that,

whether you want to call it a glass ceiling or whether you want to call it having to

try much harder than the people who are equal to me in terms of work experience

and skills. I don’t know, but I seem not to have an answer for that, so maybe I’m

just thinking aloud. (Mozhdeh, female, 36, non-humanitarian visa holder)

At coffee time, everyone took a break but I had to stay and work. I would also

take work home so that I won’t lose my job. I knew that if I do not prove myself I

would immediately lose the job. This is the true story of migrants from developing

countries. (Sanaz, female, 38, non-humanitarian visa holder)

As described by the participants, career development and progression seemed to impede their upward mobility which could have been the result of their migration status. The narratives also indicated that employers have a vital role in the provision of employment opportunities almost as gatekeepers into the labour market. This is explained below.

Subtle/under the table discrimination

Nearly half of the non-humanitarian visa participants interviewed in this study (8/20) perceived employers offered jobs only to those whom they trusted. They said migrants from developing countries were trusted less than migrants from developed countries. These 161

participants said that, “unwritten rules of employment and employers” placed migrants under more scrutiny that led to greater stress. This was how, Mehran who was a computer technician in Australia, explained it:

There was this guy who started working with me on the same day and who was an

Aussie, but the supervisor assigned him to check my performance. It was never

wanted from me to rate his performance. I was under more scrutiny than him.

(Male, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Another participant, Navid, also talked about the widespread mistrust of migrants who hailed from developing countries:

In Australia, many of the employers cannot probably take the risk of taking up

someone who is not from their country and who has not been working in their

country to take them on board and employ them. A lot of the times I found out

that they are reluctant to do that. (Male, 28, non-humanitarian visa holder)

The following section analyses the experiences of the humanitarian visa participants with regard to employment.

Employment Outcomes of Humanitarian Visa Cohort

For refugees having employment is referred to by Campion (2018, p.7) as the

“subjective resettlement success”. In this study 7 out of the 20 humanitarian visa participants were unemployed (35%) (The breakdown is 4 women and 3 men). Similar to the experiences of non-humanitarian visa participants, lack of local experience and connections, loss of occupational status, downward mobility, and lengthy transition into the labour market were factors which impinged on the employment of the humanitarian visa participants. However, this study found that the primary obstacle in the labour market participation of the humanitarian visa participants was lack of competence in English. 162

A participant, Sima, who said she was still struggling with finding employment, believed that lack of proficiency in the English language was a persistent problem for her:

You know I have endured a lot and now in this country I am enduring a lot as well

but in a different way. This is all because of not knowing English. Being

unemployed or jumping from this low-level job to another low-level job is all

because of not knowing the language. (Female, 34, humanitarian visa holder)

Another participant, Sassan believed that lack of language proficiency impinged on the level of trust employers placed on migrants. He said:

Of course when you don’t know their language very well they won’t trust giving

jobs to you. This is especially the case for us refugees. Many of us are not

competent enough to gain the trust of employers so we end up working in jobs

that the Aussies themselves won’t do. (Male, 33, humanitarian visa holder)

Mahsa, a young woman who had not been successful in the employment context, perceived she was discriminated against as a result of lack of proficiency in English:

While I was at high school a job opportunity came up. An Australian girl and I were

called for a second interview. They told me that technically and artistically your

work is better than her but our work concerns a lot of communication and because

you are not fluent in English we cannot recruit you. It really impacted me

emotionally and mentally. I had lost an opportunity and from then on I applied for

very low level jobs. They definitely discriminated against me. (Female, 27,

humanitarian visa holder)

The humanitarian visa participants are provided with free English classes (510 hours).

These classes are known as the ‘Adult Migrant English Program’ (AMEP) that are offered by

TAFE Australia. The mental impact of pre-migration experiences, involuntary mode of 163

migration, and detention centre experiences did not allow two of the participants (out of 20) to use this opportunity. For instance, Mandana who said she resettled in Australia without her children, was not able to bring herself to avail this opportunity at all due to what appears to be depression and traumatic life experiences:

There are English classes in TAFE. I couldn’t go to the classes because of my

mental health and emotional condition. I wouldn’t understand the teacher because

my kids were in Iran and I was here alone and also my brother had died and I

couldn’t go. All I was thinking of was my kids back home. (Female, 46,

humanitarian visa holder)

Four of the humanitarian visa participants (4/20) reported that lack of proficiency in

English language and lack of knowledge of the legal system and awareness of their legal rights often contributed to exploitation in the workplace. Here is a comment that demonstrates this:

When I was working in that company there I realized how much us as non-

Australians are not important for them or are of less importance. They would

exploit us. Legally we had to work for 8 hours but worked for 14 to 15 hours. It

was compulsory and was not our choice. The company that had found us the job

took half of the money. None of us knew how to deal with this issue legally or

how to get our right simply because we didn’t know the language and the legal

system. (Roya, female, 34, humanitarian visa holder)

While the humanitarian visa participants indicated that lack of proficiency in English language led to unemployment, the non-humanitarian visa holders placed less emphasis on language proficiency and believed that lack of local experience was the main indicator of unemployment. This discrepancy appeared to be the result of the non-humanitarian visa holders’ self-reported higher proficiency in English language. 164

Employment and psychological adaptation

Humanitarian visa participants who were unemployed said they were actively looking for work. Those who were exempt from working or working full-time owing to health issues said they were proactive in finding employment or more stable employment. This study found that employment strongly impacted on mental health and was of lesser significance with regard to financial gain, as several of them were on pension. Here are some comments that underpin this point:

I am very much willing to work and even though it would be hard due to my

sickness as I told you before, I still prefer to work than to sit at home. I have

severe arm pain in my right arm. For that I can get government support. All my

documents indicate I should not work but I never followed up to get financial

support from the government. I am still young and I have my life ahead of me. I

would love to work and am doing all I can to get into the market. (Mahsa, female,

27, humanitarian visa holder)

I want to have a job so that I feel I am contributing to the society. I am not a

parasite who wants to sit at home and get money from Centrelink. If I am at home

for a day and not working, I would be sick for that day. I have back and knee

problem and the doctor has ordered that I shouldn’t work too much but I work as

much as I can because it gives me a feeling of satisfaction. (Zohreh, female, 39,

humanitarian visa holder)

When you have a job, you have independence, you can set goals and you won’t

feel you are wasting your time and you come out of the negative thoughts. Then

you see that everyone is working in the society and you are working as well. You

can have an income and have fun too. This helps us to integrate in the society.

(Amin, male, 31, humanitarian visa holder) 165

Arman, a 43-year-old male humanitarian visa participant, said he was receiving welfare support from the government owing to physical health issues. He said even though he was exempt from working, he still worked in an aged-care facility to overcome mental health issues that might arise as a result of being unemployed:

The good thing about working in Australia is that it would not let your thought to

be bothered. I mean it is a big help especially for refugees. It keeps my mind busy.

It fills up my time. I prefer to work so as to fill my loneliness time. The time to

think oh why did this happen? The ‘whys’ will go away because my mind is busy.

For me personally, it [being employed] is very helpful especially as regards my

mental health.

Loss of occupational and social status also happened for the participants who were on humanitarian visas. This is described below.

Loss of occupational and social status

As with the non-humanitarian visa participants, the humanitarian visa participants said they faced loss of occupational status. This is reflected in the quotes below:

Here, your level comes down a bit. For instance, my husband was a piping

supervisor in Iran but in Australia he started working as a labourer. He has

progressed and now he is a boil maker. Well, it impacts us negatively. My

husband and I have so many certificates and degrees from Iran. I don’t know why

they don’t accept us in the same position. This is a bit difficult because you

plunge from a high position. (Zohreh, female, 39, humanitarian visa holder)

Jobs that have tougher conditions and are more difficult the chances of migrants

getting those jobs increases because Australians show reluctance in working in

jobs that have higher risk of safety and are dangerous therefore it is likely that the 166

migrants have higher chances of getting those jobs. So, I worked in these jobs.

(Ramin, male, 32, humanitarian visa holder)

Arash who was a maritime arrival participant and a skilled refugee, worked as an employee in a well-known company in his city in Iran. He talked about his loss of occupational and social status:

In Iran, I was working for a well-known company as an advisor and that impacted

my social relations as well. In Australia, I work for an aged-care facility. I have

lost that social status and relations but what can I do? It is better than not having a

job. (Male, 31, humanitarian visa holder)

Other difficulties some humanitarian visa holders (5/20) associated with employment were not only differences in method of job search but also how the Australian work system and workplace operate. This is reflected below in a participant’s experience:

The system of finding a job for a refugee like me was difficult. It is very different

to Iran. Your resume or CV is the number one thing but in Iran if you want

government jobs well you have to sit for an exam, then you are interviewed and

shortlisted. CVs and resumes are not that important. If you want non-government

jobs, it is again another procedure which is different to Australia. (Sassan, male,

33, humanitarian visa holder)

Amin (Male, 31), another humanitarian visa participant, highlighted the same issue when he said that in Australia “CV is everything but that’s not the case in Iran.”

Further, a few participants (6/20) identified numerous barriers that prevented them from establishing businesses. One of them was lack of government support with regard to setting up individual businesses. Mahsa, who had tried very hard to establish her own business, described it this way: 167

Even though I am physically sick and my right hand cannot work properly, I want

to work but there are so many barriers in front of you for establishing your own

business. I have fallen down every time and now I cannot get back up again. I am

mentally exhausted. So much paperwork. It is overregulated. (Female, 27,

humanitarian visa holder)

Further, social stigma associated with unemployment tended to limit opportunities for migrants to reach out to community members. Owing to this, the migrants said they had to resort to support provided by settlement agencies which limited their social networking thus preventing them from expanding their social networks within their own community. Only three humanitarian visa participants said they had reached out to other settled Iranian community members to gain employment. The humanitarian visa participants also were more likely to be self-employed than the non-humanitarian cohort.

Both Cohorts: Gendered Experiences

Findings of this study indicate that gender may have some impact on female participants’ employment experiences. Female participants from both cohorts faced marginally higher rates of unemployment compared to their male counterparts (7 women as compared to 5 men). Those women who were employed in Iran, but were now unemployed in

Australia, said they experienced mental health issues and believed that Australia held traditional views when it came to provision of employment opportunities to women despite

Australia being a much more egalitarian country than Iran. The women perceived that the main barrier to their employment came from the Australian government:

I believe Australia and the Australian system doesn’t support mothers as much as

they should. They do not give any support to parents especially women who are

willing to work and at the same time take care of their kids. Especially to migrant 168

women who lack the social and family support they had back home. (Lili, female,

36, non-humanitarian visa holder)

For many women, employment was not only an indicator of successful integration but they also believed their presence in public space would give them a feeling of satisfaction and allow them to contribute to society. However, employment barriers made it difficult for them to achieve this objective, as pointed out by Pardis (Female, 32, humanitarian visa holder) who was unfortunately unemployed at the time of her interview, “you know, I would love to contribute to this society. They have protected me and they have given me a home as a woman who has been at risk and has fled Iran.”

As a result of migration, these women’s careers had been disrupted. This disruption presented further difficulties for female participants who had other obligations such as family obligations in their new context. The female participants noted that drastic changes in their post-migration career and family responsibilities, as well as lack of financial, social, and family support affected their labour market participation and integration. Financial constraints seem to also restrict their access to education, career development and training, as narrated by Mozhdeh:

Like if you want to go back to work you need some time to prepare to be trained

and then if you have a child you have to pay for that childcare as well and if I’m

not working I won’t be able to pay so I had to wait for my daughter to go back to

school in order for me to start things over again. Yeah for me as a mother that was

the main challenge for the family of course the financial aspect. (Female, 36, non-

humanitarian visa holder)

Another participant, Marjan, noted that lack of government support for migrant women who have no family support was a factor in their inability to gain employment: 169

The childcare system is very expensive here. I come in, I don’t get any support as

a mother to start my career you know and I don’t have my family. Obviously, most

of the immigrants don’t have their families to help out so you are dependent on the

government system. You need [emphasizes] to put your child to the childcare so if

it’s too expensive and you are not working how are you gonna manage that?

(Female, 42, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Hijab

Only one female participant in this study wore the Hijab. She said she found Hijab to be a great barrier in gaining employment. This is evident in the narrative provided by this participant who believed that religious attire can instigate discriminatory behaviour and prejudiced attitudes:

I have a friend who wears the hijab like me and studies nursing. When she worked

in an aged-care facility, they had warned her many times, very clearly and

explicitly, to take her scarf off. Or my other friend who is a salesperson and

wanted to have her own business, they were not very welcoming to her because

she wears the Hijab. They are scared of those who wear the Hijab. (Hasti, female,

46, humanitarian visa holder)

She further emphasized that her nationality played a much less significant role than her religious mode of dressing as a woman who wore a Hijab and thus was visibly identifiable as a practicing Muslim:

My ethnicity or nationality is not the result of my unemployment, but my Hijab

can impact not being offered a job because as I said, it is not very nice for many

that I am wearing a Hijab but it is very unlikely that apart from my Hijab they

wouldn’t give me a job because of my nationality. (Female, 46, humanitarian visa

holder) 170

Owing to the fact that only one female participant in this study wore the hijab, this study cannot make generalised claims about the impact of hijab on employment of Muslim women.

Cultural identifier

Name

With regard to impact of name on employment, some participants (7/40), especially men, believed that having a Muslim name greatly reduced the chances of employment.

However, more than a half of the migrants (25/40) believed that possessing requisite skills and local experiences, as well as establishing connections and networks, were of greater significance:

I think that name does impact the point of view of employers in offering jobs but

not 100%. To some degree name is influential in diverting the mind of the

employers in offering a job but what is more influential according to me is what

work standards and certificates from Australia your resume is filled with.

(Peyman, male, 37, non-humanitarian visa holder)

The Baha’i and Christian cohort did not report on the negative impact of name on their chances of obtaining employment. Literature has shown that Muslim names are part of the

“stigmatised identity” of Muslims in Western societies (Khosravi, 2012, p.65) and Muslims often change their names in order to reduce the possibility of their employment applications being rejected (Colic-Peisker, 2009) as reported by one of the participants in this study whose husband had changed his name to increase his chances of both employment and being provided with residential accommodation.

Nationality and ethnicity

Interestingly, some of the findings of this study are inconsistent with previous studies with respect to the impact of ethnicity and nationality on the employment of female as well as 171

male migrants from developing countries (AlAriss & Ozbilgin, 2010). Participants of this study perceived that ethnicity or nationality did not play a significant role on their recruitment for the labour force. Kasra’s (Male, 55, humanitarian visa holder) narrative is indicative of this, “ethnicity might play a role but it plays a minor role. The main barrier is having no work experience from Australia so you cannot say that nationality and ethnicity play a very big role. Elsewhere Hadi (Male, 32, humanitarian visa holder) explained that, “nationality, being

Iranian no not at all. Not even 1%. If you have the required skills that they need they are ready to pay 6000 dollars to sponsor you and they don’t care about your nationality. Not at all.”

According to the above select narratives provided by the participants while their nationality or ethnicity might not have had an impact on obtaining employment during the recruitment process but there were few cases where their nationality impacted their workplace experiences. For instance, Hadi (Male, 32, humanitarian visa holder) talked about how media has shaped the perception of his colleagues at workplace, “you know when someone is persecuted and sentenced to capital punishment because of fraud, the next day they rush to me at work and ask a lot of questions about it and say how can capital punishment still be practiced in Iran? Or elsewhere Sanaz (Female, 38, non-humanitarian visa holder) said,

“when something happens in Iran and they show it on TV I really don’t want to go to work. I get bombarded with uncomfortable questions.”

Discussion

Migrants’ employment in their host society goes beyond the possession of skills, educational qualifications, and economic achievement (AlAriss & Syed, 2011). Migrants’ employment is shaped by their “perceptions and experiences in the host society and its occupational opportunity structure” (Syed, 2008, p.29), as well as social markers of gender, race, ethnicity, and religion (Syed & Pio, 2010). 172

Australian National Law, Public Service Act (1999), Anti-discrimination Act (1991), and Australian Human Rights Commission Act (1986), ensure the provision of equal employment opportunities to migrants irrespective of their ethnicity, gender, race or religion.

However, literature questions “the fairness of employment opportunities” for migrants in the economic, legal, and societal context of Australia especially for those who come from culturally dissimilar societies to their society of settlement (Syed, 2008, p.30). This is also evident in the experiences of migrants who move from developing countries to developed countries (AlAriss & Syed, 2011; Ouaked, 2002; Syed, 2008).

Inequality in provision of employment opportunities to migrants in the context of

Australia has previously been addressed in the literature (see, for example, Booth, Leigh, &

Varganova, 2012; Syed & Pio, 2010). For instance, in Australia migrants from Asian countries encounter challenges in finding employment as a result of their ethnic identity, lack of competence in English language, and the qualifications they bring from their countries of origin (Syed, 2008). Booth et al.’s study (2012) of occupational trajectories of ethnic minority populations in Australia found that Middle Easterners have less opportunities for employment and have a lower rate of “call-backs” for interviews. Likewise, Syed and Pio’s (2010) study of Muslim migrant women in Sydney, Australia, showed the eminent and challenging role their social and religious markers (e.g., hijab) had on their employment opportunities and experiences in the organizations in which they worked. Hebbani’s study (2014) also showed the adverse impact of visible difference and religious attire (Hijab) on the employment outcome of Somali women in Queensland, Australia.

While barriers associated with employment also impact the native-born job seekers, there are however distinctions between native and non-native job seekers including lack of familiarity with the labour market, lack of local qualifications and experience, as well as lack of social networks (Campion, 2018). Previous literature has highlighted the vital role that 173

having local experience has played on the employment opportunities provided to migrants

(Birrell & Healy, 2008; Hawthorne, 1997; Ho, 2006; Syed, 2008; Syed & Pio, 2010).

Consistent with previous findings, the non-humanitarian visa participants in this study also identified lack of local experience, networking, and connections as the most prevalent obstacles to their labour market participation.

Data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2009) show that upon settlement in

Australia, only 29% of skilled migrants were employed in professional jobs and the remaining ended up working in labour related jobs. However, it was further reported that the same trend did not last for long, as the migrants secured professional jobs with the passage of time (ABS, 2009). The literature, however, suggests otherwise. The rising number of skilled migrants in developed countries, including Australia, following the modification of government policies to increase the number of skilled migrants as well as the growing number of professionals within Australia, have made the labour market significantly competitive (Syed, 2008). For instance, Birrell’s (2018) research report on Australia’s skilled migration programme shows that only a very small number of recent migrants who are professionals are employed in professional positions. Further, skilled migrants in Australia are “disadvantaged and misunderstood” (Syed, 2008, p.30). These migrants have been portrayed as “economic beings” (Ho, 2006, p. 2) and the impact of societal and socio-cultural factors on their occupational trajectories has often been a neglected area of research (AlAriss

& Syed, 2011; Syed, 2008).

Prior to being granted skilled visas, skilled migrants in Australia must meet the eligibility requirements based on points-tested selection criteria (Cully, 2011). Despite going through robust and stringent selection criteria and assessment, these skilled migrants, especially women, are confronted with issues related to labour force participation which can lead to their exclusion (Webb et al., 2013). On the other hand, the appropriate utilisation of 174

these skills can lead to social inclusion (Hawthorne 2008; Hugo, 2008). As illustrated above, skilled migrants of this study faced more challenges in the labour market despite having qualifications and work experience. These migrants perceived that their qualifications and long experiences would guarantee employment. However, both male and female skilled visa participants were more “disadvantaged” as compared to other participants in their cohort leading to health consequences.

The narratives further illustrate the discrepancy between the perceptions of participants and their actual experiences. When migrants’ preconceived ideas about the destination country do not match their experiences in the destination country, this is referred to as

Expectancy Violation (Negy, Schwartz, & Reig-Ferrer, 2009). Often, the unrealistic portrayal of the settlement country through media or family and friends raises high expectations prior to migration. When such expectations are not met, they result in great dissatisfaction and higher acculturative stress (Negy et al., 2009), as well as maladaptation (Searle & Ward,

1990). Expectancy violation greatly influenced experiences of especially the skilled-visa cohort of this study in terms of employment. Participants who believed they would smoothly transition into the labour market in Australia or would find employment in their areas of expertise based on their skills were more dissatisfied.

Refugee studies on the other hand reinforce the point that language proficiency is a major obstacle to labour market participation (Colic-Peisker, 2009; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury,

2007) which also tends to limit connections and social networks (Campion, 2018). Lack of proficiency in English language can expose refugees to more discrimination (Syed & Pio,

2010), thus limiting their employment opportunities (Campion, 2018). While the trend of unemployment starts when they are still asylum seekers this trend continues even when they have been granted refugee status (Fleay & Hartley, 2016). In the current study, even though higher education, certifications from TAFE as a means to upgrade skills and degrees, and 175

self-employment were the strategies adopted by the humanitarian cohort to increase their chances of labour market integration, most of these participants attributed their lack of success in securing employment or permanent employment to lack of English language proficiency and other structural barriers (as mentioned above).

There is also growing evidence showing the negative impact of gender-related occupational barriers (Ho, 2006; Syed & Pio, 2012; Webb et al., 2013; Evans & Bowlby,

2000). Previous research showed that household duties, family and domestic responsibilities and obligations especially for women who come from collectivist cultures has impeded their labour market participation (Akua-Sakyiwah, 2016; Syed & Pio, 2010). Additionally, Muslim migrant women in Australia face what is termed as “triple jeopardy (ethnicity/religion, gender, migration)” (Syed & Pio, 2010, p. 132).

Syed and Pio’s (2010) study of the occupational trajectories and experiences of Muslim migrant women (Afghani, Iranian, and Pakistani) in Sydney Australia, suggests that employment experiences of professional Muslim migrant women are shaped by their religious and ethnic background, as well as their religious attire. Their study found that the

Islamic religious attire, that is the Hijab, proves to be an obstacle for Muslim migrant women in Australia. The literature also shows that Muslim women’s religious attire, Hijab, has attracted hostile and prejudiced attitudes as a result of ongoing Islamophobia and stereotypes attached to Muslim women and their religion (AlAriss & Ozbilgin, 2010; Ho, 2007;

Mansouri et al., 2006; Syed & Pio, 2010). Wearing the Hijab can also lead to social exclusion of Muslim women and can have an adverse impact on their ability to obtain and sustain employment (Ho, 2007). However, given that there was only one woman in this study who wore the Hijab no conclusions can be drawn on the impact of Hijab on employment experiences of Iranian women who are religiously identifiable in Australia. 176

In general, Iranian migrants in this study said they used various strategies to overcome the structural barriers surrounding employment. This reflects their positive attitude and eagerness to participate in the labour market. The unemployed participants (both male and female) said they were keen to find work. It is also worth noting that it was difficult for many participants to specify whether discrimination led to their inability to find employment.

Previous literature has shown that migrants from Middle Eastern countries are reserved in openly talking about sensitive issues and often generalize these issues by referring to them as difficulties that impact everyone. For instance, Tilbury’s (2006) study showed that when asked from the Middle Eastern cohort whether they believed their lack of success in employment was due to discrimination, the respondents were unwilling to give direct answers and indicated that these issues are for everyone around the world. This indicates that often times Middle Easterners are more cautious in the answers they provide as was the case with the current study.

The next section discusses the various demographic variables that impacted on the settlement and acculturation experiences of the participants in this study.

Impact of Demographic Variables on Settlement

Various socio-demographic variables exert an influence on the experiences of migrants in their new milieu (Burnett, 1998; Henderson, 2004; Richardson et. al., 2004; Sam & Berry,

2006b). Hence, it is important to understand what factors imping on the settlement and integration of the migrants. To this end, the third research question of this study was formulated to investigate if demographic factors (self-report data) such as language proficiency, education level, age, gender, length of stay, city of origin (in Iran), marital status, and visible differences were in anyway associated with participants’ settlement experiences.

The next section highlights the impact of these socio-demographic variables on not only the participants’ settlement, but also on their social, cultural, economic, and political 177

integration. This information for the humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders is

presented separately.

Language proficiency

Competence in the host society’s language exerts a great influence on all aspects of a

migrants’ life including settlement, integration, employment, and social interactions (Ager &

Strang, 2008; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007; Hugo, 2011; Kim, 1995; Richardson et al.,

2004). For this purpose, the participants were rated on their English and Farsi22 language

proficiency. Their proficiency in both English and Farsi was self-rated. It is worth noting that

since their language proficiency was self-rated therefore it is also likely to be subjective.

The humanitarian visa holders

The table below (Table 6) presents the data on self-rated English language proficiency of

humanitarian visa holders (both genders) on their written and spoken English.

Table 6 Self-rated data on English language proficiency for humanitarian cohort Female Humanitarian Male Humanitarian Reading English Proficiency (n=10) (n=10) Not at all 0 0 A little 2 0 Rather Fluent 3 7 Fluent 5 3 Writing English Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 5 1 Rather Fluent 2 6 Fluent 3 3 Speaking English Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 3 0 Rather Fluent 4 7 Fluent 3 3

22 Farsi/Persian is the official language spoken in Iran. 178

Humanitarian visa participants self-rated themselves on their English (reading, writing,

and speaking). As indicated in the above table (Table 6) most participants are proficient with

reading. However, more men rated their English writing as fluent compared to women who

appear to have relatively lower English writing skills. In addition, more men consider

themselves as fluent in speaking English as compared to women.

The participants were also rated on their written and spoken Farsi language proficiency.

They self-rated themselves on their Farsi proficiency on the three skills of reading, writing, and

speaking.

Table 7 Self-rated data on Farsi language proficiency for humanitarian cohort Female Humanitarian Male Humanitarian Reading Farsi Proficiency (n=10) (n=10) Not at all 0 0 A little 0 0 Rather Fluent 0 0 Fluent 10 10 Writing Farsi Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 0 0 Rather Fluent 1 0 Fluent 9 10 Speaking Farsi Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 0 0 Rather Fluent 0 0 Fluent 10 10

As shown in Table 7, both genders self-rated their Farsi proficiency as ‘fluent’ in both

written and spoken Farsi and in the three skills that they were rated on.

Humanitarian visa participants (4/20: the breakdown is 2/10 female and 2/10 male) who

had been in Australia longer (having arrived between 1980-1997) rated their English 179

proficiency higher (All fluent in all skills) as compared to (14/2023) other humanitarian visa participants who had been in Australia for shorter duration (having arrived between 2008-

2015). Thus, it appears that length of stay exerts an influence on linguistic adaptation.

The non-humanitarian visa holders

Participants of the non-humanitarian cohort were also rated on their spoken and written English and Farsi proficiency. They self-rated themselves on their English and Farsi proficiency on the three skills of reading, writing, and speaking.

Table 8 Self-rated English language proficiency for non-humanitarian participants Female Non-humanitarian Male Non-humanitarian Reading English Proficiency (n=10) (n=10) Not at all 0 0 A little 1 0 Rather Fluent 2 3 Fluent 7 7 Writing English Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 1 0 Rather Fluent 3 4 Fluent 6 6 Speaking English Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 1 0 Rather Fluent 3 1 Fluent 6 9

As indicated in the above table (Table 8) most participants are proficient with reading and writing. However, more men appear to consider themselves as more fluent in speaking

English as compared to women.

23Two other participants in this cohort also rated their proficiency in English as all fluent. 180

Table 9 Self-rated data on Farsi language proficiency for non-humanitarian cohort Female Non-humanitarian Male Non-humanitarian Reading Farsi Proficiency (n=10) (n=10) Not at all 0 0 A little 0 0 Rather Fluent 0 0 Fluent 10 10 Writing Farsi Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 0 0 Rather Fluent 0 0 Fluent 10 10 Speaking Farsi Proficiency Not at all 0 0 A little 0 0 Rather Fluent 0 0 Fluent 10 10

As shown in Table 9 both male and female non-humanitarian visa participants’ Farsi proficiency in written and spoken Farsi was ‘fluent’.

Discussion

Literature has shown that language proficiency exerts an influence on the employment outcome of migrants (Hebbani & Preece, 2015; Hebbani & Colic-Peisker, 2012). English proficiency has shown to increase the chances of labour market integration (Colic-Peisker &

Tilbury, 2007; Hugo, 2011). In this study, language proficiency exerted a great influence on the employment outcome of the humanitarian visa participants. The participants who did not have a very good command of English were more likely to be unemployed, self-employed, not have permanent employment or work in areas other than their qualifications and expertise.

English courses are offered over 510 hours by the Australian government for humanitarian visa holders known as the ‘Adult Migrant English Program’ (AMEP). While 181

the participants acknowledged the positive impact of these classes on their socio-cultural adaptation and one participant referred to them as a “blessing”, some participants (6/20) perceived that these classes have not assisted them with their labour market integration. For instance, one of these participants Hasti (Female, 46, humanitarian visa holder) said, “I did go to the TAFE English classes but these classes have not prepared me for the job market. I mean the English I have learned in these classes is not enough for me to join the job market.”

Likewise, the humanitarian visa participants believed that incompetency in English was one of the reasons that restricted their social interaction with the Australian community at large. Language proficiency has been established as a barrier to refugee settlement in

Australia (Colic-Peisker, 2009) and is the key to successful intercultural communication and interpersonal relationships (Kim, 1977). Knowing that interpersonal interaction with the host nationals would improve language proficiency, expose the migrants to the lifestyle of the host nationals, and would greatly assist with social inclusion (Kim, 2001), this is an opportunity for humanitarian visa holders to actually increase any chance of such interactions with

English-speaking Australians to gain more experience and practice with those for whom

English is a first language.

The importance of language proficiency is also significant for the non-humanitarian visa participants. Being from a non-English speaking background (NESB) was perceived by the participants to make entry to the workforce challenging. Also, the participants believed that being from a NESB background led employers to place less trust on them and thus providing them with less opportunities (see the employment section in this chapter). For these participants, this also manifested itself in differences in communication styles of Iran and

Australia. This is how one participant portrayed his experience:

My job requires great proficiency in English. I don’t mean everyday English. I

mean the type of English you would use to promote yourself and sell your work. I 182

work in the area of Arts and I can never establish myself like a native-speaker.

(Omid, male, 32, non-humanitarian visa holder)

Education level was another demographic factor that was explored in this study. Below is a discussion of the impact of this factor.

Education level

Participants on humanitarian visas

In the humanitarian cohort 3/10 of the female participants had university education from Iran (1 had a Bachelor’s degree, 1 had finished 2 semesters of university and one had studied at university for one year). Out of these three female participants two were unemployed and one was self-employed.

After resettlement in Australia, 4/10 female participants had sought education from

Australian educational institutions (1 had a Master’s degree and 3 had Bachelor’s degrees from Australian universities) and 5/10 female participants had vocational training from TAFE

Australia. Of the four participants who had a degree from an Australian university, 1 was unemployed, 2 were self-employed, and 1 was employed part-time. Of the 5 female participants who held a TAFE certificate 2 were unemployed, 2 were self-employed, and 1 was on pension. Only one female participant had not attended any TAFE courses or had not sought education upon resettlement in Australia due to the great trauma she had suffered as a woman at risk and later on in detention. However, she was very proactive in finding employment.

The male humanitarian visa holders also had university degrees from Iran (4/10)

(Associate degree and Bachelor’s degrees). Five out of the ten male participants (5/10) had completed high school and (1/10) had a vocational training certificate from Iran. Upon resettlement in Australia 4/10 of the male cohort had sought education in Australia (1

Master’s and 3 Bachelor’s degrees) and 5/10 had a TAFE certificate from Australia. Of the 5 183

male participants who held a TAFE certificate 3 were unemployed. Only 1/10 male participant had not sought education or training after resettling in Australia.

Participants on non-humanitarian visas

All female non-humanitarian visa participants (10/10) had a university degree (5

Bachelor’s degrees and 5 Master’s degrees) as opposed to 8/10 men (3 Master’s degrees, 3

Bachelor’s degrees, and 2 had completed high school) with a university degree from Iran.

The fact that the male cohort had less university degrees from Iran as compared to the female cohort was that 2 men had left Iran upon completing their high school education.

An equal number of female (6/10) and male (6/10) participants had sought tertiary education in Australia; of these, 4 men had a Master’s degree and 2 had doctorate degrees, and 4 women had doctorate degrees and 2 had a Master’s degree. Only 2/10 females and 3/10 males had not furthered their education in Australia. The rest of the participants (3/20: the breakdown is 1/10 male and 2/10 female) had TAFE certificates.

Discussion

Education level and employment

The humanitarian visa participants had resorted to several strategies to overcome their unemployment (For more information, please refer to the employment section in this

Chapter). These included self-employment, seeking further education, and further training.

Self-employment was an alternative to overcome the adverse impact of unemployment and to support family members or themselves financially. However, self-employment was not stable and there were times when they were without work or payment for weeks.

In the humanitarian cohort, level of education, language proficiency, and length of stay impinged on the employment outcome of these participants. The participants (both genders) who had stayed longer in Australia (having arrived between 1980-1997), had obtained university degrees from Australia, and were more proficient in English had better 184

employment outcomes (All were employed). In addition, they had better occupational status.

For the more recent participants on the other hand (having arrived between 2008-2015), language proficiency played a more important role than their education level or qualifications and degrees.

Participants of the humanitarian cohort pointed out that their number one barrier to their employment has been lack of proficiency in English. To further enhance their probability of gaining employment in Australia, they had sought both training (vocational training) and higher education in Australia but that did not necessarily lead to better employment outcomes. Thus, it appears that education by itself, as a standalone variable, did not translate to better employment opportunities.

The findings of this study lend support to previous findings in the literature that language proficiency not only plays a vital role on the employment outcome but also the occupational status of the migrants (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007; Hugo, 2011; De Vroome

& Van Tubergen, 2010). The humanitarian participants who had stayed longer had better employment outcome as they were more proficient in English and were more likely to have occupational status that was commensurate with their expertise and qualifications.

Even for the non-humanitarian visa participants in this study, it appears that degrees from Iran did not translate into securing employment. Similarly, the non-humanitarian visa participants (15/20) resorted to retraining and further education to find their way into the labour market. The participants who had no degrees from Australia believed that lack of qualifications from Australia had led to lack of employment (this is comprehensively elaborated on in the employment section). For instance, for the non-humanitarian cohort degrees from Australia and other developed countries played a major role on their employment. 185

Unlike the humanitarian visa participants, the non-humanitarian visa participants were less likely to be self-employed. Some had contemplated to leave their families behind in

Australia and go back to Iran if unsuccessful in joining the labour market. This is what

Henderson (2004) refers to as “astronauting” which is defined as, “the return of one (or more) member of a family to the country of origin to work while the rest of the family remains in the country of settlement” (Henderson, 2004, p.19).

Education level and acculturation

Education level could have also exerted an influence on the type of acculturation strategy adopted. As discussed earlier (see acculturation strategies section) integration was the most preferred and adopted acculturation strategy for the participants in this study. Since the participants of both cohorts were educated, they could have been more open to accepting the cultural norms of the receiving society and more willing and open to engage with their host society.

Age Age is an important aspect of migration that impacts on all aspects of a migrant’s life

(Sam & Berry, 2006; Richardson et al., 2004). Thus, this study explored the impact of age on the settlement experiences of the participants of this study. The tables below (Table 10 & 11) demonstrate the median age and the age range for the humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa participants.

Table 10 Age range for humanitarian visa holders Female Humanitarian Male Humanitarian Age (n=10) M (n=10) M 10-19 0 41.7 0 36.1 20-29 1 1 30-39 4 6 40-49 3 2 50-59 1 1 Older than 59 1 0 Not specified 0 0 186

Table 11 Age range for the non-humanitarian visa holders Female Humanitarian Male Humanitarian Age (n=10) M (n=10) M 10-19 0 38.9 0 39.8 20-29 1 1 30-39 5 5 40-49 3 3 50-59 0 1 Older than 59 1 0 Not specified 0 0

The participants of both cohorts (humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders) can be categorized to those below the age of 30 (n = 4), 30 to 39 years old (n = 20), 40 to 49 years old (n = 11) and 50 and older (n = 5). Age group for these participants fits into the category of “young adults”24 (Below the age of 30), “adults” (30 to 39 years old), “middle-aged adults” (40 to 49 years old), and “older adults” (50 and older) (Diehl, Coyle, & Labouvie-

Vief, 1996). The findings indicate that younger age appears to have a negative impact on initial settlement. That is “younger adults” (Below the age of 30) and “adults” (30 to 39 years old) reported more issues at initial settlement. Younger age was not an advantage as it did not lessen the difficulties associated with initial settlement as well as socio-cultural adaptation.

Participants who were relatively recent arrivals were in a younger age group than the migrants who had lived in Australia for longer. These participants were confronted with more issues during settlement, making the settlement for humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders equally challenging. For instance, Mahsa (Female, humanitarian visa holder), who was the youngest female participant (27 years old) had endured great difficulty during initial settlement due to lack of information, misinformation, and huge differences between how the social system operates in Iran and Australia. Even though she was provided with a

24These age group categorizations are adapted from Diehl, Coyle, and Labouvie-Vief’s study (1996). 187

social/caseworker, she had not found that to be very helpful. Being younger did not make labour market integration any easier for her either as she was also less proficient in English at the time of resettlement. Also, Shadi (Female, non-humanitarian visa holder) who was another younger participant (29) had more difficulty adapting and acculturating and her younger age did not foster a great sense of belonging. She demonstrated her experience as such:

You know when I first came here I cried for the first six months. Even though I was

young I had a lot of difficulties with accepting the culture and everything. Not

having family and friends was also a big thing. Employment was a struggle as well.

I had to do voluntary work for the first year when I came here [Australia].

Discussion

One would assume that younger participants may be more proficient in English, may be more adaptable to difference, and have better employment outcomes when compared to older participants. There are inconclusive results on the impact of age on the migration experiences in the literature. Richardson et al.’s study (2004) showed that younger age positively impacts on employment. Yeh’s study (2003) of Asian immigrant youth in the USA showed the positive impact of younger age on acculturation and mental health. Other studies, on the other hand, have shown older age lessens the psychological consequences of racial discrimination

(Yip, Gee, & Takeuchi, 2008) or the adolescents are among the age group to have the least adaptability and as a result exhibiting more health consequences (Ager, 1993; Ahearn &

Athey, 1991).

The findings of this study did not lend support to the assumption that younger age at the time of migration leads to better settlement experience, adaptation, and employment outcomes. In addition, the younger participants were not necessarily more proficient in

English than the older participants. One reason could be that these migrants had immigrated 188

to Australia after the age of 25, have been mostly exposed to Iranian culture and have had most of their schooling in Iran. Perhaps length of stay plays a greater role on settlement and acculturation as there is more exposure to the host language and culture as well as familiarity with the host society.

Age is also said to impact one’s identification with their ethnicity. Younger immigrants identify with their ethnic identity less as compared to older immigrants (Yip, Gee, &

Takeuchi, 2008). In this study age had no impact on identity formation, however, length of stay and mode of migration did (see length of stay in this section).

Gender

This study found that gender had a positive impact on the social and cultural integration of female migrants and no impact for the male migrants. Female participants of both cohorts talked about the positive impact of gender on their settlement as well as social and cultural integration. The following participants provided their accounts in regard to the impact of gender on their experiences in Australia:

It is easier to be a woman here. Hijab is not compulsory [here in Australia] for

women like Iran. They consider more rights for women. The law and the system

protect women more than men I believe. For this, I think being a woman is a

bonus here. (Sanaz, female, 38, non-humanitarian visa holder)

To be frank, Australia is my second home and second country, because it has

given me peace and safety. The kind of support I get from the government is very

valuable for me and I am thankful for it. I am in a country that respects its

citizens. As a single mother and a lonely woman, the government supports me.

My sense of security and safety is high. (Mandana, female, 46, humanitarian visa

holder) 189

I think being a woman has helped me in many places, because in this country,

women are very valued and, in this respect, I have a much better feeling than my

own country. The fact that government protects women is very valuable for me.

(Sima, female, 34, humanitarian visa holder)

Upon moving to Australia, there was not a great change in gender roles, despite moving to a more egalitarian culture with decreased power distance, as compared to Iranian culture.

Only three out of twenty female participants reported the change of gender roles impacting on their experiences. One married woman (1/20) said that her husband has drastically changed as a result of the context of Australia and recognizes partnership in for instance household duties. Two other female participants who were divorced/separated after migration to

Australia attributed this to the change in their gender roles (see the marital status section in this Chapter).

Importantly, the results of this study suggest that gender had a negative impact on employment. Women were more likely to be unemployed as compared to men (see employment section in this chapter).

Discussion

Literature has pointed out that there are gendered differences in the acculturation process of migrants and their mental health (Ghuman, 2000; Lee et al., 2000; Nguyen &

Peterson, 1992). Gender has also shown to impact employment (Richardson et al., 2004).

Previous literature has indicated that unemployment rate of female migrants is higher in

Australia especially in regional and rural areas (Massey & Parr, 2012). Also, women are more likely not to join the labour market than their male counterparts (Richardson et al., 2004).

This study also found that more female participants in both cohorts were unemployed than their male counterparts (7/20 female as compared to 5/20 male). 190

Further, among the women who were employed, the type of employment was

significantly different to that of men. Women were mostly self-employed as compared

to men who were employed either full-time or part-time. Women who were self-

employed were looking for permanent employment either part-time or full-time and

were unhappy with their employment condition. Upon resettlement, the female

participants (humanitarian cohort) who were without a male relative or partner or a

family member, had no choice but to be self-sufficient and find a source of income to

support themselves. These female participants indicated that self-employment was an

alternative to their unemployment and they were very much willing to find permanent

employment or a “tax-paying job”.

Length of stay

The table (Table 12) below shows the average length of stay for both humanitarian and

non-humanitarian visa participants in the study.

Table 12 Length of residence in Australia for humanitarian and non-humanitarian cohort Female Male Female Non- Male Non- Length of Residence in Humanitarian Humanitarian humanitarian humanitarian Australia M M M M 10.08 8.04 9.06 7.06

The participants held a perception that the longer length of stay in Australia has had a

positive impact on their integration and adaptation. Longer length of residence seemed to

have eased the stress and uncertainty associated with initial settlement and allowed these

participants to navigate the social and legal system of Australia. This is how one participant

talked about the impact of her length of residence in Australia:

The longer you stay, the more you become acquainted with the life and lifestyle in

Australia. After our initial 3 years, everything was much smoother. Initially, we 191

lost a lot of energy and money to settle, but now we know everything. (Nazanin,

female, 34, non-humanitarian visa holder)

As indicated above, longer length of stay eased linguistic and socio-cultural adaptation.

This is in line with Miglietta and Tartaglia’s (2009) study on the impact of length of stay on the acculturation of 576 immigrants from Romania, North Africa, and Latin America in Italy.

The results of their study showed that length of stay impacted on the acculturation of these migrants. These migrants had become more competent in the language and culture of their host country with media consumption in the host society playing a vital role. Longer length of stay also impacted on identity construction of the participants of this study. The longer the length of stay the more identification with the hyphenated identity of Iranian-Australian.

Iranians who had stayed in Australia for longer periods of time had developed the hyphenated identity of Iranian-Australian (8/40) as compared to Iranians who had stayed for a shorter period and adopted the Iranian identity (27/40) (see the identity section in this chapter).

City of origin

This study attempted to investigate if there was a difference in acculturation and settlement trajectory between those participants who came from cosmopolitan cities in Iran such as Tehran as compared to moving to Australia from a regional town such as Zabol.

Table 13

City of origin of the humanitarian cohort

Female Humanitarian Male Humanitarian City of Origin (n=10) (n=10) Tehran 4 6 Esfahan 0 2 Shiraz 4 1 Mashhad 0 1 Rasht 0 0 Bandar Abbas 1 0 Gorgan 0 0 Zabol 1 0 192

Table 14

City of origin of the non-humanitarian cohort

Female Non-humanitarian Male Non-Humanitarian City of Origin (n=10) (n=10) Tehran 7 7 Esfahan 1 1 Shiraz 1 0 Mashhad 0 1 Rasht 1 0 Bandar Abbas 0 0 Gorgan 0 1 Zabol 0 0

Participants of this study had come from four major cosmopolitan Tier 1 Iranian cities

(Tehran, Esfahan, Shiraz, Mashhad) and few from smaller regional Tier 2 & 3 Iranian cities

(Rasht, Bandar Abbas, Gorgan, and Zabol). As seen in tables 13 and 14, 60% of the participants (24/40) came from Tehran (Iran’s capital city). City of origin to some extent exerted an influence on the migration pathway. More humanitarian participants came from

Shiraz and Tehran and the non-humanitarian participants mostly came from Tehran than other cities of Iran. City of origin also exerted an influence on the expectation of the participants. As many of these participants had come from Tehran (a major metropolitan area in Iran and the second largest in the Middle East) or other major cities of Iran, this could explain the reason as to why the participants experienced expectancy violation in terms of employment outcomes (For more details, please see employment section in this chapter).

Marital status

Marital status as another demographic variable was investigated in this study so as to find out its impact on the settlement experiences of the participants in this study. The tables below (Tables 15 & 16) show the marital status of participants in this study (Both cohorts and both genders). 193

Table 15 Marital status of the humanitarian cohort

Female Humanitarian Male Humanitarian Marital Status (n=10) (n=10) Married 4 4 Separated 0 0 Divorced 3 3 De Facto 1 0 Widowed 0 0 Single 2 3 Other 0 0

Table 16 Marital status of the non-humanitarian cohort

Female Non- humanitarian Male Non-humanitarian Marital Status (n=10) (n=10) Married 7 4 Separated 1 1 Divorced 1 2 De Facto 1 0 Widowed 0 0 Single 0 3 Other 0 0

As indicated in the above tables (Table 15 & 16) 9 out of the 40 participants (both cohorts and both genders) who took part in this study were divorced and 2/40 were separated

(The total number is 11/40). Of the 9 participants who were divorced 3 were divorced prior to migrating to Australia and attributed this to reasons other than migration. On the other hand, the other 8 participants who were either divorced or separated post migration attributed their marital conflict and the end of their relationship to issues that arose as a direct result of migration. This is how Mehran (Male, 40, non-humanitarian visa holder) a father of two narrated his experience, “well, when I came to Australia, everything was good, but I think the pressure of migration and difficulties with life in Australia led to our divorce unfortunately.” 194

Atena (Female, 33, non-humanitarian visa holder), another participant, who had migrated to Australia with her husband, was unemployed in Iran but now employed in

Australia. She believed the fact that she has become more autonomous and there has been a change in her way of socializing post migration led to their marriage breakdown. This is how she described her situation, “all the problems started when we moved to Australia. My husband didn’t approve of my lifestyle and socialization here so we separated.”

Neda (34, non-humanitarian visa holder), another female participant who was also unemployed in Iran and now employed in Australia believed that migration had exerted a great influence on her marital life, “it was because of this immigration that unfortunately my married life ended 3 years ago. Australia is a society where divorced women are supported more by the government and the system and as a result of this, I feel safer and more secure here.”

Discussion

Past research has shown that some couples may experience marital conflict in their relationship as a result of migration (Guruge, Shirpak, Hyman, Zanchetta, Gastaldo, &

Sidani, 2010; Lee, 2005; Hyman, Guruge, & Mason, 2008). The decision to migrate, in and of itself, can be made at an individual as well as a familial level. However, literature shows that women from traditional patriarchal societies might have less say in their choice to migrate exhibiting psychological consequences (Rogler, 1994) and thus impacting their marital life (Hyman et al., 2008).

Change of gender roles and the status of women as a result of migration can make women more autonomous than men (Hugo, 2005). In the current study, two of the women who had ended their relationship after settlement in Australia were unemployed in Iran.

However, upon settlement in Australia they had joined the labour market and were now employed. They believed that upon migration to Australia and joining the labour market they 195

had become more independent and autonomous and as a result it had caused a strain on their relationship. Hence, it can be concluded that there appears to be a connection between the change of gender roles and marital conflict.

On the other hand, socially, divorce is more acceptable in Australia as compared to

Iran so it is possible that some women were able to take this step or even consider it now that they were living in Australia. These results are purely presented as told by participants and I am cognizant that there very well may have been other factors which have contributed to the decline in the quality of the marriage, and not just migration.

Visible differences

Literature has shown that migrants who are ethnically and racially visible encounter more challenges in Australia as compared to the migrants who are not as easily identifiable in a predominantly Anglo-Australian society (Colic-Peisker, 2009; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury,

2007; Dandy & Pepua, 2010). Colic- Peisker defines “visible difference” as:

The ethnic characteristics that make immigrants distinct in the Australian

(western, English-speaking) social context and among a predominantly white

population. This can be based on race (skin colour, physical and facial features),

or accent and publicly observable cultural differences, such as attire (often to do

with religion, e.g. Muslim hijab) (2009, p.176).

Participants in this study perceived that visible differences played an insignificant role on their settlement as Iranians are generally of fair complexion and can easily be taken as being from Southern European countries (e.g. Greeks, Italians). In addition, as most Iranians are not religiously identifiable, they might not fit into the category of Asian/Muslim/Middle

Easterner. A participant, Shadi (Female, 29, non-humanitarian visa holder), believed that owing to the fact that she is not identifiable as an Iranian, visible difference has not had an impact on her experience, “I think Iranians are not very much identifiable. Most people think 196

we are from Southern Europe or the Mediterranean. They won’t know unless they specifically ask. Many would initially think I am Greek.”

On the other hand, while most participants (25/40) in this study perceived that physical/racial differences played an insignificant role on their settlement, other markers

(such as accent and country of origin) had a negative impact on their experiences and how others viewed them. For instance, Ramin, a participant, narrated his experiences as follows:

They always think I am Spanish or Italian so they immediately approach me and

want to make friends with me but when they ask me where are you from? And I

tell them Iran, they change, the conversation and the attitude changes. (Male, 32,

humanitarian visa holder)

On the other hand, the participants who were visibly identifiable due to their code of dressing or darker complexions talked about the negative impact of these on their experiences. For instance, the only one participant who was visibly identifiable as a Muslim due to wearing a hijab believed that her Muslim dress created certain negative impressions.

This is how she explained her experience, “well, you know the first thing I am judged with wherever I go is my Hijab and they don’t like it” (Hasti, female, 46, humanitarian visa holder).

Another participant, Roya (Female, 34, humanitarian visa holder) who had a darker complexion found her visible difference exerting a negative influence on her settlement. She said, “they treat me badly because I believe I don’t have blond hair or blue eyes or fair skin. I am easily identifiable as a non-Aussie so for them I am an outsider.”

The findings clearly demonstrate that for those who do not fit in the category of

Muslim/Middle Easterner/Asian, the predominantly Anglo-Australian context of Australia is more tolerant as compared to those who are racially and religiously identifiable. 197

Summary

Iranian migrants generally had a positive outlook towards Australians and life in

Australia in spite of the challenges they faced in different spheres of life. The egalitarian context of Australia played a crucial role in this satisfaction as many of these participants enjoyed the religious and social freedom in Australia that they lacked in Iran. As indicated above various factors exerted an influence on the lives of the participants in this study.

However, no factor played a role as a standalone single variable. All these factors were interrelated. The next chapter discusses the conclusions drawn from the findings of the study.

It also presents the directions for future research as well as the implications of the study in the areas of practice and policy.

198

Chapter 5: Conclusions and Implications Introduction

The main aim of this study was to address the settlement challenges that confront

Iranian migrants, as well as their acculturation process, social inclusion, and integration in the

Australian context. This study adopted a qualitative approach to give voice to the participants and to provide a deeper understanding of their experiences in contemporary Australia.

This chapter begins by revisiting the research questions. The key research findings from these questions are addressed. Following this, contributions of this study are highlighted. The limitations of the study are presented and the directions for future research are proposed. The chapter ends with conclusions drawn from the findings and their implications in the areas of practice and policy are also presented.

Research Questions

The following research questions and sub-questions were investigated in this study.

This section also discusses the findings of the study, as well as the extent to which the data answered the research questions.

Research question 1

What are the settlement challenges faced by Iranian migrants in Australia?

Data from this study show Iranian participants interviewed in this study were confronted with various challenges upon settlement in Australia. The challenges impacted on all spheres of their life. The challenges identified were: a) Migration pathway, b) Their new context, c) Housing, d) Language barriers, e) Iranian community and intercommunity tensions, f) Perceived discrimination, and g) Employment (this is discussed in the answer to the second research question). Each of these is discussed briefly below. 199

Migration pathway

Participants interviewed in this study took up different migration trajectories. These included both voluntary and involuntary modes of migration. As a result, they were divided into two cohorts, namely humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders. The migration pathway exerted an influence on the settlement experiences of the participants. One had assumed the voluntary nature of migration would ease the settlement, as well as acculturation and adaptation processes for the non-humanitarian visa participants. However, the results of this study demonstrated that migration is an equally challenging process for both humanitarian and the non-humanitarian visa participants. For example, upon resettlement in

Australia the humanitarian visa participants were provided with support through settlement agencies including case workers, government subsidised housing, education, and utility facilities, as well as access to subsidised childcare. However, non-humanitarian visa participants lacked such support at initial settlement and only relied on their own resources such as financial resources which were often not sufficient. This caused great distress given that they also experienced a lengthy time transiting into the labour market. Lack of government support in the first two years of settlement was an issue raised by non- humanitarian visa participants especially the skilled visa participants.

Their new context

Displacement and migration to a new milieu present difficulties to all migrants irrespective of their migration trajectory. For the participants of this study these difficulties were compounded by lack of familiarity with life in Australia. Upon settlement in Australia, the participants found that variations in rules and regulations and how the social, legal, and economic system operates posed challenges during initial settlement. Also, moving from the

Eastern collectivist culture of Iran to the Western individualist culture of Australia presented further difficulties. 200

Likewise, owing to Iran’s limited international relations mostly with Western countries and the fact that Iranians in Iran are mostly exposed to the Iranian culture, Iran is not an ideal context in transferring information about Western countries or providing a context where people have the opportunity to be extensively in contact with people of other countries especially Western countries. This limits the migrants’ knowledge about their host society to information provided by their relatives or friends who have immigrated to those countries.

Also, these friends or relatives do not often portray a realistic picture of realities of life in their host countries. While informal forums were created online for the migrants by other migrants already settled in Australia, not all the participants were aware of these forums or found them useful.

Housing

There are variations regarding finding residential accommodation or housing between

Iran and Australia. For humanitarian visa participants lack of legal documents as well as lack of knowledge about housing in Australia was challenging. Some of the participants in the humanitarian cohort (mostly female) said they benefited from subsidised housing provided by the government as part of initial settlement support for humanitarian migrants. However, those who had not been provided with this service, found it challenging to provide the agencies with the documents they lacked. That experience also caused great distress.

Variations of the rules and regulations in finding residential accommodation between

Iran and Australia also impacted on the non-humanitarian visa participants. These participants also lacked some of the required documents such as utility bills from Australia or reference letters from their workplaces as they were not employed since arrival and could not provide such documents. These participants did not receive any support from the government with regard to housing. 201

Language Barriers

One of the key settlement challenges for the humanitarian visa participants was their lack of proficiency in English language. This also impacted on their labour market participation. Likewise, lack of English language proficiency limited the ability of the participants to interact socially with the host nationals.

The non-humanitarian cohort self-rated their proficiency in English to be higher.

However, coming from a non-English speaking background (NESB) did not help these participants in joining the labour force. The literature shows that migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds face more difficulty in the employment sector and are accorded less priority (Hawthorne, 1997, 2005; VandenHeuvel & Wooden, 1996). On the other hand, those from English speaking backgrounds (ESB) and European origin countries are given higher priority in Australia’s labour market as compared to those from the Middle Eastern and Asian countries who are also from non-English speaking backgrounds (NESB) (Hawthorne, 1997).

This highlights the importance of region of origin and language background as the primary indicators of labour market success in the Australian context (Hawthorne, 2005).

Iranian community and intercommunity tensions

Previous research shows that Iranian citizens residing overseas do not constitute a tight- knit community (Adibi, 1994; McAuliffe, 2007; Sreberny, 2000). For instance, Sreberny

(2000) states that in the UK ‘to ask “where is the Iranian community in London?” is to assume that one exists’ (p.183). Findings in this study show that the participants of this study had limited interaction with their co-ethnics25. What has prevented them from developing close relationships with other members of their community is the diversity within Iranian citizens. This was attributed by the participants to the vast political and religious differences and ideologies of Iranians in Australia which they believed could jeopardise their ties to their

25 Hereafter the term co-ethnic refers to other Iranians. 202

country of origin. For instance, Iranian Muslims, Baha’is, and Christians did not relate well or did not often interact out of fear. Also, those who opposed the current Iranian regime did not interact with migrants who did not hold a similar political view.

The study also found there were divisions between the more recently arrived and the more established migrants (i.e., those who migrated to Australia long ago). The participants suggested that the more established migrants did not intermix with the more recent migrants owing to suspicions about their political stance, their socioeconomic status, and also possible ties to the Iranian government. Participants’ interactions and interpersonal relationships were confined to their own circle of friends and not the broader Iranian community in Australia.

Perceived discrimination

This study found female participants reporting incidents of discrimination and racism more than male participants. The underreporting or denial of these incidents by male participants suggests that men were less open in disclosing this information. Literature has also shown the underreport of discrimination by men (Babacan & Hollinsworth, 2009; Dunn

& Nelson, 2011). The fact that Iranians are often not religiously visible and are often in contexts where overt manifestations of racism are low could also explain why their reported perceived discrimination was not very high. As shown in Tenty and Houston’s study (2013),

Iranians in Sydney, Australia, experienced less discrimination as compared to other Middle

Eastern and Muslim groups due to being less religiously identifiable.

Experiences of discrimination reported by participants were often attributed to different factors. One of these factors was a marked difference in speech. Accented speech was an indicator of perceived discrimination for the participants in this study.

Religious attire was another marker of difference. For instance, the one female participant who was religiously identifiable experienced more racism compared to other women. She attributed her experiences to her religious attire, Hijab. 203

Media was perceived as another factor in provoking and instigating discriminatory behaviours. Findings in this study clearly demonstrate that participants perceived the media as shaping prejudiced attitudes. The negative media portrayals of Middle Easterners and

Muslims in general obviously impacted the way participants of all religious backgrounds in this study were perceived in their host society. Some studies suggest negative media portrayal of Middle Easterners and Muslims may have contributed to negative perceptions of people from the region (Humphrey, 2007; Aly, 2007; Celermajer, 2007). These negative depictions have included criminalising Muslims or “culturalisation” of their crime (Humphrey, 2007, p.9), showing “bias” against Muslims (Aly, 2007, p.27), or “dehumanising portrayals of

Muslims” (Celermajer, 2007, p.103).

Neighbourhoods were also reported as places where incidents of discrimination/racism also occurred. Some participants reported their experiences of racism and discrimination by their neighbours. Certain neighbourhoods in Australia that have high concentrations of refugees have been reported to be places of conflict (Hebbani, Colic-Peisker, & Mackinnon,

2017).

Experiences of discrimination were also attributed to Australian government and immigration status, covert discrimination, and lack of knowledge about Iran that negatively impacted on the settlement and integration of the migrants (see Chapter 4).

Facilitators to initial settlement

Apart from the challenges that confronted the participants, other factors also contributed to their settlement experiences. For instance, previous migration experience and overseas travel eased their difficulties with cultural differences and acculturation. Provision of settlement support for the humanitarian entrants in the areas of housing, language classes, and Technical and Further Education (TAFE) classes were among the facilitators of initial settlement. 204

Research question 1a

a) Are there any differences in acculturation strategies adopted by these migrants?

Participants in this study believed in maintaining cultural balance between their heritage culture and their host society’s culture as a means of integrating into their host country. The most preferred acculturation strategy for the participants of this study was integration (see Chapter 2 for a description of acculturation strategies), nonetheless, their acculturation orientation and strategy varied depending on different domains and spheres of life therefore they had ‘selective adaptation’ (Navas et al., 2005). For instance, when it came to parenting, most parents said they adopted the separation strategy so as to ensure cultural transmission. The dominant challenge was the adoption of Iranian core values of parenting which were believed to have at times led to intergenerational conflicts between the parents and their children. These parents strongly believed in adhering to the parenting values of Iran as they did not validate the parenting values in Australia. This was one of the most challenging aspects of the cultural difference.

This study also found that, despite the participants’ determination to expand their social networks, they still experienced limited interaction with members of their ethnic community, as well as members of their host country. While Kim (2001) believes that extensive interactions with members of ethnic community will impede adaptation and integration into a host society and confine migrants to their ethnic ‘ghettos’, Chea et al.’s (2011) study showed ethnic interpersonal relationships had positive impact on migrants’ psychological health. In the case of the current study, diversity within the Iranian community was a major obstacle to the development of ethnic interpersonal relationships. This obstacle led to lack of sufficient social and emotional support especially during initial settlement in the host country.

Limited interaction with Australians was attributed to personal characteristics of members of the host country, lack of English language proficiency, and reluctance of the host 205

nationals in developing relationships with migrants. For instance, some participants said their neighbours did not show themselves to be interested in interacting with them. The literature suggests that host interpersonal relationships lead to better socio-cultural adaptation, culture learning, and assist with linguistic adaptation (Berry, 1999; Kim, 1995, 2001). Additionally, interactions and relationships with the co-ethnics lead to better psychological adaptation

(Berry, 1990). Therefore, lack of or limited interpersonal relationships and interactions impeded adaptation and sense of belonging of Iranian participants interviewed in this study.

Research question 1b

b) What impact (if any) does their settlement have on their identity?

Participants interviewed in this study showed great pride in their ethnic and cultural identity. Benet-Martinez (2002) argues that where two cultures in contact are dissimilar, cultural identities are likely to be incompatible. The degree of attachment to cultural or ethnic identity varies according to the acculturation pattern an individual adopts (Cuellar et al.,

1997). Despite their oppositional cultural identities and higher identification with their ethnic identity, this study found that the participants were willing to adopt the national identity of their host society. Adoption of Australian identity they believed would allow them to negotiate their position and establish themselves more into the society. It would also give them a great sense of belonging. Length of stay greatly influenced the identity formation of participants. Those who had stayed longer in Australia identified more with their hyphenated identity of Iranian-Australian.

This study also found differences between the manifestation of religious identity post- migration and prior to migration. For the Muslim cohort, religious practices were no longer a priority. This was not only the result of the egalitarian context of Australia but also the socio- political situation of Iran and Australia. While the participants said they maintained the traditional aspects of Iranian culture in order to maintain their Iranian identity, observance of 206

religious events was almost non-existent for the Muslim cohort who said they aimed to distance themselves from their religious identity. Iranian Baha’is and Christians, on the other hand, said they maintained strong affiliation with their religious identity, engaged in their religious activities more, and connected with their religious community more.

Some of the Muslim participants said they made conscious efforts to have a very low religious affiliation so as to reduce the impact of Islamophobia. To do that some participants concealed their religious identity as Muslim identity in Western contexts has shown to be a

“stigmatised identity” (Khosravi, 2012). Also, these participants said they were no longer in

Iran and therefore certain religious practices such as wearing the Hijab were not compulsory anymore as they enjoyed religious freedom.

Research question 2

What challenges do Iranian migrants (humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa holders) face in the employment context?

The participants interviewed in this study said the dominant challenge with settling in

Australia was difficulty in securing employment. Unemployment rate for the humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa participants in this study was 30% (12/40 participants). The findings of this study suggest that, irrespective of mode of migration, participants faced numerous challenges relating to employment, including non-recognition of credentials, lack of local experience/networking and connections, lengthy transition into the labour market, and instability of the Australian job market (see Chapter 4 for a comprehensive discussion of these challenges). The study also found gender related employment barriers that confronted the migrants with more female participants than men identifying themselves as unemployed.

The convergence of the experiences of the humanitarian and non-humanitarian visa participants in the employment context is indicative of the difficulties that confronted these participants in the contemporary Australian context. While the participants said they utilized 207

various strategies to overcome the challenges, however, structural barriers pertinent to employment, including the requirements set by the government and the policies developed in the employment sector, adversely impacted on their labour market integration.

The non-humanitarian cohort that comprised of skilled, student, and partner visa participants were all confronted with challenges in the employment context. However, these challenges were compounded for the skilled visa participants who had long work experiences and higher qualifications. Within this Skilled Migration Stream, migrants are usually selected based on points-tested skill shortage scheme and they can reside in Australia permanently

(DIAC, 2014). These migrants go through robust and stringent selection criteria to be qualified for skilled visas. Also, before migration, their credentials must be submitted for assessment. The self-rated language proficiency for these skilled visa participants was also

‘fluent’. However, this proficiency did not necessarily assist with labour market integration.

Those who had entered Australia with student visas and were now permanent residents of

Australia fared better in the employment sector, as they possessed Australian qualifications and degrees. The skilled visa participants who were not educated in Australia said they were unemployed due to lack of local experience and non-recognition of the degrees and qualifications they brought with them from Iran.

The humanitarian visa participants on the other hand, had entrepreneurship spirit aiming to build businesses so as to find their way into the labour market. However, they were confronted with structural barriers and financial hardships in setting up their businesses. Lack of financial support for building businesses and lack of familiarity with the associated rules and regulations were major impediments. Similar to the non-humanitarian cohort, some of the humanitarian visa holders sought higher education in Australia, and most received certificates from TAFE, Australia (Technical and Further Education). This, however, did not result in permanent employment. As a result, they were compelled to engage in self-employment. 208

Research question 3

What demographic variables (if any) impact on the settlement experiences of these migrants?

This study explored the multiple factors that impacted on the integration and social inclusion of the participants in this study, including those on humanitarian and non- humanitarian visas. This study found various factors influenced the settlement processes of migrants in Australia (For a detailed description of these factors, refer to Chapter 4). Home and host-related factors that are interrelated and multifaceted such as language proficiency, age, gender, education level, city of origin, and religious affiliation exerted their influence on the participants’ settlement and acculturation process and shaped their experiences in

Australia which also impacted on various aspects of their lives. These factors are discussed briefly below.

a) Age, gender, and length of stay: Age and gender are considered as significant

components of migration experience (Rogler, 1994). The results of this study

showed that younger age did not ease the settlement. The younger participants

found settlement more challenging. For instance, the younger participants, that is,

“younger adults” and “adults” (see Chapter 4 for a more detailed description)

encountered more challenges in their settlement and acculturation process. Gender

positively impacted the female participants of both cohorts as they believed that the

egalitarian context of Australia has provided them with more freedom and safety.

However, it negatively impacted on their labour market integration. More women

were unemployed, and more women encountered challenges at initial settlement.

One reason could be that some of these women (especially the humanitarian cohort)

had resettled in Australia without the company of a family member or male relative

and thus were alone upon resettlement and lacked the support they needed. The 209

findings further revealed that length of stay eased linguistic and socio-cultural

adaptation. Those participants who had stayed longer in Australia were in an older

age group. They were not only more proficient in English but also were more likely

to be employed. Hence, their length of stay has certainly exerted a positive

influence on their settlement success and their success in the employment sector.

b) Visible difference: This study found that visible differences such as racial/physical

differences did not play a significant role on the experiences of the participants

interviewed in this study. Perhaps the fact that Iranians were not religiously

identifiable and might come across as belonging to other ethnicities (e.g. Italians or

Greeks) could have played a role. However, accent did play a role.

c) Education level: All the non-humanitarian visa participants (both genders) said

they had tertiary qualifications from Iran. Some of the humanitarian visa

participants also said they held tertiary education qualifications from Iran. While

education level had a positive influence on visa processing of the non-humanitarian

cohort and the acculturation orientation of both cohorts, it did not necessarily

translate into better employment opportunities.

d) City of origin: Most of the participants in this study came from Tehran (Iran’s

capital city). City of origin exerted an influence on the expectations of the

participants. As most of these participants said they came from the major

metropolitan city of Iran, therefore they had higher expectations.

As the above research questions allowed for a detailed analysis and exploration of life upon migration, the study also made various contributions to knowledge of the field, in particular contributions relating to policy and practice. 210

Contributions of the Study

This study made key contributions to migrant settlement studies and provided insights into migrants’ lives post-migration. In this context, this research adds to the limited body of literature on immigration, settlement, and acculturation experiences of Iranian migrants in

Australia. Further, this study contributes to the body of knowledge of refugee resettlement in

Australia. The present research is particularly valuable as it sheds light on the lives of migrants in their host society.

Similarly, the comparative examination of participants’ experiences provided more insights into how the experiences of these migrants varied based on their mode of migration, their religious faith, and other demographic variables. These diverse factors allowed this research to identify and understand the differences between Iranian migrants in Australia and their different migration trajectories.

This study also contributed to practical knowledge of the discipline. The findings will inform settlement services. The findings will influence the development of cross-cultural training programs not only within the Iranian community but also within other immigrant groups and communities. The study will also influence the development of refugee and immigrants’ support services tailored to migrants from different cultural backgrounds.

Likewise, the study will inform policy.

Regardless of contributions of this study in the areas of practice and policy, some limitations must be acknowledged. The next section discusses the limitations of the study and provides suggestions for future research.

Limitations of Study and Directions for Future Research

The following section addresses the limitations of this study in three key areas, namely: a) methodological; b) contextual; and c) social. 211

Methodological limitations

Methodologically, this study utilized only qualitative interviews to gather the perspectives of a limited number of Iranian migrants in Australia. Future work would benefit from multi-method approaches that would contribute to a more holistic understanding of the issues that confront this group of migrants in Australia. In addition, owing to cultural issues associated with recruiting the participants especially the humanitarian visa participants (see

Chapter 3), the use of multi-method approaches might lead to higher participation rate. For instance, as discussed in Chapter 3, owing to culturally sensitive issues and the provision of socially desirable answers, focus group discussions were not used in this study. Therefore, the use of quantitative scales and measures such as surveys and questionnaires might elicit more honest answers.

The comparative nature of this study and the heterogeneity within the sample made this study distinctive. Hence, the strength of this study lies in the heterogeneity within the sample.

That is, the sample consisted of male and female Iranian participants who came from various religious backgrounds (e.g., Muslims, Baha’is, and Christians), through different migration trajectories (non-humanitarian and humanitarian visas), as well as different educational backgrounds. The participants also came from different cities and communities in Iran.

Snowball sampling was used to select the participants. The literature shows that via snowball sampling, people with similar characteristics and experiences are recruited (Bloch, 1999), thus limiting access to the wider community. The use of other sampling methods such as purposive and convenience sampling could allow access to the wider Iranian community.

With regard to inclusion of information often described as ‘off record’ during interviews, the literature suggests that such information should be used with caution and that other points of view should be canvassed (Hugman et al., 2011). ‘Off record’ data are often viewed as something that “negates what has been said formally as part of an interview” 212

(Hugman et al., 2011, p.665). In this study, however, information provided by participants

‘off record’ did not negate what was said ‘on record’, as similar views were provided and thus presented as part of the data. In this research, this information was the follow-up to what was already discussed. Participants who provided information ‘off record’ expressed willingness to share their ideas in the study without those ideas being recorded. In that context, this researcher took notes. Hence, the information was used without breaching the participants’ request.

Part of the reason why the two participants refrained from being recorded when expressing a particular view could be attributed to the political context of Iran. Iran is a country highly influenced by politics. When participants express their political view, it reminds them of the laws in Iran and the consequences of breaching those laws. In essence, disclosure of politically sensitive information or information directed against the government carried severe consequences in Iran. Further research is needed in this area, as significant information is often provided ‘off record’ as was the case in this study.

It should be noted that this study did not interview or seek the views of policy makers.

However, as policies regarding settlement are developed by policy makers, drawing the perspectives of policy makers could contribute to a better understanding of the settlement process.

Another limitation of this research is that the views of members of the host society and the majority group with regard to the acculturation of Iranian migrants were not included.

This was because members of the host country were not the focus of this study. The literature suggests that, to develop a comprehensive understanding of the acculturation process of a migrant group, it is insufficient to rely solely on the perspectives of the non-dominant group

(Bourhis et al., 1997). Drawing on the perspectives of members of the host country would give us a better understanding of the processes of settlement and the challenges that lie ahead 213

in the integration of migrants. Future research should also include individual differences in acculturation orientation and cross-cultural adaptation of migrants (Benet-Martinez, 2002;

Gallois, 2003).

Further, as a response to skill shortages and labour market needs in Australia, there has been a great demand for skilled migrants and an increase in the skilled intake (Cully, 2011).

Further research could provide explanations as to why there is an increase in the intake of skilled migrants from developing countries but there are huge barriers to their labour market integration and are more disadvantaged as compared to those from developed countries

(Syed, 2008). Subsequently, future research needs to emphasize a better understanding of employment experiences of Iranian migrants at a ‘meso-organizational level’26, as this research focused on the employment trajectories of Iranian migrants at the ‘individual’ level

(AlArris & Ozbilgin, 2010).

Additionally, it is essential that future studies gather the perspectives of employers with regard to recruiting their workforce from developing countries, including Iran. Interviews with service providers will supplement the qualitative data and provide more insights into the kind of procedures that are at work in recruitment of the workforce from developing countries.

Contextual limitations

This study was carried out in only one geographic area, that is, the Greater Brisbane

Region, thus making it difficult to generalize the findings. As more Iranians are concentrated in Sydney and Melbourne, it would be worth including Iranian migrants in other Australian cities in future studies. The larger the sample population, the more representative the results of the research.

26That is how diversity is managed at the organizational level and what strategies and practices are used in the recruitment of an organization’s workforce as well as what opportunities are provided and in turn what impact this has on their employment experiences in organizations where they work (AlArris & Ozbilgin, 2010). 214

Origin and destination countries are both important in the process of settlement and integration. As shown in Chapter 4, expectancy violation was an issue that was raised by the participants in this study. It would be worthwhile to gather the perspectives of Iranian migrants on their expectations and aspirations more deeply in order to gain an in-depth understanding of this cohort of migrants. Social, political, and economic contexts of their country of origin, Iran, can exert a great influence on their settlement process, adaptation, and intercultural communication.

Also, the participants said there was a shift in their identity when they were outside

Australia as opposed to when they were inside Australia. In need of further development is the impact of context on identity formation and the reasons as to why identity is expressed differently in different contexts. While the fluid nature of identity could explain this, some of the participants revealed that they do not use the identity Australian in Australia due to not being accepted as an Australian. This offers a new opportunity for further investigation.

Social limitations

The importance of interpersonal interaction between the host country’s nationals and migrants has been addressed in this research. Further research is required to explore what enables greater interaction with the host country’s citizens as a means of greater emotional and social support for migrants.

Owing to diverse political orientations, religious affiliation, and ethnic backgrounds of the participants interviewed in this study, there have been limited interactions among the

Iranian migrants within the Iranian community. Further research is needed to determine what impact these interactions or lack of would have on the psychological well-being of these migrants.

Subsequently, generational differences in acculturation represent different experiences

(Cuellar et al., 1997). This current study suggests that further research is required to 215

investigate the experiences of second-generation Iranian migrants as this research focused mainly on the first-generation Iranian migrants. The study of the immigration experiences of immigrant youth is often a neglected area of research (Berry, 2006). Exploring the perspectives of the youth would provide valuable explanations regarding the complexity of acculturation and adaptation processes, as well as the psychological well-being of migrant families.

In addition, migration is a family decision and greatly influences the structure of a family (Berry; 2006; Hugo, 2005). In essence, migration is often a collective decision rather than an individual one. While immigration can also be an individual decision, all members of a family are impacted by the transition of life into a new country, thus impacting the whole family structure, their acculturation orientation, and adjustment into their new society. Some of the participants in this study had migrated to Australia with family members and were parents who were raising their children in the new cultural and social contexts of Australia.

The literature suggests that migration should be looked at as a family matter and decision

(Massey et al., 1993). The vital role of migration in the structure of the family is an interesting line of investigation.

As expressed by some of the participants interviewed in this study, there is more perceived discrimination at workplaces and schools. Literature has also shown that cultural stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination are quite often prevalent at workplaces (Colick-

Peisker, 2005, 2009; Syed, 2008). Future research needs to delve deeper into discrimination in workplaces or the “organizational and institutional forms of racism” (Casimiro, Hancock,

& Northcote, 2007, p.67). A deeper look into institutional discrimination will be an interesting line of research (Cox, 1991). In addition, future research should examine the experiences of discrimination felt by Iranian immigrant youths. 216

It is important to clarify that this study should not be seen as representing the views of practising Muslim women who wear the Hijab as only one female participant was religiously identifiable. Future studies could focus on the Iranian women whose religious code of dressing impacts on their integration which would also enhance our knowledge and understanding of the lives of immigrants in the social and political contexts of Australia.

More religiously visible Iranians might have different experiences to other Iranians who are not religiously visible. This opens up a new avenue for investigation.

The following section presents the implications of the study and provides practical recommendations.

Implications

Implications for Policy and Practice

Australia as an immigrant receiving country has played a great role in immigration policymaking (Hugo, 2005). Socio-cultural integration of migrants has been at the forefront of discussions and policies developed by the Australian government with less emphasis and work done on their labour market integration (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007). There has been an emphasis on the social and cultural incorporation of migrants in societies of settlement which in turn has had a significant impact on policy (Hugo, 2005). Nonetheless, these policies have failed to consider the significant impact of employment on immigrants’ adaptation process. Thus, this study has implications in the area of policy and practice for immigration and settlement services as well as institutions and individuals.

Implications for policy (employment)

Employment in migrant receiving countries is often viewed as economic gain (Massey et al., 1993). However, retention of one’s social status is as important as economic achievement or income for migrants. It was essential and highly valued for the female participants in this study to retain the occupational and social status they held in their home 217

country Iran. However, owing to the family and domestic responsibilities and obligations that immigration has placed on them, as well as the structural barriers of their host society, this was not made possible.

Although the results of this study showed marginal difference between the employment outcomes of male and female participants with more women being unemployed, previous research shows that in Australia women are more disadvantaged than men when it comes to labour market participation (Ho, 2006; Iredale, 2005; Syed, 2008). Thus, gender discrimination can happen in both the country of origin and the destination country, in spite of the often egalitarian context of destination countries as developed countries (Iredale,

2005).

Recommendation 1

Women constitute a great proportion of skilled migrants (Ouaked, 2002). Women from developing countries who possess the required skills and have previously been employed or who have held positions in their country of origin should be given equal opportunities as compared to both their male counterparts and other native-born females given that adjusting to new roles would be difficult.

On a policy level, promoting equality in the employment sector should be given greater priority. Australia as an immigrant receiving country should develop policies wherein women’s skills are equally valued as the skills that their male counterparts bring. The literature suggests that skills and qualifications in immigrant receiving countries do not often

“encompass women’s skills” (Iredale, 2005, p.157). Australia’s selection criteria must allocate equal places for female and male participants and their skills. Equal intake of skilled men and women as principal applicants can compensate for this. ‘Gender neutral’ policies would also allow for equal opportunities for both men and women (Iredale, 2005). The delayed labour market participation for women due to their family responsibilities reduces the 218

skills of these women. For instance, one of these female participants had to wait for 5 years for her daughter to go to school before joining the labour market and allow her husband to join the labour market. In addition, even though men also faced barriers in their career development, this report was higher among women.

While it is not clear whether there is gender bias in the selection of migrant women, the policies associated with these need to be ‘gender sensitive’ (Iredale, 2005) and should allow for inclusion of women.

This study also found that the intersection of region of origin, migration trajectory, and gender has placed Iranian female participants at lower levels in the job market as compared to their male counterparts. This was more evident in the experiences of female humanitarian visa holders especially those who were resettled in Australia under the Women at Risk Visas.

Accordingly, policies and services should be developed to facilitate labour market participation of this group. More opportunities should be provided to women on these visas.

Recommendation 2

One of the challenges that permanent immigrants in Australia face is the non- recognition of their overseas qualifications (Hawthorne, 1997; Iredale, 2005). The foreign degrees that the participants in this study brought to their host society, Australia, made them more disadvantaged as compared to those who obtained degrees and certificates from

Australian education institutions. As these migrants already possessed tertiary qualifications, seeking further education will make them overqualified. The participants said they perceived that the time-consuming task of seeking further education often created a great gap between their skills and labour market needs.

As a result of government policies, skilled migrants are in high demand in Australia.

Despite this high demand, as indicated by the findings of this study the institutional approach towards immigrants from developing countries has not been equal to those from developed 219

countries. Policies inherent in the labour market have failed to make full use of the labour force from developing countries (AlAriss & Ozbilgin, 2010). Employment agencies have also been unsuccessful in facilitating the labour market integration of migrants (Colic-Peisker,

2005). Employment agencies should have more practical input in facilitating the labour market integration of migrants. The findings of this study support previous studies on the significant impact of employment on the social inclusion of migrants (Colic-Peisker, 2005).

Unfortunately, policies have failed to address this issue, thus appropriate policies should be established.

Implications for policy (cross-cultural adaptation)

Recommendation 1

Integration was the most preferred acculturation strategy for participants of both humanitarian and non-humanitarian cohorts. As integration has proved to be most effective during the acculturation process (Kim, 1978), governments should promote policies that encourage the maintenance of ethnic identity and host-national identity as adherence to migrants’ heritage culture and identity would prevent identity loss and positively impacts on migrants’ psychological adaptation (Searle & Ward, 1990). Successful transition into the host society occurs when the government not only encourages and values the ethnic identity of the migrants but also when the government develops and applies more inclusive policies (Berry,

2006). Cultural diversity should not only be promoted and accepted but also public education should play a more active role to not only encourage acceptance of diversity but to encourage its citizens to embrace diversity. This will assist Australia to become a cohesive and diverse nation.

The importance of family reunion was identified in this study; however, maritime arrival participants were denied this opportunity owing to their migration pathway. Policies should take into account the significance of family reunion for all migrants and specifically 220

for the humanitarian cohort as family reunion is positively associated with psychological well-being of migrants and would accelerate integration into society.

Implications for practice (employment)

Recommendation 1

This study showed that government employment agencies in Australia can do more to facilitate the incorporation of migrants into the labour market. The findings of this study suggest that employment is one of the most important components of the adaptation process of migrants. The emphasis of social inclusion programs must be to facilitate the labour market integration and provision of more feasible employment opportunities for migrants

(Colic-Peisker, 2005).

Recommendation 2

Government settlement services must play a more active role in the employment sector and pay more attention to issues pertinent to employment of migrants from developing countries. For instance, migrants’ lack of local experience and non-recognition of their qualifications should be taken into consideration.

This study showed there is insufficient assistance for migrants and many migrants are unaware of the channels that help them with better labour market integration. Programs should be developed, and training opportunities must be offered in the area of employment as well as building businesses. Awareness of legal pathways and mechanisms of building businesses would help these migrants in the employment sector. In addition, more employment opportunities must be provided to migrants. Institutional approach and structure should assist migrant employment. According to the participants in this study, lack of suitable employment services as well as lack of required networks and support from community have hindered their labour market participation and their employment prospects. 221

Quite a few Iranians are entrepreneurial given that they are humanitarian as compared to non-humanitarian visa participants who take traditional pathways in finding employment.

The Australian government could hold more workshops for the community on how to start businesses in Australia. The government can also provide financial assistance to those who want to set up businesses but have financial constraints. As demonstrated by the findings of this study, financial constraints posed serious barriers to professional development of the migrants. Monetary assistance from the government in the form of loans would help these migrants with their professional development and also assist them to take the initial step in establishing businesses.

Implications for practice (settlement services)

Recommendation 1

The literature discourages geographical dispersion of ethnically similar migrants with the belief that this dispersion could lead to lack of social support and can have psychological consequences (Berry, 2006; Cheah et al., 2011). This study suggests that proximity of the location of ethnically and racially similar migrants might create division within the society and create ‘ghettos’, instead establishing ethnic-based organizations and services can have a more significant role in providing social support for the migrants based on their ethnic and cultural background. Local migrant settlement agencies that assist the humanitarian entrants with their settlement are not sufficient in assisting with the needs of these migrants. The development of ethnic-based organizations or provision of such services in Australia would allow migrants to build social networks and as a result would assist them with better psychological adaptation. The development of more ethnic-focused settlement services would allow for the diversity within different communities and their diverse needs. These ethnic- based organisations and settlement services can bring their ethnic community closer given that for instance the Iranian community is not a cohesive community. The development of 222

specific ethnic services can greatly help with the adjustment of migrants (Hugo, 2005).

Settlement services and agencies should place more emphasis on ethnic community engagement.

Settlement agencies can work as a mediator to try and improve intra-community relations among the various fractions in the Iranian community. These agencies can help build a dialogue to bridge the divide which has been unfortunately created within the local community.

Recommendation 2

The results of this study reveal that media portrayal of migrants and refugees especially those from the Middle East as well as anti-migrant sentiments in Australia adversely impacted on the acculturation of the participants of this study. Migrants are often portrayed as a ‘problem’ by the media and through public discourse (McPherson, 2010; Pickering, 2001).

The prevailing negative political rhetoric by media can influence the success of immigrants’ integration and how the media portray particular immigrant groups can have a detrimental negative effect on their adaptation and mental health (Chung et al., 2008). Projection of migrants as a burden to society and disregarding the benefits that migrants bring to their host society can cause tensions among different groups in society. Governments and media should emphasize the benefits that migrants bring to their host countries through different media outlets. Also, merits of cultural diversity and multiculturalism should be emphasized. The exclusionary discourse through the media and by some state officials and politicians would only create division in society.

Further, participants interviewed in this study reported incidents of discriminatory behaviour and prejudice attitudes toward them (see Chapter 4). Governments should develop policies where institutions, organizations, and schools have a more active role in combating and eradicating discrimination. For instance, programs should be developed where the public 223

is made aware of what constitutes discrimination and racism, the laws surrounding discrimination, and the consequences of discriminatory behaviour. Media can play a more active role in depicting the negative impact of discrimination and racism.

As shown by the results of this study, participants did not only experience racism or discrimination from the Anglo-Australians but also from other ethnic groups. Hence, racism should not be viewed as something associated with the majority population or solely Anglo-

Australians but as something ‘universal’. Public education should have an active role in educating the public of all ethnic backgrounds. As indicated by the findings of this study, there has also been a shift in the way people exhibit discriminatory behaviour or prejudiced attitudes. Discrimination and prejudice have become more implicit and indirect; therefore, more work needs to be done in the area of implicit discriminatory behaviour. As previous research suggests, there is a need to focus on the “subtle” forms of discrimination (Syed &

Pio, 2010, p.125). For instance, organizations and institutions can provide training programs in this area.

Anti-immigration sentiments have risen globally and debates regarding immigration and multiculturalism have reignited (Hooghe & De Vroome, 2015; McLaren & Johnson,

2007; Mols & Jetten, 2014; Mughan & Paxton, 2006). The results of this study indicate that participants in this study were also impacted by these negative attitudes. Programs should be developed and opportunities should be created that encourage better intergroup relations and more interaction with the host country’s citizens. These programs would lead to better understanding between the dominant and non-dominant groups (Berry. 2006; Kim, 1978).

The literature suggests that, to ensure the positive psychological and socio-cultural adaptation of migrants, the adoption of integration strategies must be encouraged (Berry, 2006). Thus,

Australia as a multi-ethnic settlement society must enhance intercultural relations. 224

Incorporating migrants in all aspects of society would lead to successful integration of migrants.

In addition, owing to tensions between migrants of both visa categories on the treatment of migrants including inequality in distribution of settlement and welfare support, provision of initial settlement and welfare support for the non-humanitarian migrants who do not find employment would ease these tensions.

Implications for cross-cultural training

Recommendation 1

The results of this study show that expectancy violation is a major issue that confronted the participants of this study. Information sessions in regard to the reality of life and the culture of Australia would greatly benefit the migrants. These sessions would enable migrants to become aware of the challenges they might face. Also, more workshops or YouTube videos that paint a genuine picture of the job market in Australia especially for the non- humanitarian visa migrants are required so that they would not have unrealistic expectations when they arrive in their host country. Specifically, those coming on skilled visas need a more honest understanding of requirements and the job market before moving so there is no expectancy violation upon arrival. Humanitarian entrants can attend the Australian Cultural

Orientation (AUSCO) course before resettling in Australia. Similar courses should be provided for non-humanitarian visa holders with a special focus on labour market in

Australia.

Recommendation 2

This study ascertains that communication is central to an immigrant’s acculturation process (Kim, 1978) and is an integral part of understanding intergroup and interpersonal relationships (Gallois, 2003). In order to avoid cross-cultural conflict, cross-cultural trainers should develop culturally relevant programs to address the issues that arise as a result of 225

communication/miscommunication. Also, intergroup interaction requires effort from both parties. In essence, interaction is a two-way street. Therefore, opportunities should be created wherein migrants and the host society’s citizens engage more for greater understanding of one another’s cultures. Often, inaccurate information or misinformation about Iran impeded the interaction with the host nationals and resulted in hostile and prejudiced attitudes toward migrants. Reception by the host community also matters. The Australian community, neighbourhoods, and media need to be welcoming. The media plays a huge role in the creation of reality.

Inclusion policies should not be confined to public discourse and rhetoric. Diversity should be reflected in all aspects of life in the host society, including institutions and schools and should represent all cultures that exist within society (Berry, 2006). Lack of social support both from the ethnic community and host society especially at initial settlement exerted a negative impact on the participants of this study thus the host society must have a more active role in providing this support to the migrants so as to promote their social inclusion and integration. Ethnic communities should also be encouraged to build a system that provides better social and emotional support to migrants.

Language has also proved to be an essential means of the adaptation process (Hugo,

2005). The results of this study suggest that language proficiency is one of the important factors facilitating adaptation and host interpersonal relationships as well as labour market integration. Hence, more emphasis should be placed on English language learning. While language training has been provided through the Adult Migrant English Language Program

(AMEP) for 510 hours for free to assist the humanitarian migrants with their settlement in

Australia, these migrants perceived that these classes do not necessarily equip them with the required language skills to enter the labour market. English language programs that prepare migrants for the labour market would accelerate their labour market integration. 226

This study’s findings further reveal that very few migrants (humanitarian visa holders) reported that their prolonged English language training attendance was not possible owing to the trauma they experienced in their country of origin or in detention. Provision of special counselling services would greatly assist the migrants who are severely affected by their pre- migration and post-migration experiences.

Summary

Immigration is a national debate in Australia. Migrants who settle in Australia each year influence every aspect of Australian life. Ethnic, religious, and racial diversity of the immigrants has posed challenges not only for the host society but also for the migrants themselves. Australia as one of the major destinations for immigrants has implemented policies as a means of ensuring the successful integration of immigrants. However, these policies and practices need to be reflected on so as to ensure the best outcome.

227

References

Abe, H., & Wiseman, R. L. (1983). A cross-cultural confirmation of the dimensions of

intercultural effectiveness. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 7(1), 53-

67.

Abdelal, R., Herrera, Y. M., Johnston, A. I., & McDermott, R. (2006). Identity as a variable.

Perspectives on politics, 4(04), 695-711.

Adibi, H. (1994). Iranians in Australia. Paper presented at Mehregan: The First Persian

Cultural Festival of Sydney, 28 October to 6 November. The University of Sydney.

Ager, A.1993. Mental health issues in refugee populations. A review, Cambridge, MA:

Harvard Center for Study of Culture and Medicine.

Ager, A., & Strang, A. (2008). Understanding integration: A conceptual framework. Journal

of Refugee Studies, 21(2), 166-191.

Ahearn, F. L., & Athey, J. L. (1991). Refugee children: Theory, research, and services. Johns

Hopkins University Press.

Akbarzadeh, S., & Smith, B. (2005). The representation of Islam and Muslims in the media.

School of Political and Social Inquiry, Monash University, 4, 1-38.

Akua-Sakyiwah, B. (2016). Education as cultural capital and its effect on the transitional

issues faced by migrant women in the diaspora. Journal of International Migration

and Integration, 17(4), 1125-1142.

Al Ariss, A., & Syed, J. (2011). Capital mobilization of skilled migrants: A relational

perspective. British Journal of Management, 22, 286-304.

Al Ariss, A., & Ozbilgin, M. (2010). Understanding self-initiated expatriates: Career

experiences of Lebanese self-initiated expatriates in France. Thunderbird

International Business Review, 25(4), 275-285. 228

Al Ariss, A., Koall, I., Ozbilgin, M., & Suutari, V. (2012). Careers of skilled migrants:

Towards a theoretical and methodological expansion. Journal of Management

Development, 31(2), 92-101.

Alder, P. (1975). The transitional experience: An alternative view of culture shock.

Humanistic Psychology, 15(4), 13-23.

Altheide, D. & Johnson, J.(1994). ‘Criteria for Assessing Interpretative Validity in

Qualitative Research; In Denzin & Lincoln (eds), handbook of qualitative research,

Sage, London, pp. 485-99.

Aly, A. (2007). Australian Muslim responses to the discourse on terrorism in the Australian

popular media. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 42(1), 27-40.

Anderson, L. E. (1994). A new look at an old construct: Cross-cultural adaptation.

International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 18(3), 293-328.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(94)90035-3

Askari, H., Cummings, J. T., & Izbudak, M .(1977). Iran’s migration of skilled labor to the

United States. Iranian Studies, 10(1/2), 3-35. doi:10.2307/4310250

Aslan, A. (2009). Islamophobia in Australia. Agora Press Australia.

Atfield, G., Brahmbhatt, K., & O’Toole, T. (2007). Refugees’ Experiences of Integration.

England: University of Birmingham.

Australian Bereau of Statistics (ABS). (2016). 2016 Census QuickStats Country of Birth.

Retreivedfrom:http://quickstats.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/cen

sus/2016/quickstat/4203_3

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2008). Perspectives on migrants; Census 2006- People Born

in the Middle East.

Australian Politics.com (2016). How Well Did Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Do in the 2016

Federal Election? Retrieved from: http://australianpolitics.com/2016/08/10/one- 229

nation-federal-election-performance.html

Australianpolitics.com (2009). Pauline Hanson’s One Nation: Immigration, Population and

Social Cohesion Policy 1998. Retrieved from:

http://www.australianpolitics.com/parties/onenation/immigration-policy-98.shtml

Aycan, Z., & Berry, J. W. (1996). Impact of employment-related experiences on immigrants’

psychological well-being and adaptation to Canada. Canadian Journal of Behavioural

Science, 28, 240-251.

Azmitia, M., Syed, M., & Radmacher, K. (2008). On the intersection of personal and social

identities: Introduction and evidence from a longitudinal study of emerging adults.

New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, (120), 1-16.

Babacan, H., & Hollinsworth, D. (2009). Confronting Racism in Communities project: A

Final Report on the Nature and Extent of Racism in Queensland. Centre for

Multicultural Pastoral Care.

Benet-Martinez, V., Leu, J., Lee, F., & Morris, M., W. (2002). Negotiating biculturalism:

Cultural frame switching in biculturals with oppositional versus compatible cultural

identities. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 33, 492-516.

Berry, J. W. (2009). A critique of critical acculturation. International Journal of Intercultural

Relations, 33(5), 361-371. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2009.06.003

Berry, J. W. (2006). Contexts of Acculturation. In L. D. Sam & J. W. Berry (Eds.), The

Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Berry, J. W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. International Journal

of Intercultural Relations, 29(6), 697-712. doi:

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.07.013

230

Berry, J. W. (2001). A psychology of immigration. Journal of Social Issues, 57(3), 615-631.

Berry, J. W. (1999). Intercultural relations in plural societies. Canadian

Psychology/Psychologie canadienne, 40(1), 12-21.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/h0086823

Berry, J. W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. International Association of

Applied Psychology, 46 (1), 5-68.

Berry, J. W. (1992). Acculturation and adaptation in a new society. International Migration,

30(1/2), 69-85.

Berry, J. W. (1990). Psychology of Acculturation. In J. Berman (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium

on Motivation, 1989: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Current theory and research in

motivation: Vol. 37 (pp. 201–234). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Berry, J. W., & Sam D, L. (2016). Conceptual Issues. In D. Sam, L. & J. W. Berry (Eds.),

The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology. Cambrige: Cambridge

University Press.

Berry, J. W., Phinney, J. S., Sam, D. L., & Vedder, P. (2006). Immigrant youth:

Acculturation, identity, and adaptation. Applied Psychology: An International Review,

55(3), 303-332. doi:http://10.1111/j.1464-0597.2006.00256

Berry, J. W., Poortinga, Y., Segall, M. H., & Dasen, P. R. (2002). Cross-cultural Psychology:

Research and Applications. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Power, S., Young, M., & Bujaki, M. (1989). Acculturation attitudes in

plural societies. Applied Psychology, 38(2), 185-206. doi:10.1111/j.1464-

0597.1989.tb01208.

Berry, J. W., & Kim, U. (1988). Acculturation and Mental Health. In P. R. Dasen, J. W.

Berry, & N. Sartorius (Eds.), Health and cross-cultural psychology: Toward

applications (pp. 207-236). Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc. 231

Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Minde, T., & Mok, D. (1987). Comparative studies of acculturative

stress. International Migration Review, 21(3), 491-511. doi:10.2307/2546607

Bhatia, S., & Ram, A. (2009). Theorizing identity in transnational and diaspora cultures: A

critical approach to acculturation. International Journal of Intercultural Relations,

33(2), 140-149. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.12.009

Birrell, B. (2018). Australia’s Skilled Migration Program: Scarce Skills Not Required. The Australian Population Research Institute, Research Report, March 2018. Birrell, B., & Healy, H.(2008). How are skilled migrants doing? Journal of People and Place,

16 (1), 1-20.

Bloch, A. (2004). Survey research with refugees. Policy Studies, 25(2), 139-151.

Bloch, A. (1999). Carrying out a survey of refugees: Some methodological considerations

and guidelines. Journal of Refugee Studies, 12(4), 367-383.

Booth, A. L., Leigh, A., & Varganova, E. (2012). Does ethnic discrimination vary across

minority groups? Evidence from a field experiment. Oxford Bulletin of Economics

and Statistics, 74(4), 547-573.

Bouma, G. D., & Brace-Govan, J. (2000). Gender and religious settlement: Families, hijabs

and identity. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 21(2), 159-175. doi:10.1080/713678941

Bouma, G., Haidar, A., Nyland, C., & Smith, W. (2003). Work, religious diversity and Islam.

Asia Pacific Journal of Human Resources, 41(1), 51-61.

doi:10.1177/1038411103041001022

Brewer, M., B. (2010a). Ethnocentrism. In J. M. Levine & M. A. Hogg (Eds.), Encyclopedia

of Group Processes and Intergroup Relations. Thousand Oakes: SAGE Publications,

Inc.

Brewer, M., B. (2010b). Multiple identities. In J. M. Levine & M. A. Hogg (Eds.),

Encyclopedia of Group Processes and Intergroup Relations. Thousands Oaks: SAGE

Publications, Inc. 232

Brislin, R. (1970). Back-translation for cross-cultural research. Journal of Cross-Cultural

Psychology, 1(3), 185-216. doi: 10.1177/135910457000100301

Bourhis, R. Y., Moise, L. C., Perreault, S., & Senecal, S. (1997). Towards an interactive

acculturation model: A social psychological approach. International Journal of

Psychology, 32(6), 369-386. doi:http://10.1080/002075997400629

Bozorgmehr, M. (1997). Internal ethnicity: Iranians in Los Angeles. Sociological

Perspectives, 40(3), 387-408. doi:10.2307/1389449

Bozorgmehr, M., Sabagh, G., & Sabbagh, G. (1988). High status immigrants: A statistical

profile of Iranians in the United States. Iranian Studies, 21(3/4), 5-36.

doi:10.2307/4310603

Buriel, R. (1993). Acculturation, respect for cultural differences, and biculturalism among

three generations of Mexican American and Euro American school children. Journal

of Genetic Psychology, 154(4), 531-543.

Burnett, L. (1998). Issues in immigrant settlement in Australia. National Centre for English

Language Teaching and Research Australia, 10, 1-93. Macquaire University.

Cabassa, L. J. (2003). Measuring acculturation: Where we are and where we need to go.

Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 25(127), 127-146.

Campion, E. D. (2018). The career adaptive refugee: Exploring the structural and personal

barriers to refugee resettlement. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 105, 6-16.

doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2017.10.008

Casimiro, S., Hancock, P., & Northcote, J. (2007). Isolation and insecurity: Resettlement

issues among Muslim refugee women in Perth, Western Australia. Australian journal

of social issues, 42(1), 55-69.

Celermajer, D. (2007). If Islam is our other, who are 'we' ? Australian Journal of Social

Issues, 42(1), 103-123. 233

Chaichian, M. A. (1997). First generation Iranian immigrants and the question of cultural

identity: The case of Iowa. International Migration Review, 31(3), 612-627. doi:

10.2307/2547288

Cheah, W. H., Karamehic-Muratovic, A., Matsuo, H., & Poljarevic, A. (2011). The role of

language competence, interpersonal relationships, and media use in Bosnian refugees’

resettlement process. Journal of Intercultural Communication Research, 40(3), 219-

236. doi:10.1080/17475759.2011.618842

Cheong, P. H., Edwards, R., Goulbourne, H., & Solomos, J. (2007). Immigration, social

cohesion, and social capital: A critical review. Critical Social Policy, 27(1), 24-49.

Cheung-Blunden, V., L, & Juang, L., P. (2008). Expanding acculturation theory: Are

acculturation models and the adaptiveness of acculturation strategies generizable in a

colonial context? International Journal of Behavioral Development, 32(1), 21-33.

Chirkov, V. (2009). Critical psychology of acculturation: What do we study and how do we

study it, when we investigate acculturation? International Journal of Intercultural

Relations, 33(2), 94-105. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.12.004

Chung, R. C. Y., Bemak, F., Ortiz, D. P., & Sandoval‐Perez, P. A. (2008). Promoting the

mental health of immigrants: A multicultural/social justice perspective. Journal of

Counseling & Development, 86(3), 310-317.

Clark, R., Anderson, N. B., Clark, V. R., & Williams, D. R. (1999). Racism as a stressor for

African Americans: A biopsychosocial model. American Psychologist, 54(10), 805-

816. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.54.10.805

Colic-Peiseker, V. (2009). Visibility, settlement success, and life satisfaction in three refugee

communities in Australia. Journal of Ethnicities, 9(2), 175-199. 234

Colic-Peiseker, V. (2005). 'At Least You're the Right Colour': Identity and social inclusion of

Bosnian refugees in Australia. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 31(4), 615-

638.

Colic-Peisker, V., & Farquharson, K. (2011). Introduction: A new era in Australian

multiculturalism? The need for critical interrogation. Journal of Intercultural Studies,

32(6), 579-586.

Colic‐Peisker, V., & Walker, I. (2003). Human capital, acculturation and social identity:

Bosnian refugees in Australia. Journal of community & applied social psychology,

13(5), 337-360.

Colic-Peisker, V., Tilbury, F. (2007). Refugees and employment : The effect of visible

difference on discrimination. Final report. Perth, W. A.: Centre for Social and

Community Research, Murdoch University.

Cox, J. T. (1991). The multicultural organization. Executive (19389779), 5(2), 34-47.

doi:10.5465/AME.1991.4274675

Creswell, J., W. (1998). Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five

Traditions. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications.

Creswell, J., W, & Miller, D., L. (2000). Determining Validity in Qualitative Inquiry. Thoery

into Practice. 39(3), 124-130.

Crotty, M. (1998). The Foundations of Social Research: Meaning and Perspective in the

Research Process. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.

Cuéllar, I., Arnold, B., & Maldonado, R. E. (1995). Acculturation rating scale for Mexican

Americans-II: A revision of the original ARSMA scale. Hispanic Journal of

Behavioral Sciences, 17(275), 275-304. 235

Cuéllar, I., Nyberg, B., Maldonado, R. E., & Roberts, R. E. (1997). Ethnic identity and

acculturation in a young adult Mexican-origin population. Journal of Community

Psychology, 25(6), 535-549.

Cully, M. (2011). Skilled migration selection policies: Recent Australian reforms. Migration

Policy Practice, 1(1), 4-7.

Czymoniewicz-Klippel, M., T, Brijnath, B., & Crockett, B. (2010). Ethics and the promotion

of inclusiveness within qualitative research: Case examples from Asia and the Pacific.

Journal of Qualitative Inquiry, 16(5), 332-341.

Dandy, J., & Pe-pua, R. (2010). Attitudes to multiculturalism, immigration, and cultural

diversity: Comparison of dominant and non-dominant groups in three Australian

states. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 34(1), 34-46. doi:

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2009.10.003

Davies, K., Tropp, L. R., Aron, A., Pettigrew, T. F., & Wright, S. C. (2011). Cross-group

friendships and intergroup attitudes: A meta-analytic review. Personality and Social

Psychology Review, 15(4), 332-351.

DeAngelis, R. A. (2003). A rising tide for Jean–Marie, Jörg, & Pauline? Xenophobic

populism in comparative perspective. Australian Journal of Politics & History, 49(1),

75-92.

Deding, M., Fridberg, T., & Jakobsen, V. (2013). Non-response among immigrants in

Denmark. In J. Font & M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic Minorities and Immigrant

Populations: Methodological Challenges and Reserach Strategies. Amsterdam:

Amsterdam University Press. de Haas, H. (2010). Migration and development: A theoretical perspective. International

Migration Review, 44(1), 227-264. doi:10.1111/j.1747-7379.2009.00804 236

Del Pilar, J. A., & Udasco, J. O. (2004). Deculturation: Its Lack of Validity. Cultural

Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 10(2), 169-176. doi:10.1037/1099-

9809.10.2.169

Demes, K., A, & Geeraert, N. (2014). Measures matter: Scales for adaptation, cultural

distance, and acculturation orientation revisited. Journal of Cross-Cultural

Psychology, 45(1), 91-109.

Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. S. (2011). The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research. Sage,

Sage Publications, Inc.

Der-Karabetian, A., & Balian, N. (1992). Ingroup, outgroup, and global-human identities of

Turkish-Armenians. Journal of Social Psychology, 132(4), 497-504.

De Vroome, T., & Van Tubergen. F. (2010). The employment experience of refugees in the

Netherlands. International Migration Review, 44(2), 376-403. doi:10.1111/j.1747-

7379.2010.00810.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship. (2018-2019). Factsheet: 2018-19 Migration

Programme Planning Levels. Australian Government. Australia.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship. (2015-2016). Factsheet- Australia's Refugee and

Humanitarian Program. Australian Government. Australia.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship.(2014c). Factsheet 14-Migrant Labour

Market Outcomes. Australian Governmen. Australia.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship. (2012). Building a New Life in Australia: A

Longitudinal Survey of Humanitarian Migrants. Position Paper. Australian

Government. Australia.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship. (2011). Community Information Summary:

Iran-born. Australian Government. Australia.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship.(2014). Factsheet 1- Immigration: The 237

Background Part 1. Australian Government. Australia.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship. (2013-2014). Australia’s Migration Trends

2013-2014. Australian Government. Australia.

Department of Immigration and Citizenship. (2013). Immigration Detention and Community

Statistics Summary. Australian Government. Australia.

Department of Social Services. (2018). Humanitarian Settlement Program Factsheet.

Australian Government. Australia.

Der-Karabetian, A. (1980). Relation of two cultural identities Armenian-Americans.

Psychological Reports, 47(1), 123-128. doi:10.2466/pr0.1980.47.1.123

Devos, T. (2006). Implicit bicultural identity among Mexican American and Asian American

college students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 12(3), 381-402.

Diehl, M., Coyle, N., &Labouvie-Vief, G. (1996). Age and sex differences in strategies of

coping and defense across the lifespan. Psychology and Aging, 11, 127–139.

Dillon, M. (1999). Catholic identity: Balancing reason, faith, and power. New York:

Cambridge University Press. In L. Peek .(2005). Becoming Muslim: The development

of a religious identity. Sociology of Religion, 66(3), 215-242.

Duque, I., Ballano, C., & Perez, C. (2013). The 2007 Spanish National Immigrant survey

(eni): Sampling from the Padron. In J. Font & M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic

Minorities and Immigrant Populations: Methodological Challenges and Research

Strategies. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Dunn, K. M. & Nelson, J. K. (2011). Challenging the public denial of racism for a deeper

multiculturalism. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 32(6), 587-602.

Dunn, K. M., & McDonald, A. (2001). The geography of racisms in NSW: A theoretical

exploration and some preliminary findings from the mid-1990s. Australian

Geographer, 32(1), 29-44. 238

Dunn, K. M., Forrest, J., Pe-Pua, R., Hynes, M., & Maeder-Han, K. (2009). Cities of race

hatred? The spheres of racism and anti-racism in contemporary Australian cities.

Cosmopolitan civil societies: An interdisciplinary journal, 1(1), 1-14.

Effeney, L., & Mansouri, F. (2014). Deterrence policies and asylum seekers: The case of

Australia. International journal of migration and border studies, 1(2), 217-230.

Ehrkamp, P. (2007). Beyond the Mosque: Turkish Immigrants and the Practice and Politics of

Islam in Duisburg-Marxloh, Germany. In M. P., Kwan, P. Hopkins, & Aitchison, C.

Geographies of Muslim Identities: Diaspora, Gender and Belonging. Routledge (pp.

21-38).

Ellis, B., H, KIA-Keating, M., Yusuf, S., A, Lincoln, A., & A, N. (2007). Ethical research in

refugee communities and the use of community participatory methods. Journal of

Transcultural Psychiatry, 44(3), 459-481.

Ellmers, N. (2010). Social Identity Theory. In J. M. Levine & M. A. Hogg (Eds.),

Encyclopedia of Group Processes and Intergroup Relations. Thousand Oaks: SAGE

Publications, Inc.

Ellmers, N., Spears, R., & Doosje, B. (2002). Self and social identity. Annual Review of

Psychology, 53, 161-186.

Erens, B. (2013). Designing High-Quality Surveys of Ethnic Minority Groups in the United

Kingdom. In J. Font & M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic Minorities and

Immigrant Populations: Methodological Challenges and Research Strategies.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Erikson, E. H. (1980). Identity and the Life Cycle. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.

Evans, S. L., & Bowlby, S. (2000). Crossing boundaries: Racialised gendering and the labour

market experiences of Pakistani migrant women in Britain. Women's Studies 239

International Forum, 23(4), 461-474. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0277-

5395(00)00107-2

Flannery, P. W., Reise, S. P., & Jiajuan, Y. (2001). An empirical comparison of acculturation

models. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 27(8), 1035-1045.

Fleay, C., & Hartley, L. (2016). ‘I Feel Like a Beggar’: Asylum seekers living in the

Australian community without the right to work. Journal of International Migration

and Integration, 17(4), 1031-1048.

Fleay, C., Cokley, J., Dodd, A., Briskman, L., & Schwartz, L. (2016). Missing the boat:

Australia and asylum seeker deterrence messaging. International Migration, 54(4),

60-73.

Font, J., & Mendez, M. (2013). Surveying Ethnic Minorities and Immigrant Populations.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Foroutan. (2008). Migration differentials in women’s market employment: An empirical and

multicultural analysis. International Migration Review, 42(3), 675-703.

Fuller‐Rowell, T. E., Ong, A. D., & Phinney, J. S. (2013). National identity and perceived

discrimination predict changes in ethnic identity commitment: Evidence from a

longitudinal study of Latino college students. Applied Psychology, 62(3), 406-426.

Gallois, C. (2003). Reconciliation through communication in intercultural encounters:

Potential or peril? Journal of Communication, 53(1), 5-15. doi:10.1111/j.1460-

2466.2003.tb03001.

Ganassin, S., & Holmes, P. (2013). Multilingual research practices in community research:

The case of migrant/refugee women in North East England. International Journal of

Applied Linguistics, 23(3), 342-356.

Ghoraishi, H. (2007). How dual is transnational identity? A debate on dual positioning of

diaspora organizations. Culture and Organization, 10(4), 329-340. 240

Ghuman, P. A. S. (2000). Acculturation of south Asian adolescents in Australia. British

Journal of Educational Psychology, 70(3), 305-316.

Gifford, S. M., Bakopanos, C., Kaplan, I., & Correa-Velez, I. (2007). Meaning or

measurment? Researching the social contexs of health and settlement among newly-

arrived refugee youth in Melbourne, Australia. Journal of Refugee Studies, 20(3),

414-440.

Gordon, M., M. (1964). Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and

National Origins. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gudykunst, W. B. (1985). A model of uncertainty reduction in intercultural encounters.

Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 4(2), 79-98.

doi:10.1177/0261927x8500400201

Gudykunst, W. B., & Shapiro, R. B. (1996). Communication in everyday interpersonal and

intergroup encounters. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 20(1), 19-45.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(96)00037-5

Guruge, S., Shirpak, K. R., Hyman, I., Zanchetta, M., Gastaldo, D., & Sidani, S. (2010). A

meta-synthesis of post-migration changes in marital relationships in Canada.

Canadian Journal of Public Health/Revue Canadienne de Sante'e Publique, 327-331.

Hammer, M. R., Gudykunst, W. B., & Wiseman, R. L. (1978). Dimensions of intercultural

effectiveness: An exploratory study. International Journal of Intercultural Relations,

2(4), 382-393. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(78)90036-6

Harrison, D., A, Price, K., H, Gavin, J., H, & Florey, A., T. (2002). Time, teams, and task

performance: Changing effects of surface- and deep-level diversity on group

functioning. Journal of Academy Management, 45(5), 1029-1045.

Harte, W., Childs, I. R., & Hastings, P. A. (2009). Settlement patterns of African refugee

communities in Southeast Queensland. Australian geographer, 40(1), 51-67. 241

Hawthorne, L. (2005). “Picking winners”: The recent transformation of Australia's skilled

migration policy. International migration review, 39(3), 663-696.

Hawthorne, L. (1997). The question of discrimination: Skilled migrants’ access to Australian

employment. International Migration, 35(3), 395-419.

Hebbani, A. (2014). The impact of religious difference and unemployment/underemployment

on Somali former refugee settlement in Australia. Journal of Muslim Mental Health,

8(1), 1-10.

Hebbani, A., & Preece, M. (2015). Spoken English does matter: Findings from an exploratory

study to identify predictors of employment among African refugees in Brisbane.

Australasian Review of African Studies, 36(2), 110.

Hebbani, A., & Colic-Peisker, V. (2012). Communicating one's way to employment: A case

study of African settlers in Brisbane, Australia. Journal of Intercultural Studies,

33(5), 529-547.

Hebbani, A.,Obijiofor, L., & Mackinnon, M. (2018). Examining intergenerational cultural

transmission in refugee families: A study of Congolese, Burmese, and Ethiopian

refugee families resettled in Australia. Paper presented at the International

Communication Association (ICA) preconference on Family Communication,

Prague, Czechoslovakia.

Hebbani, A., Colic-Peisker, V., & Mackinnon, M. (2017). Know thy neighbour: Residential

integration and social bridging among refugee settlers in Greater Brisbane. Journal of

Refugee Studies, 31(1), 82-103.

Hebbani, A., Obijiofor, L., & Bristed, H. (2010). Intercultural communication challenges

confronting female Sudanese former refugees in Australia. ARAS, 3(1), 37-61.

Heelsum, A., v. (2013). The Influence of Interviewers’ Ethnic Background in a Survey

Among Surinamese in the Netherlands. In J. Font & M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying 242

Ethnic Minorities and Immigrant Populations: Methodological Challenges and

Research Strategies. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Henderson, A. (2004). The settlement experiences of immigrants (excluding refugees) in

New Zealand: An overview paper completed for the Auckland Regional Settlement

Strategy. International Pacific College, Palmerston North.

Hirst, J. (2010). Looking for Australia: Historical essays. Melbourne: Black Inc.

Ho, C. (2007). Muslim women's new defenders: Women's rights, nationalism, and

Islamophobia in contemporary Australia. Women's Studies International Forum,

30(4), 290-298. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2007.05.002

Ho, C. (2006). Women crossing borders: The changing identities of professional Chinese

migrant women in Australia. Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, 3(2),

1-16.

Hofstede, G. (1991). Cultures and organisations-software of the mind: Intercultural

cooperation and its importance for survival. London: Mc Iraw-Hill.

Hogg, M. A. (2000). Subjective uncertainty reduction through self-categorization: A

Motivational theory of social identity processes. European Review of Social

Psychology, 11(1), 223-255. doi:10.1080/14792772043000040

Hogg, M. A., & Abrams, D. (1988). Social Identifications: A Social Psychology of Intergroup

Relations and Group Processes. London: Routledge.

Hoijer, B. (1990). ‘Reliability, validity and generalizability: Three questions for the

qualitative reception researcher’. The Nordicom Review,1, 15-19.

Holmes, P., Fay, R., Andrews, J., & Attia, M. (2013). Researching multilingually: New

theoretical and methodological directions. International Journal of Applied

Linguistics, 23(3), 285-299. 243

Hooghe, M., & De Vroome, T. (2015). The perception of ethnic diversity and anti-immigrant

sentiments: A multilevel analysis of local communities in Belgium. Ethnic and Racial

Studies, 38(1), 38-56.

Hopkins, P.E., Kwan, M.P., C.C. (2007). Introduction: Geographies of Muslim

Identities. In M. P., Kwan, P. Hopkins, & Aitchison, C. Geographies of Muslim

Identities: Diaspora, Gender and Belonging. England: Ashgate Publishing

Limited. 29-55.

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., & Gupta, V. (Eds.). (2004).

Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Sage

Publications.

Hugman, R., Bartolomei, L., & Pittaway, E. (2011). Human agency and the meaning of

informed consent: Reflection on research with refugees. Journal of Refugee Studies,

24(4), 655-671.

Hugo, G. (2011). Economic, social and civic contributions of first and second generation

humanitarian entrants. Final Report to Department of Immigration and

Citizenship. Retrieved from:

https://www.homeaffairs.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/research/econom

ic-social-civic-contributions-about-the-research2011.pdf

Hugo, G. (2005). Migrants in society: Diversity and cohesion. Geneva: Global Commission

on International Migration.

Hugo, G. (2004). A new paradigm of international migration: Implications of migration

policy and planning in Australia. In S. P. Section (Ed.), (Vol. 10). Information and

research services parliamentary library.

Humphrey, M. (2007). Culturalising the abject: Islam, law and moral panic in the West.

Australian journal of social issues, 42(1), 9-25. 244

Hutnik, N. (1986). Patterns of ethnic minority identification and modes of social adaptation.

Ethnic and Racial Studies, 9(2), 150-167.

Hyman, I., Guruge, S., & Mason, R. (2008). The impact of migration on marital

relationships: A study of Ethiopian immigrants in Toronto. Journal of Comparative

Family Studies, 149-163.

Inglis, C. (2011). The Incorporation of Australian Youth in a Multicultural and Transnational

World. In J. Jupp & M. Clyne (Eds.), Multiculturalism and Integration. Australia,

Canbbera: ANU E Press.

Iredale, R. (2005). Gender, immigration policies, and accreditation: Valuing the skills of

professional women migrants. Geoforum, 36(2), 155-166.

Jacobsen, K., & Landau, L., B. (2003). The dual imperative in refugee research: Some

methodological and ethical considerations in social science research on forced

migration. Disasters, 27(3), 185- 206.

Jakubowicz, A. H. (2007). The Media and Social Cohesion. In J., Jupp, J., Nieuwenhuysen,

E. & Dawson. (Eds.). (2007). Social Cohesion in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511481574

Jakubowicz, A. (1989). The state and welfare of immigrants in Australia. Ethnic and Racial

Studies (12), 1-35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1989.9993620

Jamarani, M. (2009). A Study of Languages and Cultures in Contact Among Iranian Female

Immigrants in Australia. (Doctor of Philosophy), University of Queensland, Australia, Queensland. Jasinskaja-Lahti, I., Liebkind, K., Horenczyk, G., & Schmitz, P. (2003). The interactive nature of acculturation: Perceived discrimination, acculturation attitudes and stress

among young ethnic repatriates in Finland, Israel, and Germany. International

Journal of Intercultural Relations, 27(1), 79-97. doi:

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0147-1767(02)00061-5 245

Junankar, P. N., Paul, S., & Yasmeen, W. (2004). Are Asian migrants discriminated against

in the labour market? A case study of Australia.(Vol. 1167). IZA Discussion Paper

No.

Jupp, J. (2011). Multiculturalism and integration: A harmonious relationship. In J. Jupp & M.

Clyne (Eds.), Multiculturalism and Integration. Australia, Canbbera: ANU E Press.

Jupp, J. (2002). From White Australia to Woomera: The Story of Australian Immigration.

New York: Cambrdige University Press.

Karlsen, E., Phillips, J., & Koleth, E. (2011). Seeking asylum: Australia's humanitarian

program. Australia: Parliament of Australia.

Kazemipur, A., & Nakhaie, M. R. (2014). The economics of attachment: Making a case for a

relational approach to immigrants' integration in Canada. International Migration and

Integration, 15, 609-632.

Kealey, D. J. (1989). A study of cross-cultural effectiveness: Theoretical issues, practical

applications. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 13(3), 387-428.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(89)90019-9

Kearney, M. (1995). The local and the global: The anthropology of globalization and

transnationalism. Annual Review of Anthropology, 24, 547-565. doi: 10.2307/2155949

Kelly, M., & Hedman, L. (2016). Between opportunity and constraint: Understanding the

onward migration of highly educated Iranian refugees from Sweden. Journal of

International Migration and Integration, 17(3), 649-667.

Khanlou, N., Koh, J. G., & Mill, C. (2008). Culture identity and experiences of prejudice and

discrimination of Afghan and Iranian immigrant youth. Journal of Mental Health

Addiction, 6, 494-513. 246

Khoo, S. (2012a). How longitudinal surveys can be used to better measure how well

immigrants are settling in Australia. Australian Demographic & Social Research

Institute, 63-67.

Khoo, S. (2012b). Key research questions for a longitudinal survey of refugees and other

humanitarian migrants. Australian demographic and social research institute: The

Australian National University.

Khosravi, S. (2012). White masks/Muslim names: Immigrants and name-changing in

Sweden. Race & class, 53(3), 65-80.

Khavarpour, F., & Rissel, C. (1997). Mental health status of Iranian migrants in Sydney.

Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 31(6), 828-834.

Kim, Y. Y. (2008). Intercultural personhood: Globalization and a way of being. International

Journal of Intercultural Relations, 32(4), 359-368.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.04.005

Kim, Y. Y. (2007). Ideology, identity, and intercultural communication: An analysis of

differing academic conceptions of cultural identity. Journal of Intercultural

Communication Research, 36(3), 237-253.

Kim, Y. Y. (2001). Becoming Intercultural: An Integrative Theory of Communication and

Cross-Cultural Adaptation. London: SAGE Publications, Inc.

Kim, Y. Y. (1995). Cross-cultural Adaptation: An Integrative Theory. In R. L. Wiseman

(Ed.), Intercultural Communication Theory. London: SAGE Publications, Inc.

Kim, Y. Y. (1988). Communication and Cross-cultural Adaptation: An Integrative Theory:

Multilingual Matters.

Kim, Y. Y. (1977) Communication patterns of foreign immigrants in the process of

acculturation. Human Communication Research, 4(1), 66-77. doi:10.1111/j.1468-

2958. 247

Kim, Y. Y., & McKay-Semmler, K. (2013). Social engagement and cross-cultural adaptation:

An examination of direct- and mediated interpersonal communication activities of

educated non-natives in the United States. International Journal of Intercultural

Relations, 37(1), 99-112. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2012.04.015

Kim, Y. Y., Lujan, P., & Dixon, L. D. (1998). “I Can Walk Both Ways”. Identity integration

of American Indians in Oklahoma. Human Communication Research, 25(2), 252-274.

doi:10.1111/j.1468-2958.1998.tb00445.

Kim, Y. Y. (1978). A communication approach to the acculturation process: A study of

Korean immigrants in Chicago. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 2(2),

197-224. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(78)90006-8

Kosic, A., & Phalet, K. (2006). Ethnic categorization of immigrants: The role of prejudice,

perceived acculturation strategies and group size. International Journal of

Intercultural Relations, 30(6), 769-782.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2006.06.003

Kosic, A., Kruglanski, A. W., Pierro, A., & Mannetti, L. (2004). The social cognition of

immigrants' acculturation: Effects of the need for closure and the reference group at

entry. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(6), 796-813.

doi:10.1037/0022-3514.86.6.796

Krieger, N., & Sidney, S. (1996). Racial discrimination and blood pressure: the CARDIA

Study of young black and white adults. American journal of public health, 86(10),

1370-1378.

Kurylo, A. (2012). Inter/cultural Communication: Representation and Construction of

Culture. Sage Publications, Inc.

Kvale, S. (2008). Doing Interviews. London: Sage Publications, Inc. 248

LaFromboise, T., H, Coleman, L. K., & Gerton, J. (1993). Psychological impact of

biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 114(3), 395-412.

Leaning, J. (2001). Ethics of research in refugee populations. The LANCET, 357, 1432-1433.

Lee, E. (2005). Marital conflict and social support of Korean immigrants in the United States.

International Social Work, 48(3), 313-324.

Lee, S.-K., Sobal, J., & Frongillo Jr., E. A. (2000). Acculturation and health in Korean

Americans. Social Science & Medicine, 51, 159–733.

Lee, S.-K., Sobal, J., & Frongillo, E. A. (2003). Comparison of models of acculturation: The

case of Korean Americans. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 34(3), 282-296.

Lewthwaite, M. (1996). A study of international students’ perspectives on cross-cultural

adaptation. International journal for the Advancement of Counselling, 19, 167-185.

Liebkind, K., & Jasinskaja-Lahti, I. (2000). The influence of experiences of discrimination on

psychological stress: A comparison of seven immigrant groups. Journal of

Community & Applied Social Psychology, 10(1), 1-16.

Lipps, O., Lagana, F., Pollien, A., & Gianettoni, L. (2013). Under-representation of Foreign

Minorities in Cross-sectional and Longitudinal Surveys in Switzerland. In J. FONT &

M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic Minorities and Immigrant Populations:

Methodological Challenges and Research Strategies. Amsterdam: Amsterdam

University Press.

Liu, S., Volcic, Z., & Gallois, C. (2010). Introducing intercultural communication: Global

cultures and contexts: Sage Publications, Inc.

Lovat, T., Nilan, P., Hosseini, S., Samarayi, I., Mansfield, M., & Alexander, W. (2013).

Australian Muslim jobseekers: Equal employment opportunity and equity in the labor

market. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 33(4), 435-450, DOI:

10.1080/13602004.2013.866346 249

Mackenzi, C., McDowell, C., & Pittaway, E. (2007). Beyond ‘do no harm’: The challenge of

constructing ethical relationships in refugee research. Journal of Refugee Studies,

20(2), 299-319.

Mann, R.. (2001). Temporary Protection Visa Holders in Queensland: A Research Report by

Renae Mann on the Impact of Visa 785. Multicultural Affairs Queensland,

Department of the Premier and Cabinet.

Manning, P. C. (2004). Dog whistle politics and journalism: Reporting Arabic and Muslim

people in Sydney newspapers: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, UTS.

Mansouri, F., Leach, M., & Traies, S. (2006). Acculturation experiences of Iraqi refugees in

Australia: The impact of visa category. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 27(4), 393-

412.

Martin, D. (1984). The persecution of the Baha’ís of Iran. Association for Baha’i Studies. 12,

1844-1984.

Massey, J. L. S., & Parr, N. (2012). The socio-economic status of migrant populations in

regional and rural Australia and its implications for future population policy. Journal

of Population Research, 29, 1-21.

Massey, D. S., Arango, J., Hugo, G., Kouaouci, A., Pellegrino, A., & Taylor, J. E. (1993).

Theories of international migration: A review and appraisal. Population and

Development Review, 19(3), 431-466. doi:10.2307/2938462

McAuliffe, C. (2016). Visible minorities: Constructing and deconstructing the Muslim

Iranian diaspora. In M. P., Kwan, P. Hopkins, & Aitchison, C. Geographies of

Muslim Identities: Diaspora, Gender and Belonging. Routledge (pp.39-66).

McAuliffe, C. (2008). Transnationalism within: Internal diversity in the Iranian diaspora.

Australian Geographer, 39(1), 63-80. doi: 10.1080/00049180701877436. 250

McAuliffe, C. (2007a). A home far away? Religious identity and transnational relations in the

Iranian diaspora. Global Networks, 7(3), 307-327. doi:10.1111/j.1471-

0374.2007.00171.

McAuliffe, C. (2007b). Visible minorities: Constructing and deconstructing the ‘Muslim

Iranian diaspora. In M. P., Kwan, P. Hopkins, & Aitchison, C. Geographies of

Muslim Identities: Diaspora, Gender and Belonging. England: Ashgate Publishing

Limited. 29-55.

McGarty, C. (2001). Social identity theory does not maintain that identification produces

bias, and self‐categorization theory does not maintain that salience is identification:

Two comments on Mummendey, Klink and Brown. British Journal of Social

Psychology, 40(2), 173-176.

McKay, F. H., Thomas, S. L., & Kneebone, S. (2012). ‘It would be okay if they came through

the proper channels’: Community perceptions and attitudes toward asylum seekers in

Australia. Journal of Refugee Studies, 25(1), 113-133.

McLaren, L., & Johnson, M. (2007). Resources, group conflict and symbols: Explaining anti‐

immigration hostility in Britain. Political Studies, 55(4), 709-732.

McKay-Semmler, K., & Kim, Y. Y. (2014). Cross-cultural adaptation of Hispanic youth: A

study of communication patterns, functional fitness, and psychological Health.

Communication Monographs, 81(2), 133-156. doi:10.1080/03637751.2013.870346.

McPherson, M. (2010). ‘I Integrate, Therefore I Am’: Contesting the normalizing discourse

of integrationism through conversations with refugee women. Journal of Refugee

Studies, 23(4), 546-570. doi:10.1093/jrs/feq040.

Mendez, M., Ferreras, M., & Cuesta, M. (2013). Immigration and General Population

Surveys in Spain: The CIS Surveys. In J. Font & M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic 251

Minorities and Immigrant Populations: Methodological Challenges and Research

Strategies. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Miglietta, A., & Tartaglia, S. (2009). The influence of length of stay, linguistic competence,

and media exposure in immigrants’ adaptation. Cross-Culrural Research, 43(1), 46-61.

Miles, M., & Huberman, A. (1984). Qualitative Data Analysis: A Sourcebook of New

Methods. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

Milner, K., & Khawaja, N, G. (2010). Sudanese refugees in Australia: The impact of

acculturation stress. Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology, 4, pp 19-29.

doi:10.1375/prp.4.1.19.

Mobasher, M. (2006). Cultural trauma and ethnic identity formation among Iranian

immigrants in the United States. The American Behavioral Scientist, 50(1), 100-117.

Modood, T. (2007). Multiculturalism. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology, 1-4.

Modood, T. (2003). Muslims and the politics of difference. The Political Quarterly, 74(s 1),

100.

Moghaddam, F. M., Taylor, D. M., & Lalonde, R. N. (1987). Individualistic and collective

integration strategies among Iranians in Canada. International Journal of Psychology,

22(3), 301-313.

Moghadam, V. M. (1992). Patriarchy and the politics of gender in modernising societies:

Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. International Sociology, 7(1), 35-53.

Mols, F., & Jetten, J. (2014). No guts, no glory: How framing the collective past paves the

way for anti-immigrant sentiments. International Journal of Intercultural Relations,

43, 74-86.

Mostofi, N. (2003). Who We Are: The Perplexity of Iranian-American Identity. The

Sociological Quarterly, 44(4), 681-703. doi:10.2307/4120728

Mughan, A., & Paxton, P. (2006). Anti-immigrant sentiment, policy preferences, and populist 252

party voting in Australia. British Journal of Political Science, 36(2), 341-358.

Myrberg, G. (2013). Surveying Migrants and Migrant Associations in Stockholm. In J. Font

& M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic Minorities and Immigrant Populations:

Methodological Challenges and Research Strategies. Amsterdam: Amsterdam

University Press.

Nagel, C. (2005). Skilled migration in global cities from 'Other' perspectives: British Arabs,

identity politics, and local embeddedness. Geoforum, 36, 197-210.

Naghdi, A. (2010). Iranian diaspora: With focus on Iranian immigrants in Sweden. Asian

Social Science, 6(11), 197-208.

Navas, M., Rojas, A. J., García, M., & Pumares, P. (2007). Acculturation strategies and

attitudes according to the Relative Acculturation Extended Model (RAEM): The

perspectives of natives versus immigrants. International Journal of Intercultural

Relations, 31(1), 67-86. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2006.08.002

Navas, M., García, M. C., Sánchez, J., Rojas, A. J., Pumares, P., & Fernández, J. S. (2005).

Relative Acculturation Extended Model (RAEM): New contributions with regard to

the study of acculturation. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29(1), 21-

37. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.04.001

Negy, C., Schwartz, S., & Reig-Ferrer, A. (2009). Violated expectations and acculturative

stress among US Hispanic immigrants. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority

Psychology, 15(3), 255.

Nesdale, D., & Mak, A. S. (2003). Ethnic identification, self-esteem, and immigrant

psychological health. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 27(1), 23-40.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0147-1767(02)00062-7

Neuman, W. L. (2011). Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches

(7th Edition). Boston: Pearson. 253

Newman, L. K., Dudley, M., & Steel, Z. (2008). Asylum, detention, and mental health in

Australia. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 27(3), 110-127.

Nguyen, L., & Peterson, C. (1992). Depressive symptoms among Vietnamese-American

college students. Journal of Social Psychology, 133(1), 65-71.

Noels, K. A., Pon, G., & Clement, R. (1996). Language, identity, and adjustment: The role of

linguistic self-confidence in the acculturation process. Journal of Language and

Social Psychology, 15(3), 246-264.

Nunan, D. (1992). Research Methods in Language Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Obijiofor, L. (2015) New Technologies in Developing societies: From Theory to Practice.

Basingstoke, London: Palgrave Macmillan.

O' Leary, Z. (2014). The Essential Guide to Doing Your Research Project. Los Angeles:

SAGE Publications, Inc.

Omeri, A. (1997). Culture care of Iranian immigrants in New South Wales, Australia:

Sharing transcultural nursing knowledge. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 8(5), 5-

16.

Ouaked, S.(2002). Translantic roundtable on high-skilled migration and sending countries

issues. International Migration, 40(4), 153-166.

Patton, M, Q. (2002). Qualitative Research and Evaluation Methods (3rd eds). Thousand

Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

Peek, L. (2005). Becoming Muslim: The development of a religious identity. Sociology of

Religion, 66(3), 215-242.

Pernice, R. (1994). Methodological issues in research with refugees and immigrants.

Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 25(3), 207-213. 254

Phillimore, J. (2011). Refugees, acculturation strategies, stress and integration. Journal of

Social Policy, 40(03), 575-593. doi:10.1017/S0047279410000929

Phillips, J., & Spinks, H. (2012). Skilled migration: Temporary and permanent flows to

Australia. Department of Parliamentary Services.

Phinney, J. S. (2003). Ethic identity and acculturation. In K. M. Chun, P. B. Organista, & G.

Marín (Eds.), Acculturation: Advances in theory, measurement, and applied research

(pp. 63-81). Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association.

Phinney, J. S., Horenczyk, G., Liebkind, K., & Vedder, P. (2001). Ethnic identity,

immigration, and well‐being: An interactional perspective. Journal of social issues,

57(3), 493-510.

Phinney, J. S. (1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: Review of research.

Psychological Bulletin, 108(3), 499-514. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.108.3.499

Pickering, S. (2001). Common sense and original deviancy: News discourses and asylum

seekers in Australia. Journal of Refugee Studies, 14(2), 169-186.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/14.2.169

Piontkowski, U., Rohmann, A., & Florack, A. (2002). Concordance of acculturation attitudes

and perceived threat. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 5(3), 221-232.

Piontkowski, U., Florack, A., Hoelker, P., & Obdrzálek, P. (2000). Predicting acculturation

attitudes of dominant and non-dominant groups. International Journal of Intercultural

Relations, 24(1), 1-26. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0147-1767(99)00020-6

Poynting, S., & Noble, G. (2004). Living with Racism: The experience and reporting by Arab

and Muslim Australians of discrimination, abuse and violence since 11 September

2001. Report to the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 19. 255

Poynting, S., & Mason, V. (2007). The resistable rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim racism

in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001. Journal of Sociology, 43(1), 61-

86.

Poynting, P., & Perry, B. (2007). Climates of hate: Media and state inspired victimisation of

Muslims in Canada and Australia since 9/11. Current Issues in Criminal

Justice,19(2), 151-171.

Ramboarison-Lalao, L., Al Ariss, A., & Barth, I. (2011). Careers of skilled migrants:

Understanding the experiences of Malagasy physicians in France. Journal of

Management Development, 31(2), 116-129.

Redfield, R., Linton, R., & Herskovits, M. J. (1936). Memorandum for the study of

acculturation. American Anthropologist, 38(1), 149-152. doi:10.2307/662563.

Richardson, R. (2010). Sending a message? Refugees and Australia's deterrence campaign.

Media International Australia, 135(1), 7-18.

Richardson, S., Healy, J., Stack, S., Ilsley, D., Lester, L., & Horrocks, J. (2004). The

Changing Settlement Experience of New Migrants: Inter-Wave Comparisons for

Cohort 1 and 2 of the LSIA. Report to the DIMIA, Adelaide: The National Institute of

Labour Studies, Flinders University. Retrieved from:

https://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/settlementv2.pdf

Richardson, S., L. Miller-Lewis, P. Ngo, & Isley, D. (2002). The settlement experiences of

the new migrants: A comparison of wave one of LSIA 1 and LSIA 2. National Institute

of Labour Studies, Flinders University, Adelaide.

Rinken, S. (2013). Enhancing Reresentativeness in Highly Dynamic Settings: Lessons from

the NEPIA Survey. In J. Font & M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic Minorities and

Immigrant Populations: Methodological Challenges and Research Strategies.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. 256

Rogler, L. H. (1994). International migrations: A framework for directing research. American

Psychologist, 49(8), 701-708. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.49.8.701

Roosens, E. E. (1989). Creating Ethnicity: The Process of Ethnogenesis. Thousand Oaks,

CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc.

Roytburd, L., & Friedlander, M. L. (2008). Predictors of Soviet Jewish refugees'

acculturation: Differentiation of self and acculturative stress. Cultural Diversity and

Ethnic Minority Psychology, 14(1), 67-74. doi:10.1037/1099-9809.14.1.67

Ruben, B. D. (1976). Assessing communication competency for intercultural adaptation.

Group & Organization Studies, 7(3), 334-354.

Rudmin, F. (2009). Constructs, measurements and models of acculturation and acculturative

stress. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 33(2), 106-123. doi:

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.12.001

Ryder, A. G., Alden, L. E., & Paulhus, D. L. (2000). Is acculturation unidimensional or

bidimensional? A head-to-head comparison in the prediction of personality, self-

identity, and adjustment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79(1), 49-65.

doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.79.1.49

Sadeghi, S. (2016). The burden of geopolitical stigma: Iranian immigrants and their adult

children in the USA. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 17(4), 1109-

1124.

Safdar, S., Lay, C., & Struthers, W.(2003). The process of acculturation and basic goals:

Testing a multidimensional individual difference acculturation model with Iranian

immigrants in Canada. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 52(4), 555-579.

doi:10.1111/1464-0597.00151 257

Salant, T., & Lauderdale, D. S. (2003). Measuring culture: A critical review of acculturation

and health in Asian immigrant populations. Social Science & Medicine, 57(1), 71-90.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0277-9536(02)00300-3

Sam, D. L. (2006). Acculturation: Conceptual background and core components. In D. L.

Sam & J. W. Berry (Eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sam, D. L., & Berry, J. (2016). The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology (2nd

ed., Cambridge Handbooks in Psychology). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sam, D. L., & Berry, J. W. (2006a). The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sam, D. L., & Berry, J. W. (2006b). Introduction. In D. L. Sam & J. W. Berry (Ed.). The

Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology (pp. 1-7). Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Santos, C. E., & Umaña-Taylor, A. J. (2015). Studying Ethnic Identity: Methodological and

Conceptual Approaches Across Disciplines. American Psychological Association.

Sarantakos, S. (2005). Social Research. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.

Sarhadi Raj, D. (2010). ‘Who the hell do you think you are? Promoting religious identity

among young Hindus in Britain. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 23(3), 535-558.

Saunders, M. N., Saunders, M., Lewis, P., & Thornhill, A. (2011). Research Methods for

Business Students. Pearson Education India.

Schnell, P., & Fibbi, R. (2016). Getting ahead: Educational and occupational trajectories of

the ‘new’second-generation in Switzerland. Journal of International Migration and

Integration, 17(4), 1085-1107. 258

Schwartz, S. J., & Zamboanga, B. L. (2008). Testing Berry's model of acculturation: A

confirmatory latent class approach. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority

Psychology, 14(4), 275-286.

Schwartz, S. J., Unger, J. B., Zamboanga, B. L., & Szapocznik, J. (2010). Rethinking the

concept of acculturation: Implications for theory and research. American

Psychologist,65(4), 237-251. doi: 10.1037/a0019330

Schwartz, S. J., Montgomery, M. J., & Briones, E. (2006). The role of identity in

acculturation among immigrant people: Theoretical propositions, empirical questions,

and applied recommendations. Human development, 49(1), 1-30

Schweitzer, R., Perkoulidis, S., Krome, S., Ludlow, C., & Ryan, M. (2005). Attitudes

towards refugees: The dark side of prejudice in Australia. Australian Journal of

Psychology, 57(3), 170–179. doi:10.1080/00049530500125199

Searle, W., & Ward, C. (1990). The prediction of psychological and sociocultural adjustment

during cross-cultural transitions. International Journal of Intercultural Relations,

14(4), 449-464. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(90)90030-Z

Segall, M. H. (1986). Culture and behaviour: Pychology in global perspective. Annual

Review of Psychology, 37(1), 523-564.

Smith, T., W. (2013). An evaluation of Spanish questions on the 2006 and 2008 US general

social surveys. In J. Font & M. Mendez (Eds.), Surveying Ethnic Minorities and

Immigrant Populations. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Special Broadcasting Service, SBS. (2018). Anti-immigration sentiment rises sharply in

Australia: Report: Retrieved from:

https://www.sbs.com.au/yourlanguage/punjabi/en/article/2018/06/25/anti-

immigration-sentiment-rises-sharply-australia-report. 259

Spicer, N. (2008). Places of exclusion and inclusion: Asylum-seeker and refugee experiences

of neighbourhoods in the UK. Journal of ethnic and migration studies, 34(3), 491-

510.

Sreberny, A. (2000). Media and diasporic consciousness: An exploration among Iranians in

London. Ethnic minorities and the media, 179-196.

Steel, Z., & Silove, D. M. (2001). The mental health implications of detaining asylum

seekers. The Medical Journal of Australia, 175(11-12), 596-599.

Steel, Z., Momartin, S., Silove, D., Coello, M., Aroche, J., & Tay, K. W. (2011). Two year

psychosocial and mental health outcomes for refugees subjected to restrictive or

supportive immigration policies. Social Science & Medicine, 72(7), 1149-1156.

Stokes, G. (1997). The Politics of Identity in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.

Syed, J. (2008). Employment prospects for skilled migrants: A relational perspective. Human

Resource Management Review, 18, 28-45.

Syed, J., & Pio, E. (2010). Veiled diversity? Workplace experiences of Muslim women in

Australia. Asia Pacific Journal of Management, 27, 115-137.

Szapocznik, J., Scopetta, M. A., & Kurtines, W. (1978). Theory and measurement of

acculturation. InterAmerican Journal of Psychology, 12, 113-130.

Tadmor, C. T., & Tetlock, P. E. (2006). Biculturalism: A model of the effects of second-

culture exposure on acculturation and integrative complexity. Journal of Cross-

Cultural Psychology, 37(2), 173-190.

Tajfel, H. (1981). Human Groups and Social Categories: Studies in Social Psychology.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Tajfel, H. (1982). Social psychology of intergroup relations. Annual Review of Psychology,

33(1),1. 260

Tajfel, H. (1979). Individuals and groups in social psychology. British Journal of Social and

Clinical Psychology, 18(2), 183-190. doi:10.1111/j.2044-8260.1979.tb00324.

Tajfel, H. (1974). Social identity and intergroup behavior. Social Science Information, 13(2),

65-93.

Tajfel, H. (1970). Experiments in intergroup discrimination. Scientific American, 223(5), 96-

102.

Tajfel, H. (1969a). Aspects of National and Ethnic Loyalty. Social Science Information, 9(3),

119-144.

Tajfel, H. (1969b). Cognitive aspects of prejudice. Journal of Biosocial Science,1, 173-191.

doi:10.1017/S0021932000023336

Tajfel, H. (1969c). Human Groups and Social Categories. Journal of Biosocial Science, 1,

127-142.

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour: Worchel

S. I. Austin W. G. (ur.) Psychology of intergroup relations. Chicago: Nelson Hall.

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). ‘An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict’. In: W. G.

Austin, & S. Worchel (Eds) The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations.

California: Brooks/Cole.

Tajfel, H., Billig, M. G., Bundy, R. P., & Flament, C. (1971). Social categorization and

intergroup behaviour. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1(2), 149-178.

doi:10.1002/ejsp.2420010202

Tartakovsky, E. (2012). Factors affecting immigrants’ acculturation intentions: A theoretical

model and its assessment among adolescent immigrants from Russia and Ukraine in

Israel. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 36(1), 83-99.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2011.02.003 261

Te Lindert, A., Korzilius, H., Van de Vijver, F. J. R., Kroon, S., & Arends-Tóth, J. (2008).

Perceived discrimination and acculturation among Iranian refugees in the

Netherlands. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 32(6), 578-588.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.09.003

Tenty, T. A., & Houston, C. (2013). The Iranian diaspora in Sydney: Migration experience of

recent Iranian immigrants. Journal of Iranian Studies, 46(4), 625-640.

Thompson, E. (1994). Fair enough: Egalitarianism in Australia. Sydney, N. S. W.: University

of New South Wales Press.

Thorne, A. (2004). Putting the person into social identity. Human Development, 47(6), 361-

365.

Tilbury, F. (2006). "Everything is Excellent": Methodological Issues in Studying Refugee

Settlement. Paper presented at the TASA Conference 2006, University of Western

Australia & Murdoch University.

Ting-Toomey, S., & Oetzel, J. G. (2001). Managing Intercultural Conflict Effectively.

Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Inc.

Tonsing, K. N. (2013). Predictors of psychological adaptation of South Asian immigrants in

Hong Kong. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 37(2), 238-248. doi:

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2013.01.002

Trommsdorff, G. (2009). Intergenerational Relations and Cultural Transmission. In

Uschonpflug (ED.), Cultural transmission (pp. 126-160). New York, NY: Cambridge

University Press.

Turner, J. C. (1999). Some current issues in research on social identity and self-categorization

theories. Social identity: Context, commitment, content, 6-34.

Turner, J. C. (1985). Social categorization and the self-concept: A social cognitive theory of

group behaviour. Advances in group processes: Theory and research, 2, 77-122. 262

Turner, J. C., & Reynolds, K. J. (2001). The social identity perspective in intergroup

relations: Theories, themes, and controversies. Blackwell handbook of social

psychology: Intergroup processes, 4, 133-152.

Turner, J. C., Oakes, P. J., Haslam, S. A., & McGarty, C. (1994). Self and collective:

Cognition and social context. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 20(5), 454-

463.

Turner, J. C., Hogg, M. A., Oakes, P. J., Reicher, S. D., & Wetherell, M. S. (1987).

Rediscovering the Social group: A Self-categorization Theory. Cambridge, MA, US:

Basil Blackwell.

United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR). (1951). The 1951 Refugee

Convention. Article 1A (2). Geneva.

VandenHeuvel, A., & Wooden, M. (1996). Non-English-speaking-background Immigrant

Women and Part-time Work: Australian Government Pub. Service.

Van de Vijver, F. J., Helms-Lorenz, M., & Feltzer, M. J. (1999). Acculturation and cognitive

performance of migrant children in the Netherlands. International Journal of

Psychology, 34(3), 149-162.

Van der Zee, K. I., & Van Oudenhoven, J., P. (2001). The multicultural personality

questionnaire: Reliability and validity of self- and other ratings of multicultural

effectiveness. Journal of Research in Personality, 35(3), 278-288.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jrpe.2001.2320 van Osch, M. J., & Breugelmans, S., M. (2012). Perceieved intergroup difference as an

organizing principle of intercultural attitudes and acculturation attitudes. Journal of

Cross-Cultural Psychology, 43(5), 801-821. 263

Van Vianen, A. E., De Pater, I. E., Kristof-Brown, A. L., & Johnson, E. C. (2004). Fitting in:

Surface- and deep-level cultural differences and expatriates’ adjustment. The

Academy of Management Journal, 47(5), 697-709. doi:http://10.2307/20159612.

Verkuyten, M. (2004). The Social Psychology of Ethnic Identity. New York: Psychology

Press.

Verkuyten, M., & Yildiz, A. A. (2007). National (Dis)identification and ethnic and religious

identity: A study among Turkish-Dutch Muslims. Personality and Social Psychology

Bulletin, 33(10), 1448-1462.

Viruell-Fuentes, E. A. (2007). Beyond acculturation: Immigration, discrimination, and health

research among Mexicans in the United States. Social Science & Medicine, 65(7),

1524-1535. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2007.05.010

Ward, C. (2008). Thinking outside the Berry boxes: New perspectives on identity,

acculturation and intercultural relations. International Journal of Intercultural

Relations, 32(2), 105-114. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2007.11.002

Ward, C. (2006). Acculturation, identity, and adaptation in dual heritage adolescents.

International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 30(2), 243-259.

doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.09.001

Ward, C., & Kennedy, A. (1999). The measurement of sociocultural adaptation. International

Journal of Intercultural Relations, 23(4), 659-677. doi:

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0147-1767(99)00014-0

Ward, C., & Kennedy, A. (1994). Acculturation strategies, psychological adjustment, and

sociocultural competence during cross-cultural transitions. International Journal of

Intercultural Relations, 18(3), 329-343. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-

1767(94)90036-1 264

Ward, C., & Rana-Deuba, A. (1999). Acculturation and adaptation revisited. Journal of

Cross-Cultural Psychology, 30(4), 422-442.

Webb, S., Beale, D., & Faine, M. (2013). Skilled Migrant Women in Regional Australia:

Promoting Social Inclusion through Vocational Education and Training. NCVER:

Monash University.

Weinreich, P. (2009). ‘Enculturation’, not ‘acculturation’: Conceptualising and assessing

identity processes in migrant communities. International Journal of Intercultural

Relations, 33(2), 124-139. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.12.006

Worldometers. (2018). Elaboration of data by United Nations. Department of Economic and

Social Affairs, Population Division. Retrieved from: http://worldometers.info.

Yeh, C. J. (2003). Age, acculturation, cultural adjustment, and mental health symptoms of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese immigrant youths. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 9(1), 34-48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/1099-9809.9.1.34 Yip, T., Gee, G. C., & Takeuchi, D. T. (2008). Racial discrimination and psychological distress: The impact of ethnic identity and age among immigrant and United States- born Asian adults. Developmental Psychology, 44(3), 787-800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.44.3.787 Yu, S.H. (1985). ‘Studying Vietnamese refugees: Methodological lessons in transcultural

research’. In T. C., Owen (ed) Southeast Asian mental health: Treatment, prevention,

services, training and research (pp. 517-542). U.S. Department of Health and Human

Services (DHHS) Report No. ADM-85-1399. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government

Printing Office.

Zagefka, H., & Brown, R. (2002). The relationship between acculturation strategies, relative

fit and intergroup relations: Immigrant-majority relations in Germany. European

Journal of Social Psychology, 32(2), 171-188. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.73. 265

Zetter, R., & Pearl, M. (1999). Sheltering on the margins: Social housing provision and the

impact of restrictionism on Asylum seekers and refugees in the UK. Policy Studies,

20(4), 235-254.

Zimmerman, K., F. (2007). Migrant ethnic identity: Concept and policy implications. IZA

Discussion Papers, 3056, 1-22.

266

Appendices

Appendix A: Berry’s Acculturation Model

Is it considered to be of value to maintain cultural identity and characteristics? “YES” “NO”

Yes No Yes Integration Assimilation Is it considered to be of value to maintain relationships with other groups? Separation Marginalization “YES” “NO”

Figure 3. Berry’s Acculturation Model (Berry, 1997)

267

Appendix B: Ethical Clearance Approval

268

Appendix C: Letter of Information to Research Participants and Informed Consent Form (English)

Project: Settlement Experiences of Iranian Migrants on Humanitarian and Non-humanitarian Visas in Australia Project Investigator: Laya Matindoost

The purpose of this study is to investigate the settlement experiences of Iranian migrants on humanitarian and non-humanitarian visas in Australia. Your participation in this project involves a demographic survey and a semi-structured interview. Please read through this information sheet carefully – if you have any questions, I am happy to answer them via email and/or in person before you complete the informed consent form overleaf. Data collection will only commence upon receipt of your approval and the signed informed consent form.

Firstly, you will be asked to complete a demographic survey which will take about 10 minutes to complete. Following this, you will be interviewed to tell me about your settlement experience in Australia; this may take about 60 minutes and the interview will be audio-recorded for transcription purposes. Afterwards, I will send you a summary of the interview for you to check its accuracy, and to add any further comments you may wish to make.

The main themes and ideas which are contributed at this discussion will be noted and reported as part of the study. Information about you and your responses to the questionnaire and during the discussion will be kept confidential and used only for the purpose of this study. Any information you provide for my study will be reported in such a manner that you cannot be individually identified.

Participation in the survey and semi-structured interview involves no foreseeable risks above the risks of everyday living. Participation is voluntary and participants may choose not to participate in discussion of any particular issue if they do not wish to. Information gathered during the study will not be shared with anyone except researchers. The participant may withdraw at any time with no consequences and any information already collected will be destroyed or not included. Upon request, the participant can be provided with a copy of the record of their participation and be given the opportunity to read the draft publication relevant to their contribution. The participant will not receive reimbursement.

This study has been cleared in accordance with the ethical review guidelines and processes of the University of Queensland. These guidelines are endorsed by the University’s principal human ethics committee, the Human Experimentation Ethical Review Committee, and registered with the Australian Health Ethics Committee as complying with the National Statement. You are free to discuss your participation in this study with project staff (contactable on Laya Matindoost ([email protected] or phone: 0434954625) and Dr. Aparna Hebbani ([email protected]). If you would like to contact an officer of the University not involved in the study, please email the School Ethics Officer, Dr Natalie Collie ([email protected]). 269

Informed Consent Form (English)

Project: Settlement Experiences of Iranian migrants on Humanitarian and Non-humanitarian Visas in Australia Project Investigator: Laya Matindoost Date: Name of Research Participant:

I hereby consent to be involved in the above-mentioned project as a participant. I have read the information sheet pertaining to this research. By signing this form, I certify that Ms. Laya Matindoost has satisfactorily explained the project to me. I have been given an opportunity to ask questions and have them answered. I understand that the rights to privacy and confidentiality are appropriately safeguarded, and I may withdraw from participation at any time without penalty, and do not need to give any reason for doing so. By signing this form, I certify that Ms Laya Matindoost’s research will adhere strictly to the University of Queensland Human Research Ethics Regulations and that all information gathered during the survey and recorded semi-structured interviews will not be shared with anyone except researchers.

Thank you very much for your cooperation.

Signature of Research Participant:……………………..

Name of Research Participant:……………………………

Date......

Signature of Study Investigator:………………………

270

Appendix D: Participant Information Sheet and Participant Consent Form (Farsi)

پروزه: تجارب مهاجرت دارندگان ویزای بشر دوستانه و غیر بشردوستانه در استرالیا محقق: لعیا متین دوست شرکت کنندگان محترم:

لطفا متن زیر را با دقت بخوانید و در صورت داشتن سوال قبل از پر کردن فرم رضایت از طریق ایمیل یا شخصا پاسخگوی شما خواهم بود.در ابتدا از شما می خواهم تا پرسشنامه را پر کنید. این پرسشنامه شامل سواالتی آماری می باشد و حدود ده دقیقه زمان می برد.سپس از شما دعوت می شود تا در مصاحبه شرکت کنید که در آغاز مصاحبه می توانم پاسخگوی سواالت شما در مورد پرسشنامه باشم. سپس مصاحبه آغاز خواهد شد که حدود یکساعت طول میکشد و در طی آن در مورد تجارب مهاجرت شما سوال خواهد شد که در آن صدای شما ضبط خواهد شد. بعد از آن خالصه ای از مصاحبه برای شما ارسال خواهد شد تا صحت آن را بررسی کنید و در صورت تمایل موارد دیگری به آن اضافه کنید.ایده ها و نظرات شما که در این گفتگو و در این تحقیق گزارش داده می شود و اطالعات بدست آمده از شما محرمانه خواهد بود و فقط برای این تحقیق به کار برده خواهد شد.هرگونه اطالعاتی که توسط شما ارائه می شود بگونه ای گزارش می شود که هیچ شخصی شناخته نمی شود. به شما این اطمینان داده خواهد شد که این تحقیق به شکل سختگیرانه ای به قوانین و مقررات تحقیقاتی دانشگاه کوئینزلند مرتبط است و به گمنامی شرکت کنندگان و حفظ حریم خصوصی آنها احترام گذاشته خواهد شد. اسامی حقیقی شما به کار برده نخواهد شد و شما قابل شناسایی نخواهید بود و تمام اطالعات شما محرمانه نگهداری خواهد شد. چنانچه عالقمند به شرکت در این تحقیق هستید لطفاٌ فرم رضایتنامه را خوانده و امضا نموده و مستقیما به محقق دهید. در صورت داشتن هرگونه سوال با ایمیل اینجانب در تماس باشید. نتایج بدست آمده از تحقیق برای تز دکتری به کار برده می شود یا بخشهایی از آن برای کنفرانسهای خارجی و داخلی استرالیا به کار می رود. شرکت شما در این مصاحبه کامال داوطلبانه بوده و هر گاه که تمایل داشتید بدون داشتن دلیل می توانید از شرکت در مصاحبه خودداری کنید تا زمانی که داده ها تحلیل می شود. اطالعات مرتبط با این تحقیق در امنیت کامل گردآوری می شود و فقط من و اساتیدم به آن دسترسی خواهیم داشت. بنابراین بنده خواهان رضایت شما برای شرکت در این تحقیق هستم اگر مشکلی برای شرکت در این تحقیق ندارید فرم رضایتنامه را پر کنید و آن را شخصاٌ یا توسط ایمیل به من برگردانید ضمنا یک کپی از فرم رضایتنامه را نزد خود نگهدارید. در صورت داشتن هر گونه سوال میتوانید با تیم محقق تماس بگیرید. خانم لعیا متین دوست ([email protected] phone:0434954625) و خانم اپارنا هبانی.([email protected]) در صورت تمایل می توانید با مسول دانشگاه که خود در این تحقیق دخالتی ندارد با افسر قوانین دانشکده با این ادرس ایمیل .([email protected]) تماس بگیرید.

271

رضایت نامه

اینجانب رضایت می دهم که در مصاحبه و پرسشنامه با خانم لعیا متین دوست شرکت کنم و با امضای این فرم تایید می نمایم که خانم لعیا متین دوست به طور کامل اطالعات مرتبط با تحقیق را توضیح داده و من آگاهم که حقوق من و حریم خصوصی من محافظت میشود و هر زمان که بخواهم بدون ارائه هیچ دلیلی می توانم از شرکت در این تحقیق صرفنظر نمایم. به من این فرصت داده می شود تا سوال بپرسم و به سواالتم پاسخ داده شود. من اگاهم که که این تحقیق به شکل سختگیرانه ای به قوانین و مقررات تحقیقاتی دانشگاه کوئینزلند مرتبط است و به گمنامی شرکت کنندگان و حفظ حریم خصوصی آنها احترام گذاشته خواهد شد

از مشارکت شما سپاسگزارم

امضا شرکت کننده......

تاریخ......

امضا محقق......

272

Appendix E: Demographic Survey (English) Name:

Date:

1. Gender:  Female  Male

2. Year of birth: ______

3. What is your religion:  Christian  Muslim  Bahai  Jew  Zoroastrian  None

Other PLEASE SPECIFY: ______

4. Which best describes your currentstatus?  Married  Separated  Divorced  In a de facto relationship  Widowed  Single Other PLEASE SPECIFY: ______

5. Were you born in Australia or Iran? ______

6. What year did you arrive in Australia? ______

7. From which city/town in Iran do you come from? ______

8. Under what visa category did you come to Australia? TICK ONE  UNHCR- refugee visa  Humanitarian-sponsored entry (family reunion)  Permanent Skilled Migrant visa  Other PLEASE SPECIFY: ______

273

9. For refugees only: Did you spend time in a refugee camp?  No  Yes If yes, which refugee camp and for how long?

______

10. Do you currently have Australian permanent residency or Australian citizenship?

 Australian permanent resident  Australian citizen

11. What are the main languages you speak at home in Australia?  English  Persian  Azari/Turkish  Kurdish  Lori  Gilaki  Arabic  Other PLEASE SPECIFY: ______

12. How well can you speak English? PLEASE✓ CORRECT CIRCLE

○ ○ ○ ○ Not at all A little Rather Fluently Fluently I can speak in English I speak a few I cannot speak English but not very I can speak on a range of words/sentences but - I need an interpreter competently and topics and manage well have difficulty proficiently

274

13. How well can you write in English? PLEASE✓ CORRECT CIRCLE

○ ○ ○ ○ Not at all A little Rather Fluently Fluently I can write a few I can write in English words/sentences that but not very I cannot write in I can write very well are enough to get my competently and English at all in English message across in proficiently English

14. How well can you read in English? PLEASE✓ CORRECT CIRCLE

○ ○ ○ ○ Not at all A little bit Rather Fluently Fluently I can read a few I can read in English I cannot read in English words/ but not very I can read in English English at all sentences enough to competently and very well manage proficiently

15. How well can you speak Farsi? PLEASE✓ CORRECT CIRCLE

○ ○ ○ ○ Not at all A little Rather Fluently Fluently I can speak in Farsi I speak a few I can speak on a range I cannot speak Farsi- I but not very words/sentences but of topics and manage need an interpreter competently and have difficulty well proficiently

275

16. How well can you write in Farsi? PLEASE✓ CORRECT CIRCLE

○ ○ ○ ○ Not at all A little Rather Fluently Fluently I can write a few I can write in Farsi but words/sentences that not very competently I cannot write in Farsi I can write very well are enough to get my and proficiently at all in Farsi message across in Farsi

17. How well can you read in Farsi? PLEASE✓ CORRECT CIRCLE

○ ○ ○ ○ Not at all A little bit Rather Fluently Fluently I can read a few Farsi I can read in Farsi but I cannot read in Farsi I can read in Farsi very words/ sentences not very competently at all well enough to manage and proficiently

18. What is the highest level of education that you have completed in Iran?

 No education  Some primary school  Completed primary school  Some high school  Completed High School  Vocational training/TAFE (Certificate/Diploma)  University: Bachelor’s degree or higher  Other PLEASE SPECIFY: ______19. What is the highest level of education that you have completed in Australia?  No education  Some primary school  Completed primary school  Some high school  Completed High School  Vocational training/TAFE (Certificate/Diploma)  University: Bachelor’s degree or higher  Other PLEASE SPECIFY: ______276

20. What is your current status? TICK ALL THAT APPLY  Age retirement (not looking for work)  On pension (not looking for work)  Household duties/stay-at-home parent (not looking for work)  Unemployed (but looking for work for now or in the future)  Studying: ______ Vocational training  Employed: Part time/Full time (please circle)  Self-employed  More than one job  Other PLEASE SPECIFY: ______

21. If you are employed, what is your current job (e.g., Factory worker, mechanic, day care, child services, labourer and/ settlement worker, engineer, doctor, university worker? Please describe). ______

22. If employed, how long have you had your current job? ______

23. If unemployed, how long have you been unemployed? ______

24. If you have had more than one job in Australia, please list your job, location, and timeframe. ______

25. When you were in Iran, did you have a job?  Yes  No If yes, please specify ______

Thank you very much for your participation

277

Appendix F: Demographic Survey (Farsi)

پرسشنامه

نام:

تاریخ:

1- جنسیت:

 زن

 مرد

2- سال تولد: ______

3- دین شما چیست؟

 مسیحی

 مسلمان

 بهایی

 یهودی

 زرتشتی

 هیچکدام

سایر: لطفا توضیح دهید

______

278

4- کدامیک از گزینه های زیر شرایط فعلی شما را بهتر توصیف می کند؟

 متاهل

 از همسرم جدا زندگی می کنم

 طالق گرفته ام

 در رابطه de facto هستم ) در این رابطه دو طرف مقابل ازدواج رسمی نکرده ولی با هم زندگی می کنند(

 بیوه

 مجرد

سایر: لطفا توضیح دهید

5- در ایران به دنیا آمده اید یا در استرالیا؟ ______

6- در چه سالی به استرالیا آمدید؟______

7- از کدام شهر در ایران آمده اید؟______

8- تحت کدام نوع ویزا به استرالیا آمده اید؟

UNHCR - ویزای پناهندگی

 ویزای بشردوستانه

 ویزای خانواده

 ویزای اقامت نیروی متخصص ) SKILLED MIGRANT VISA(

سایر: لطفا توضیح دهید

279

9- این سوال فقط مخصوص پناهندگان است.

آیا در اقامتگاه )کمپ( پناهندگان بوده اید؟

 خیر

 بلی

اگر جواب شما بلی است کدام اقامتگاه پناهندگان و برای چه مدتی؟

10- آیا اقامت دائم استرالیا را دارید یا که شهروند استرالیا هستید؟

 اقامت دائم

 شهروند استرالیا

11- به چه زبانهای اصلی در استرالیا صحبت می کنید؟

 انگلیسی

 فارسی

 آذری/ترکی

 کردی

 لری

 گیلکی

 عربی

سایر: لطفا توضیح دهید ______

280

12- چقدر خوب می توانید به زبان انگلیسی صحبت کنید؟ لطفا پاسخ صحیح را ✓ بزنید.

○ ○ ○ ○ به خوبی و روان صحبت می نسبتا خوب کمی اصال کنم من می توانم در مورد انواع می توانم در مورد من نمی توانم انگلیسی موضوعات صحبت کنم و بحث موضوعات مختلف چند لغت یا جمله صحبت می کنم صحبت کنم. نیاز به مترجم را هدایت کنم. صحبت کنم اما نه بسیار ولی مشکل دارم. دارم. مسلط

13- چقدر خوب می توانید به زبان انگلیسی بنویسید ؟ لطفا پاسخ صحیح را ✓ بزنید.

○ ○ ○

○ به خوبی و روان می نویسم نسبتا خوب کمی اصال می توانم در مورد چند لغت یا جمله می توانم خیلی خوب می توانم به زبان موضوعات مختلف بنویسم بنویسم به اندازه ای که من اصال نمی توانم انگلیسی انگلیسی بنویسم اما نه بسیار مسلط منظورم را به انگلیسی بنویسم. برسانم

14- چقدر خوب می توانید به زبان انگلیسی بخوانید ؟ لطفا پاسخ صحیح را ✓ بزنید.

○ ○ ○

○ به خوبی و روان می خوانم نسبتا خوب کمی اصال من می توانم به خوبی به می توانم بخوانم اما نه بسیار چند لغت یا جمله می توانم من اصال نمی توانم انگلیسی زبان انگلیسی بخوانم مسلط بخوانم بخوانم

281

15- چقدر خوب می توانید به زبان فارسیصحبت کنید ؟ لطفا پاسخ صحیح را ✓ بزنید.

○ ○ ○

○ به خوبی و روان صحبت می نسبتا خوب کمی اصال کنم من می توانم در مورد انواع می توانم در مورد چند لغت یا جمله صحبت می من نمی توانم فارسی صحبت موضوعات صحبت کنم و موضوعات مختلف صحبت کنم ولی مشکل دارم. کنم. نیاز به مترجم دارم. بحث را هدایت کنم. کنم اما نه بسیار مسلط

16- چقدر خوب می توانید به زبان فارسی بنویسید ؟ لطفا پاسخ صحیح را ✓ بزنید.

○ ○ ○

○ به خوبی و روان می نویسم نسبتا خوب کمی اصال می توانم در مورد چند لغت یا جمله می توانم من می توانم خیلی خوب به موضوعات مختلف بنویسم بنویسم به اندازه ای که من اصال نمی توانم فارسی فارسی بنویسم اما نه بسیار مسلط منظورم را به فارسی بنویسم. برسانم

17- چقدر خوب می توانید به زبان فارسی بخوانید ؟ لطفا پاسخ صحیح را ✓ بزنید.

○ ○ ○

○ به خوبی و روان می خوانم نسبتا خوب کمی اصال من می توانم به خوبی به می توانم بخوانم اما نه بسیار چند لغت یا جمله می توانم من اصال نمی توانم فارسی زبان فارسی بخوانم مسلط بخوانم بخوانم

282

18- باالترین سطح تحصیالتی که در ایران کامل کرده اید چیست؟

 تحصیالت ندارم

 چند سال از تحصیالت ابتدایی

 تحصیالت ابتدایی را کامل کرده ام

 چند سال از دبیرستان

 تحصیالت دبیرستان را کامل کرده ام

 آموزش فنی حرفه ای

 دانشگاه: لیسانس یا باالتر

 سایر: لطفا توضیح دهید ______

19- باالترین سطح تحصیالتی که در استرالیا کامل کرده اید چیست؟

 تحصیالت ندارم

 چند سال از تحصیالت ابتدایی

 تحصیالت ابتدایی را کامل کرده ام

 چند سال از دبیرستان

 تحصیالت دبیرستان را کامل کرده ام

 آموزش فنی حرفه ای/ TAFE )مدرک/دیپلم(

 دانشگاه: لیسانس یا باالتر

 سایر: لطفا توضیح دهید

283

20- شرایط فعلی شما چیست؟ هر بخشی که مرتبط با شماست را عالمت بزنید.

 باز نشسته شده ام ) در جستجوی کار نیستم(

 از دولت مستمری می گیرم )در جستجوی کار نیستم(

 وظایف خانگی/خانه دار هستم/ از والدینی هستم که در خانه می مانم )در جستجوی کار نیستم(

 شاغل نیستم )ولی االن و در آینده به دنبال کار هستم(

 درس می خوانم: ______

 در حال آموزش فنی و حرفه ایی هستم

 شاغل هستم پاره وقت/ تمام وقت )لطفا دایره بکشید(

 خود اشتغال هستم

 بیش از یک شغل دارم

 سایر: لطفا توضیح دهید ______

21- اگر شاغل هستید شغل فعلی شما چیست؟ )برای مثال کارگر کارخانه– مکانیک – مهد کودک- خدمات کودکان- مهندس- دکتر- کارمند دانشگاه( لطفا توضیح دهید.

22- اگر شاغل هستید چه مدت زمانی است که در شغل فعلی تان مشغول به کار هستید؟

23- اگر شاغل نیستید چه مدت است که بیکارید؟ ______

284

24- اگردر استرالیا بیش از یک شغل داشته اید لطفا این شغل ها، مکان آن و مدت زمانی را که در آن شغل مشغول بوده اید را به ترتیب بنویسید.

______

25- زمانی که در ایران بودید شاغل بودید؟

 بلی

 خیر

اگر بلی شغلتان چه بوده؟

______

از مشارکت شما در این پرسشنامه سپاسگزارم

285

Appendix G: Interview Protocol Name: Date: Time: Thank participant for agreeing to be interviewed.

Additional prompts might be explored depending on the introduction of new topics/themes by participants. Tell me a little bit about yourself.

Interviewee can talk about where they are from, demographics, family, employment status etc. Prompts: Tell me about your experience coming to and living in Australia.

Probes about EMPLOYMENT CONTEXT

Employed Tell me about your work history and what you are doing now…

Probe if not already answered Explore if needed experiences in the workplace for women, men, in terms of cultural differences, relationship with work colleagues, impact of employment on self and family etc.

Unemployed Tell me a bit about your current situation with regards to not working Probe if not already answered Explore their perceived reasons for being unemployed-visible difference, gender, accent, English language proficiency, religion, residence status (Permanent resident, refugee, etc.(

Questions for all participants Probes (if not answered already) for data on acculturation and identity: Acculturation strategy probes: 1. What are some of the similarities and differences between Iranian and Australian culture? Could you give us some specific examples?

2. How do you deal with such differences and similarities? Could you give us some specific examples?

3. Do cultural differences make things difficult or easy for you? Can you give me examples and explain? - E.g., Do they, for example, mingle with Australians or their neighbors

286

Identity probe: 4. How do you identify yourself (Iranian/Persian or Australian or other or in-between)? Can you explain that a bit more for me?

Is there anything else you would like to tell me about your experiences?

Thank you for your participation Factors they can address (if applicable) during the narrative Age, Gender, Perceived discrimination, visible difference, Cultural distance, Length of stay, Acculturative stress, religious beliefs, etc.

287

Appendix H: Thematic Matrix

Thematic Matrix of Humanitarian Visa Participants (Male/Female) Number of Participants 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Acculturation Acculturation domains and spheres Acculturation strategy: Assimilation Acculturation strategy: Integration Acculturation strategy: Separation Acculturation strategy: Marginalization Australian lifestyle in the public sphere and Iranian lifestyle in the private sphere Change in acculturation strategy Cultural difference leads to culture learning Cultural difference: Challenging Cultural difference: Not challenging Cultural difference: Negative Cultural difference: Positive/ Seen in a positive light Accept cultural difference Cultural transmission to their children/Parenting Open to cultural difference and change in culture Enjoys the freedom in Australia Gender equality positive point of Australian culture as compared to Iran Impact of media on the perception of host nationals Incompetence in English as a barrier to adaptation Intergenerational conflict Iranian culture has deteriorated It’s the migrants’ responsibility to adapt Keep Australian traditions Keep Iranian traditions Keep positive elements of both cultures 288

Need for cultural balance Not strong culturally Fully adapted Partial adaptation No adaptation More accepting of the Australian culture Unrealistic portrayal of Australia by family or friends Initial Settlement Barriers Acculturative Stress: No Acculturative Stress: Yes Age: Negative impact Age: No impact Age: Positive impact Younger age makes adaptation easier Anti-migrant sentiments in Australia Birthplace Change of gender roles: Yes Change of gender roles: No Change of gender roles: Negative Change of gender roles: Positive Change of gender roles led to marital conflict Cultural difference/divide Detention Centre Difference in cultural Values Difference in method of job seeking Difference in legal Systems Difference in lifestyles Differences in social systems Displacement Does not validate cultural values Employment/Finding a job English language classes not efficient Financial issues Gender: Negative impact Gender: No impact Gender: Positive impact Housing Impact of migration on family relations or marital status Incompetence in English Language 289

Did not attend classes because of mental health issues Inequality in distribution of welfare support by the government Initial settlement challenging Initial support received from the government: Yes Initial support received from the government: No Initial support: good Initial support: insufficient Lack of cultural familiarity Lack of documents for housing Lack of familial support Lack of familiarity with rules and regulations Lack of financial support for childcare Lack of government support for mothers Lack of Information sessions Need for information sessions Lack of knowledge about Australia Lack of knowledge about lifestyle Migrant forums used: Yes Migrant forums used: No Prolonged time for citizenship Settlement support insufficient Variations in communication style Variations in housing-related rules and regulations Vast cultural difference as an impediment to adaptation Visible difference Welfare support insufficient Initial Settlement Facilitator Economic stability of Australia Initial support Initial support: Red Cross Joining Migrant Forums Longer length of stay Previous migration experience Previous travel abroad Provision of caseworker Provision of subsidised housing by the government Provision of information sessions 290

Provision of PR visa eased settlement Settlement support: Language classes Settlement support TAFE Support from settlement agencies Support from the government Employment Challenges Accented speech Anglo-Australian dominant workplace challenging Blue-collar jobs as opposed to white-collar jobs Brisbane city Business building barriers Career development barrier: No Career development barrier: Yes Career progression/promotion: No Career progression/promotion: Yes Connection/Relations Degrees from Australia increase the chance of labour market integration Denied promotion due to nationality or ethnicity: No Denied promotion due to nationality or ethnicity: Yes Deskilling Diff between pre-& post migration: No Difference between pre- & post migration job: Yes Difference in method of job seeking Difference in workplace culture challenging: No Difference in workplace culture challenging: Yes Differences between the work systems Differences in communication style Downward mobility Employers place less trust on migrants from developing countries Employment + Impact on mental health Entrepreneurship spirit 291

Ethnicity and nationality plays a minor role in provision of employment Exploitation Financial hardship Glass ceiling in career development Hijab barrier to employment Impact of city of residence in workplace experiences Impact of ethnicity and nationality in provision of employment: Yes Impact of ethnicity and nationality in provision of employment: No Impact of ethnicity and nationality in workplace experiences: No Impact of ethnicity and nationality in workplace experiences: Positive Impact of ethnicity and nationality in workplace experiences: Negative Impact of media on workplace experience Impact of name on provision of employment: Yes Negative Impact of name on provision of employment: No impact Impact of name on provision of employment: Slightly Impact of religion on provision of employment: Yes Impact of religion on provision of unemployment: No Impact of unemployment on health Impact on integration Impact on life satisfaction Impact on sense of belonging Importance of Australian degrees in provision of employment Inequality in provision of employment to non-Australians Instability of the job market Iranians should lower expectations for better integration into host society Job satisfaction: Yes Job satisfaction: No Lack of competence in English an impediment to provision of employment 292

Lack of competence in English as impediment to employment Lack of financial assistance for career progression Lack of knowledge of method of job seeking Lack of local experience Lack of social networks Lack of welfare support Lack of local experience leads to working in lower level jobs Length of stay in Australia in provision of employment Lengthy transition into labour market Loss of occupational status Loss of social status Need to further studies or degrees Non-recognition of credentials and qualifications Over qualification hinders employment Pursuing further education= being overqualified Positive impact of employment on mental health Proactive in finding employment Reached out to other Iranians for finding employment Relationship with colleagues: Positive Relationship with colleagues: Negative Self-employment not viewed positively Social network in finding employment (Friends) Structural inequality/barriers The need to work harder because of being a migrant Underemployment Underutilization of skills Unemployment led to marital conflict Workplace experience: Manageable Workplace experience: Negative Workplace experience: Positive

293

Perceived discrimination Discrimination/Racism experienced: No Discrimination/Racism experienced: Yes Being treated like criminals by the Australian government and the migration system Australian government and immigration status Australian government gender discrimination Being migrants and refugees City/region of residence Covert discrimination at school or workplace: Yes Covert discrimination at school or workplace: No Denied employment because of ethnicity or nationality: No Denied employment because of ethnicity or nationality: Yes Denied promotion due to ethnicity: No Denied promotion due to ethnicity: Yes Did not report cases of discrimination/racism Discriminated by Anglo- Australians Discriminated by non-Anglo Australians Discrimination because of religion: Yes Discrimination because of religion: No Discrimination at school or workplace: Yes Discrimination at school or workplace: No Discrimination in provision of employment to migrants in general Discrimination in provision of employment/Institutional discrimination: Yes Discrimination in provision of employment/Institutional discrimination: No Ethnicity and Nationality: No 294

Ethnicity and Nationality: Yes Gender discrimination: No Gender discrimination: Yes Generalizes discrimination incidents as universal Hidden or covert discrimination/racism Hijab Impact of discrimination on mental health Inaccurate information about Iran Intercommunity tension Lack of knowledge about Iran Marked difference accent Media portrayal Neighbourhood Overt discrimination/racism Provision of employment Racial discrimination: Yes Racial discrimination: No Stigmatized for migration pathway by the Iranian community Cultural discrimination: Yes Cultural discrimination: No Street discrimination: Yes Street discrimination: No Visible difference as a source of discrimination: No Visible difference as a source of discrimination: Yes Identity Iranian Iranian-Australian Australian-Iranian Iranian-Australian outside Australia Iranian inside Australia Choice of Iranian identity due to birthplace and where they have grown up Persian Toward Middle Easterners and Muslims Use of the identity Persian due to vilification of Iran Where I feel comfortable

295

Religious identity Access to books from other religions changed religious beliefs Changed as a result of change in ideology Change in religious orientation and belief due to secular context of Australia Change from Muslim to non- religious Conceal religious identity Egalitarian context of Australia made to take a more liberal stance Follow religious traditions: Yes Follow religious traditions: No Impact of migration on religious beliefs: Yes Impact of migration on religious beliefs: No Impact of migration on religious beliefs: Refuses to answer Migration made connection to religion stronger Life satisfaction and Sense of belonging Having employment Consider Australia as a second home Sense of belonging to Australia: Yes Sense of belonging to Australia: No To where one feels comfortable Sense of belonging when citizenship is granted Host Interpersonal Interaction Australians from the church Australian people are good people Challenging due to difference in communication style Cultural difference limits interaction Engage with Australian community: No Engage with Australian community: Yes Engage with Australian community: Yes limited 296

Host interpersonal interaction: Yes extensive Host interpersonal interaction: Yes limited Host interpersonal interaction: No

Helpful in culture learning/lifestyle Helpful in learning the rules Incompetence in English limited interaction Interaction with neighbours: Yes Interaction with neighbours: No Limited interaction due to difference in socialization Personal characteristics of Australians limits interaction Proactive in developing host interpersonal relationships Relationship with the neighbours: Yes Relationship with the neighbours: No Reluctance of the neighbours in interacting Reluctance of Australians limits interactions Interact with previous migrants (Italians, Indians) Ethnic interpersonal interaction Engage with Iranian community: Yes Engage with Iranian community: Yes limited Engage with Iranian community: No Intercommunity tensions limits interactions Limited interaction due to Iranians in Australia not being like-minded Personal characteristics of Iranians Lack of mutual interests Difference in educational, cultural and social backgrounds Interact with Iranians more because of commonality in culture Interact with Iranians more because of religious rituals Note that this matrix is repeated for female and male participants in each cohort.